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Wednesday, November 20, 2024

 

'A vision of benevolence': Why Chilean poet Pablo Neruda’s legacy endures in France

EXPLAINER
Europe

French President Emmanuel Macron paid tribute to Pablo Neruda at the poet’s former home in Santiago during his visit to Chile on Wednesday, highlighting the enduring bond between the Nobel laureate and France. This connection, which began more than 80 years ago, was both literary and political, with France serving as both a refuge and a platform for Neruda’s voice during crucial moments in his life.

Chilean writer, poet and diplomat Pablo Neruda, then ambassador in France, answers journalists' questions on October 21, 1971 next to his wife at the Chilean embassy in Paris.
Chilean writer, poet and diplomat Pablo Neruda, then ambassador in France, answers journalists' questions on October 21, 1971 next to his wife at the Chilean embassy in Paris after being awarded the 1971 Nobel Literature Prize. © AFP

President Emmanuel Macron and his wife Brigitte paid tribute to Pablo Neruda during a private visit to La Chascona, the poet’s historic home in Santiago, Chile, on Wednesday. This visit, part of Macron’s Latin American tour, highlighted the profound bond between Neruda and France, a nation that continues to honour the poet's influence through schools, libraries, and cultural institutions bearing his name.

Nearly a century ago, Pablo Neruda arrived in Paris, a city that shaped his poetic and political journey. Stéphanie Decante, a professor of Hispanic literature at the University of Nanterre who translated and edited Neruda’s works, said that France had been the ultimate symbol of intellectual freedom for many Latin American writers.

“For Latin America, France was the City of Light, the centre of culture, in contrast to Spain, which was politically and culturally tainted by colonialism,” she said.

Literary awakening

Neruda’s fascination with French literature began early. While studying at the University of Chile, he immersed himself in the works of French poets such as Arthur Rimbaud and Victor Hugo, initially intending to become a French teacher.

Early acclaim for his poetry brought him respect among Chilean intellectuals, but Europe’s cultural dominance made Paris the ultimate aspiration. "What are you doing here? You must go to Paris," he recalled strangers asking him in his memoirs.

When Neruda first encountered Paris in the 1920s, he joined a wave of Latin American writers drawn to its avant-garde scene, such as Peruvian poet and writer César Vallejo. In the 1930s, Neruda formed lasting friendships with French poets Paul Éluard and Louis Aragon, whose influence expanded his literary horizons.

Aragon in particular played a pivotal role in introducing Neruda to French audiences, facilitating the publication of "L’Espagne au cœur" (Spain in the Heart) in 1938. This collection, published within Communist circles, positioned Neruda as a politically committed poet. In later decades, his work would be published by the prestigious Gallimard publishing house.

“He moved from a politically charged framework tied to the Communist Party to being represented by a publishing house that transformed him into a more universal poet”, Decante explained.

Read morePrix Goncourt: Kamel Daoud wins France's literary prize for Algerian Civil War novel ‘Houris’

From poet to rescuer

Pablo Neruda was deeply affected by the Spanish Civil War (1936 to 1939), a brutal conflict between the Republican government and Francisco Franco’s Nationalist forces that led to the Franco dictatorship. This pivotal struggle became a central focus of Neruda’s political and literary efforts. 

In Paris, he collaborated with British writer Nancy Cunard to co-found the literary review "Les Poètes du Monde Défendent le Peuple Espagnol" (Poets of the World Defend the Spanish People). Proceeds from the publication funded humanitarian aid for those suffering under Franco's regime, exemplifying Neruda’s conviction that poetry and politics could unite to serve justice and humanity.

In 1939, Neruda’s commitment took a historic turn as nearly 500,000 Spanish Republicans, including soldiers and civilians, crossed the French border following the fall of Catalonia. With France ill-prepared for such a large influx, the refugees found themselves in dire conditions, many being forced into internment camps.

As Chile’s consul for Spanish immigration, Neruda spearheaded a bold rescue mission, arranging the voyage of over 2,000 Spanish Republicans to Chile aboard a ship named "Winnipeg". He later described this effort as both “the noblest mission (he had) ever undertaken” and his “most beautiful poem".

French exit

Neruda’s ties with France deepened during his exile. In 1948, Chile’s right-wing government, led by President Gabriel González Videla, accused him of subversion due to his Communist affiliations. Forced to flee, Neruda embarked on a harrowing but poetic journey through the Andes to Argentina and ultimately to France. 

In Paris, he re-emerged as a symbol of resistance. Neruda's arrival at the World Congress of Peace Forces caused a stir when he appeared unprompted, book in hand, to read one of his poems.

“Many thought I was dead,” he later wrote in his memoirs. “They couldn’t imagine how I had dodged the relentless persecution of Chilean police.”

The Chilean authorities quickly denied his escape, claiming there was no way that Neruda had left the country. The poet was undeterred.

“Say that I am not Pablo Neruda, but another Chilean who writes poetry, fights for freedom, and is also called Pablo Neruda,” he quipped to the French press.

During his exile, Neruda was embraced by the international community. Figures like Pablo Picasso and Louis Aragon provided him with protection and assistance, helping him navigate the complexities of French bureaucracy.

A lasting legacy

By 1952, political tides in Chile shifted, allowing Neruda to return home. However, his ties to France endured. From 1970 to 1973, he served as Chile’s ambassador to France under President Salvador Allende, further cementing the bond with the country that had offered him refuge during his years of exile.

In his Nobel Prize acceptance speech in 1971, Neruda seized the opportunity to celebrate French culture once again, quoting Rimbaud: “Only with a burning patience can we conquer the splendid City which will give light, justice, and dignity to all mankind.”

Read moreHan Kang wins South Korea's first Nobel Prize in Literature

His legacy remains deeply embedded in French culture. Dozens of schools and public institutions across France bear his name, and his works are integral to the study of Spanish and poetry in classrooms. The Chilean Embassy in Paris features a commemorative plaque honouring Neruda’s time there.

A plaque commemorates Pablo Neruda's time at the Chilean Embassy in Paris.
A plaque commemorates Pablo Neruda's time at the Chilean Embassy in Paris. © Wikimedia Commons

“Neruda embodies a vision of benevolence, education, and culture for all," the University of Nanterre's Decante said. "His political influence and democratic engagement resonate through the years and will continue to do so.”

A story of the migrants who built Britain

Artist and author Miriam Gold talks to Judy Cox about her new graphic memoir, Elena–A Hand Made Life, and how such histories can be used to defend refugees and migrants today


Miriam’s great grandparents, Sonia and Moshe Matskevich, who died in Auschwitz

By Judy Cox
Tuesday 19 November 2024
SOCIALIST WORKER Issue


My grandmother was a refugee twice when she was still a teenager. She gave 40 years’ service to the NHS. She said the day the NHS was founded was the best day of her life, even better than giving birth to her own children.

That story has to be part of how we oppose the racist violence that happened over the summer. Refugees have made such a positive difference.

My grandfather was a Jewish refugee from Germany who fled to Britain. During the war he was classed as an “enemy alien” and the British government sent him to an internment camp in Canada then to the Isle of Wight.

LA REVUE GAUCHE - Left Comment: Search results for INTERNMENT

Imagine a government thinking it was a priority to send German Jews miles over the sea to Canada—what an incredible misuse of resources. We still dehumanise refugees by putting them on barges or sending them to Rwanda today.


When I started writing seriously, I stopped taking my family stories for granted. Part of growing up is ­starting to interrogate our family histories.

Our family histories are connected to where we find ourselves now, to how we talk about refugees and public services.

Since the book came out, it has been lovely to meet people who don’t have the same experience of seeking refuge still relating my book to their own grannies and their own memories. We know our families through their homes, their furniture, their curtains.

People recognise their ­grandparents’ homes in the book. The visual elements of the book help retrieve those memories. We all live our lives within our domestic concerns and wider social and political concerns.

There is often a ­shocking disconnect between the people I knew and the history they carried. I knew my grandparents as old people. It was difficult to think of some of the horrible things they went through when they were young.

My grandparents got married in 1941. My grandfather had been stripped of his German citizenship because he was Jewish.

But when my grandmother married him she became a German citizen and an “enemy alien”. It was labyrinthine.

My great grandparents could not escape from Germany because they had to settle debts. They fled to France and enjoyed a brief period of peace.

But they were living under the Vichy regime and a neighbour denounced them to the authorities. Early in 1944 they were sent to the Drancy internment camp then deported to the Auschwitz ­concentration camp.

Both sides of my family have ­stories of internment, of dehumanisation. I have always felt aware that my ­existence is down to the wheels of fate.

My father was a Hungarian Jew. He was saved by Raoul Wallenberg, a man from a wealthy Swedish family who saved tens of thousands of Jews from Hungary.

People’s lives hung by the tiniest of threads. An administrative error could save your life.

I have always rejected a narrative that migrants come here and then move to the right, become self-made business owners and oppose other migrants being allowed in. I was brought up in an anti-racist family.

My grandmother lived in a ­working class area in Sheffield and then in Leigh, a coal and cotton town in Lancashire. She hated snobbery. She was a doctor who was absolutely committed to her patients. This was back when the system allowed you to get to know your patients.

Those ­relationships gave her a real sense of belonging. My grandparents lived in Sheffield, but they were not urban sophisticates. They loved walking in the Peak District.

This was the time of mass trespasses like the Kinder Scout Trespass. So you had two stateless, penniless young people, ­building a new life together, ­walking land whose ownership was being contested.

My grandmother’s Jewish identity was important to her, but she wore it lightly in terms of observance. ­Sometimes she went to the synagogue but not always. Towards the end, she was involved in a reform synagogue in Manchester.

Being Jewish was at the core of who she was. The ­importance of community is the thread that runs through the book. The Jewish community in Sheffield. The community of Leigh, which was a mining town and was so brutally attacked during the Miners’ Strike. And the community at her medical centre and, of course, her large family.

Now we have language around things like trauma, PTSD and survivors’ guilt. My grandmother had an abhorrence of sitting still and being quiet.

This helped her keep ­unhelpful reflections at bay. Keeping busy, ­knitting, crocheting, making everything by hand, it was her trauma response.

I have always been drawn to novels and graphic novels. The images do the storytelling. I came of age in a political area—in inner London, a ­multicultural area with Irish and South Asian communities.

It is exciting when people find new ways to tell their stories in music, in literature or film.

I think it so important to tell ­positive stories about refugees. We need a very different conversation about refugees and asylum seekers.

We need people to come and work, we need people. Today, people are recycling old arguments about refugees, which were not fit for purpose in the first place.

I am a teacher. I work in an area with huge levels of transient ­communities, from all over the world.

The language we are using now is like the language we were using about Jews then. Conversations about refugees and migrants are spiralling.

My memories of my grandmother remind of that phrase about the banality of evil.

My family story is a Jewish story, a Holocaust story. But it is also a story of one of the many migrants who built post-war Britain, the Windrush Generation, the people from Uganda, who all came and built our public services.

Tuesday, November 19, 2024

FASCISM COMES TO AMERIKA
Trump confirms plan to use military for mass deportation


VIOLATION OF POSSE COMMITATUS LAW

By AFP
November 18, 2024

Part of the border wall built under Donald Trump's administration is seen at the US-Medican border east of Douglas, Arizona - Copyright AFP/File Olivier Touron

President-elect Donald Trump confirmed Monday that he plans to declare a national emergency on border security and use the US military to carry out a mass deportation of undocumented migrants.

Immigration was a top issue in the election campaign, and Trump has promised to deport millions and stabilize the border with Mexico after record numbers of migrants crossed illegally during President Joe Biden’s administration.

On his social media platform Truth Social, Trump amplified a recent post by a conservative activist that said the president-elect was “prepared to declare a national emergency and will use military assets to reverse the Biden invasion through a mass deportation program.”

Alongside the repost, Trump commented, “True!”

Trump sealed a remarkable comeback to the presidency in his November 5 defeat of Democratic Vice President Kamala Harris.

He has been announcing a cabinet featuring immigration hardliners, naming former Immigration and Customs Enforcement acting chief Tom Homan as his “border czar.”


US President-elect Donald Trump has been announcing a cabinet featuring immigration hardliners – Copyright AFP Laurent THOMET

Homan appeared at the Republican National Convention in July, telling supporters: “I got a message to the millions of illegal immigrants that Joe Biden’s released in our country: You better start packing now.”

Authorities estimate that some 11 million people are living in the United States illegally. Trump’s deportation plan is expected directly to impact around 20 million families.

While the US government has struggled for years to manage its southern border with Mexico, Trump has super-charged concerns by claiming an “invasion” is underway by migrants he says will rape and murder Americans.

During his campaign, Trump repeatedly railed against undocumented immigrants, employing incendiary rhetoric about foreigners who “poison the blood” of the United States and misleading his audiences about immigration statistics and policy.

Trump has not elaborated on his immigration crackdown in any detail but during his election campaign repeatedly vowed to invoke the Alien Enemies Act of 1798 to speed up deportations.

Critics say the law is outdated and point to its most recent use during World War II to hold Japanese-Americans in internment camps without due process.

The number of US border patrol encounters with migrants crossing from Mexico illegally is now about the same as in 2020, the last year of Trump’s first term, after peaking at a record 250,000 for the month of December 2023.



'True!' Trump says he'll declare national emergency and use military for mass deportations

David Badash, 
The New Civil Rights Movement
November 18, 2024 

Donald Trump kicked off the week by taking the focus off his highly criticized Cabinet nominees and moving it to his highly controversial deportation plan. The President-elect acknowledged early Monday he is prepared to declare a national emergency and use "military assets" in his mass deportation program.

Trump campaign spokesperson Karoline Leavitt, who was named last week White House Press Secretary for Trump's second term, had announced the day after the election that Trump would deport "millions" starting on day one.

“The American people delivered a resounding victory for President Trump, and it gives him a mandate to govern as he campaigned, to deliver on the promises that he made,” Leavitt had said. “Which include, on Day 1, launching the largest mass deportation operation of illegal immigrants that Kamala Harris has allowed into this country.”

Leavitt also said that the “mass deportation operation” would include “millions of undocumented immigrants.”

Trump has called immigrants “animals,” “monsters,” and “murderers,” and said they are “poisoning the blood of our country.” He falsely claimed they are responsible for a “surge in crime,” because “it’s in their genes,” and claimed they’re “eating the pets.”

Back in 2018, Trump "complained about 'having all these people from shithole countries come here' — and singled out Haiti, El Salvador and Africa as examples — he also added that, 'we should have more people from Norway'," NPR reported at the time.

Just past 4 AM ET on Monday, Trump on his Truth Social website reposted a statement from right-wing anti-immigrant activist Tom Fitton, the president of Judicial Watch and a senior member of the secretive organization the Council for National Policy. (CNP has been called the "scariest Christian nationalist group you've never heard of," and "probably the most dangerous," by Americans United.)

Fitton had written on November 8: "GOOD NEWS: Reports are the incoming @RealDonaldTrump administration prepared to declare a national emergency and will use military assets to reverse the Biden invasion through a mass deportation program."


Trump responded: "TRUE!!!"

Attorney and immigration expert Aaron Reichlin-Melnick urged "caution" on Monday:

"I want to again emphasize caution here. Fitton mashed together two different things (the border and mass deportations). There is no National Emergency Act authority to use the military for deportations, while we know Trump used the [NEA] in the past for border wall construction."

READ MORE: Backlash as Trump Skips FBI Background Checks — One Nominee Called ‘Likely Russian Asset’


Leavitt's claim that Trump had been given a mandate has been deemed false by political experts, with one pundit calling it a "lie."

According to the Cook Political Report, while winning the popular vote, Trump did not win a majority. He beat Vice President Harris by just over 1.6 million votes, or just 1.7%, with nearly 800,000 more votes in California alone still to be counted.

CNN's Harry Enten on Monday confirmed Trump's margin over Haris ranks just 44th out of 51, and called it "weak, weak, weak."

Watch the videos above or at this link.

RELATED: ‘There Were Witnesses’: Attorney for Minor Urges Release of Gaetz Ethics Report




Sunday, November 17, 2024

Why US unions should embrace ‘undocumented’ migrants

Workers’ resistance can beat Donald Trump’s mass deportation plans


May Day march in 2006 in Los Angeles (Photo: Wikimedia commons)

By Yuri Prasad
Sunday 17 November 2024  
SOCIALIST WORKER Issue


Donald Trump’s plan to deport millions of “undocumented” migrants is a threat not only to those in the United States without legal status. It’s a knife against the throat of all workers.

The far right president-elect wants to deport two million people within his first 24 hours, and a further 11 million early in his term. That means initiating mass round-ups of anyone that looks like they might be from Mexico or beyond.

It would mean a massive expansion of the militarised state, complete with internment camps and secret police. It would also require a mass movement of right wing militia to help in the task.

Such a vast network of racism would not confine itself to searching out hidden migrants. It would smash those who stand against racism and be hostile to the unions who fight for workers to have more.

Both the left and many liberals have reacted with horror at the plans. But it was the Democrats that initiated many of the policies that Trump wants to ramp up.

Back in the early 1990s, it was president Bill Clinton that presided over the first big increase in border enforcement. A decade later, it was president Barak Obama that ensured over 2 million people were deported.

And it was Kamala Harris that talked of her “tough” record on illegal immigration, attacking Trump for not building enough of his promised wall with Mexico.

The Democrats wrongly conceded that immigration is a problem—that poor migrants are the enemy of the “indigenous” working class.

Like all capitalists, the party recognised that racism serves a useful function for the system. It acts to divide and rule. But unlike Trump, the Democrats also understood that migration serves capital.

First, undocumented workers fill millions of the lowest paid jobs in the United States. The undocumented perform 57 percent of all jobs in agriculture, for example.

Second, because of their vulnerability, unorganised “illegal” workers are the easiest to exploit. They are less likely to unionise and more likely to scatter when faced with authorities.

Third, bosses use illegal migration as a way of disciplining all workers. Firms often threaten to sack workers demanding higher pay, saying they will replace them with cheaper ones.

Some trade unionists point to such threats when they call for immigration controls. But accepting this apparent threat as real does half the bosses work for them. Instead, the US labour movement needs to embrace a different, earlier tradition.

In 1910-15, more than 15 million people moved to the US, about equal to the number of immigrants in the previous 40 years. Rather than shun them, radicals made it their business to help migrants organise.

Recently arrived workers were at the core of a new wave of trade unionism that spread through factories, mills and mines across the country. The victories that followed benefited all workers, no matter where they were from.

In the late 1960s, Mexican and Filipino farm workers in California struck for five years for better working conditions and wages. The eventual victory of the Delano Grape Strike led to the formation of the United Farm Workers union.

And in the 1990s, Los Angeles was at the centre of a massive unionisation drive that gave rise to the Justice For Janitors campaign. The local Federation of Labor recruited 90,000 new members in 1999 alone.

Throughout 2006 there were swathes of huge protests against the increasing repression of migrants. This climaxed on May Day, with as many as 700,000 taking to the streets.

The one-day strike, led by Latino workers, highlighted the role migrant labour plays in the US. It was a day without workers—it showed the power of all labour organising together.

These strikes and organisational examples helped break the myth that immigrants are a threat to organised labour. The lesson that migrant workers are fighters is one the US left needs to spread once again.



Tuesday, November 12, 2024

 

I got my life back.' Veterans with PTSD making progress thanks to service dog program

'I got my life back'

After working at a crowded and dangerous internment camp in Iraq, Air Force Staff Sgt. Heather O'Brien brought home with her anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder.

A bouncy labradoodle and a Kansas City-area program helped her get back on her feet.

Dogs 4 Valor, operated through the Olathe, Kansas-based organization called The Battle Within, helps retired veterans and first responders work with their service dogs to help manage depression, anxiety and other challenges.

“A lot of times the veteran with severe PTSD is homebound,” said Sandra Sindeldecker, program manager for Dogs 4 Valor. “They’re isolated. They’re very nervous. They won’t make eye contact. Some won’t leave the house at all.”

The program involves both group and one-on-one training. The goal is to get the veteran and the dog comfortable with each other and understanding each other. The group takes outings to help the veterans regain their footing in public places like airports. Program leaders also provide mental health therapy at no cost.

The veterans and dogs graduate in six to nine months, but group gatherings continue.

There is growing evidence of the value of service dogs for veterans with PTSD. A small study published in JAMA Network Open in June looked at a program operated by K9s For Warriors. Service dogs in the program are taught to pick up a veteran’s physical signs of distress and can interrupt panic attacks and nightmares with a loving nudge.

Researchers compared 81 veterans who received service dogs with 75 veterans on the waiting list for a trained dog. After three months, PTSD symptoms improved in both groups, but the veterans with dogs saw a bigger improvement on average.

O'Brien, 40, recalled that the camp where she worked in Iraq sometimes had over 20,000 detainees. Violence and rioting were common and it left her with severe anxiety.

“When I got out of the military, I just assumed that you’re supposed to be on edge all the time as a veteran,” O’Brien said.

O’Brien’s mother spotted the frisky lab-poodle mix on Facebook and convinced her daughter to adopt the dog she named Albus. Months later, O'Brien learned about Dogs 4 Valor, and the pair joined the program in October 2023.

O’Brien says she can now go out in public again — she even went on vacation to Branson, Missouri, “things that I never would have thought I would do really, probably ever again.”

Mark Atkinson, 38, served in Afghanistan as a corporal in the Marine Corps. He returned home with PTSD and major depressive disorder, causing sleeplessness and anxiety. He adopted Lexi, now 5, in 2020.

Lexi, a muscular cane corso breed, needed Atkinson as much as he needed her. Her previous owner had kept Lexi in chains before surrendering her. Since joining Dogs 4 Valor, the two can get out together and enjoy life.

“I don’t really like leaving the house because I’m safe there, you know?" Atkinson said. “And having Lexi has just made me get out to be more social.”

Having a group of fellow veterans facing the same challenges has also helped, Atkinson said.

“We come from the same backgrounds, different branches,” Atkinson said. “Same issues. You know, PTSD or traumatic brain injuries. And they’re all very welcoming, as well. There’s no judgment.”

O’Brien compared living with Albus to a relationship with a sometimes pushy best friend who often wants to go out.

“The best friend constantly wants to make you do things that make you nervous,” O’Brien laughed, acknowledging that it is ultimately up to her.

“I have to decide to walk out and just deal with life," O'Brien said. "And so that has been hard. And it still is hard from time to time, but it’s it’s getting manageable.”

Some veterans said their family relationships have improved since they started the program.

“I’m able to talk, not fly off the handle and just get along with people and not be as stressed, not have as much anxiety,” Atkinson said. “Or even if I do, she (Lexi) is right there with me.”

Timothy Siebenmorgen, 61, said his relationships also are better with help from his 1-year-old American bulldog, Rosie, and Dogs 4 Valor, which he joined in July. He served in both the Marines and the Army, deploying 18 times.

“You’re in the military, kind of taught not to show weakness," Siebenmorgen said. "So you figure you can tackle everything yourself and you honestly believe that. And then you realize you can’t do it on your own.”

'The only reason I'm alive': BC Guide Dogs offer loving therapy to VI veterans


Saanich resident Stephane Marcotte speaks to how his relationship with his dogs saved his lif
e

Sam Duerksen
a day ago

Stephane Marcotte gets out to the park four times a day with Bunker, his PTSD service dog.Samantha Duerksen/Black Press Media


BC & Alberta Guide Dogs is helping veterans one dog at a time, and they need ongoing support to continue the "life-changing" mission.

To date, they've placed 147 PTSD service dogs with veterans and first responders – that's about 24 a year – but demand is much, much higher. Hundreds of veterans alone come to the organization each year, said director of service dogs Mike Annan.

"We'll never keep up," he said.


Saanich's Stephane Marcotte, 56, is one of the veterans who has been lucky to get a dog through the program and he spoke to how it's changed his life. Marcotte spent 28 years in the military, mostly as a marine engineer, which included 18 years on a submarine and a ship in the Persian Gulf. While he did not want to go into the 1995 events behind his PTSD, he said he struggled for almost 20 years before being officially diagnosed.

"When I got out [of the military] in 2014, I was in my basement for the whole year," he said. "I was just watching TV and good thing I was not drinking because I probably would.

"I couldn't do anything. I couldn't even go get milk."

He compares that life to the one he has now, thanks to 10 years with service dogs – first a now-retired Lab named Sarge, and Bunker, his current dog. Now Marcotte goes grocery shopping, to events and parties, and even volunteers with Wounded Warrior Canada. "[The dogs are] the only reason why I'm alive today," he said.
Veteran Stephane Marcotte said his service dogs, Sarge (left, retired) and Bunker, saved his life. Samantha Duerksen/Black Press Media

Through BC Guide Dogs, veterans with debilitating PTSD are given the already-trained service animals and then go through a program to learn skills such as their public access rights and how to adapt the skills that the dog is taught to mitigate their own PTSD. Because everyone's is a little different, Annan said.

"The dogs adapt very, very intimately to their sympathetic nervous system through the training course," Annan said. That means learning to be hyper-sensitive to smell (which can indicate things like blood sugar) and looking for signs of dissociative states, agitation and anxiety.

Marcotte provided several examples of how the dogs have helped him through hurdles he faces with PTSD. Sarge, for instance, would wake him up during nightmares. He will also alert Marcotte if his blood sugar is too low. "He's actually saved me from not waking up again," he said. "Sometimes I don't realize that something happened to me, and they do before I do."

And if Marcotte doesn't respond when stressed, Bunker will put his nose in his lap. Bunker also watches out for him in public in case he goes into a dissociative state.

"He's always attentive," Marcotte said.

"For the OSI PTSD program, we specifically select dogs that we find are adaptive and sensitive to somebody's emotional state or sympathetic nervous system, but they can do it without stress. So it doesn't stress them out, but they do notice," Annan said.

He described the bond between man and dog through the program as a "life-changing relationship."

Marcotte recalls how effective being around dogs was from the first time he visited a BC Guide Dogs booth at a Wounded Warriors Canada retreat.

"One dog was there, and when I laid down, the dog just licked my face. For me, that was kind of three years of therapy in that one moment; I felt so good."

Unfortunately, demand is always high and service dogs are not covered for veterans through government programs. In order to keep the dogs at no cost to the veterans, BC & Alberta Guide Dogs relies on donations from the public and their two main donors the Royal Legion Command and Wounded Warriors Canada.

They also are always looking for more volunteers, including puppy raisers, puppy trainers, and boarders.

"You know, I don't think that any school in the world will ever keep up with the need. The need for service dogs is definitely great and growing each year," Annan said. "But we work very hard at trying to keep up with demand."

Veterans said the dogs, and the program, have given them new hope and a renewed ability to move forward.

“I got my life back,” O’Brien said.

Visit bcandalbertaguidedogs.com for more information/ DONATE


Monday, November 11, 2024

Garrison Payne, the U.S. Navy's First Black Commissioned Officer

Fig. 1: USS SC 83 underway. Lieutenant (junior grade) Payne was awarded the Navy Cross for his service as commanding officer. (Photo credit: National WWI Museum collection 2012.98, via subchaser.org.)
USS SC 83 underway. Lt. j.g. Payne was awarded the Navy Cross for his service as commanding officer. (Photo: National WWI Museum via subchaser.org.)

Published Nov 10, 2024 7:40 PM by CIMSEC

 

 

[By Reuben Keith Green]

The hidden story of the U.S. Navy’s first Black commissioned officer spans five decades, three continents, two world wars, two wives from different countries, and one hell of a journey for an Indiana farm boy. For mutual convenience, both he and the United States Navy pretended that he wasn’t Black. This story had almost been erased from history until the determined efforts of one of his extended relatives, Jeff Giltz of Hobart, Indiana, brought it to light.1

From before World War I until after World War II, leaders in the U. S. government and Navy would make decisions affecting the composition of enlisted ranks for more than a century and that still echo in officer demographics today. Memories of maelstroms past reverberate in today’s discussions regarding diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI), affirmative action in the military academies, meritocracy over so-called “DEI Hires,” who is and is not Black, and in renaming – or not – bases and ships that honor relics of America’s discriminatory and exclusionary past.

Before Doris “Dorie” Miller received the Navy Cross for his actions on December 7th, 1941, and long before the Navy commissioned the Golden Thirteen in 1945, Lieutenant (junior grade) William Lloyd Garrison Payne was awarded the Navy Cross for the hazardous duty of commanding the submarine chaser USS SC-83 in 1918. While his Navy Cross citation is sparse, the hazards of hunting submarines from a 110-foot wooden ship were considerable. His personal and professional history, still emerging though it may be, reveals much about the nation and Navy he served and deserves to be revealed in full. Understanding the racial and political climate during which he received his commission is crucial to understanding the importance of his place in Navy history.Quietly Breaking Barriers

William Lloyd Garrison Payne was born on Christmas day in 1881 to a White Indiana woman and a Black man, and completed forty years of military service by 1940 – before volunteering for more service in World War II. Garrison Payne’s virtual anonymity, despite his groundbreaking status as the first Black naval officer and a Navy Cross recipient, stemmed from pervasive racial discrimination, manifested in political and public opposition (notably by white supremacist politicians like James K. Varner and John C. Stennis), and internal resistance within the Navy. His long anonymity exemplifies a failure to learn from the past.2

Fig. 02. Ensign Payne (seated), in command of USS SC-83. (Photo credit: subchasers.org.)

Garrison Payne, or W.G. Payne, served in or commanded several vessels and had multiple shore assignments during his five-decade career. His officer assignments include commanding the aforementioned USS SC-83 and serving aboard the minesweeper USS Teal (AD-23), the collier USS Neptune (AC-8), submarine chasers Eagle 19 and Eagle 31, which he may have also commanded, and troop ship USS Zeppelin. He had a lengthy record as a Chief Boatswain’s Mate (Chief Bos’n).

Fig. 03: 1917 North Carolina Service Card, thirty-three year-old Chief Boatswain’s Mate Garrison Payne was discharged from the Navy and immediately “Appointed Officer” (Commissioned) on 15 December 1917 while assigned to the USS Neptune (AC-8) at Naval Base, Plymouth, England. (Credit: Public record in the public domain.)

After his commissioning in Plymouth, he presumably stayed in England and later took command of the USS SC-83 after she transited from New London, Connecticut to Plymouth, England in May 1918.

Garrison Payne took Rosa Manning, a widow with a young daughter, as his first wife in 1916. The 1910 North Carolina Census records indicate that she was the daughter of Sami and Annie Hall, both listed as Black in the census records. Later census records list Rosa Payne as White, and using her mother’s maiden name (Manning), as she did on their 1916 marriage license. His race was also indicated as White on the license, and his parents listed as Jackson Payne and Ruth Myers (Payne), his maternal grandparents.

Fig. 04: Garrison Payne and an unidentified woman, possibly his second wife Mary Margaret Payne, presumably taken in the later 1920s, location unknown. Courtesy of Jeff Giltz.

In the photo above, Payne, wearing the rank of lieutenant, stands beside an unidentified Black woman, who may be his wife. He brought back Mary Margaret Duffy from duty in Plymouth, England on the USS Zeppelin, a troop transport, in 1919, listing her on ship documents as his wife. He used various first names and initials to apparently help obscure his identity.

Jeff Giltz of Hobart, Indiana is the great grandson of Gertrude “Gertie” Giltz, Garrison’s half-sister by the same mother, Mary Alice Payne. She was unmarried at the time of his birth in 1881. Her father, Jack Payne was the son of a Robert Henley Payne, who traveled first from Virginia to Kentucky, and then settled in Indiana, may have been mixed race. During the U.S. Census, census takers wrote down the race of household occupants as described by the head of the household. Many light-skinned Blacks thereby entered into White society by “turning White” during a census year. It is unknown when Garrison made his “transition” from Black or “Mulatto” to White.

None of Garrison’s half-siblings, who were born to his mother after she married Lemuel Ball, share his dark complexion. When she married, Garrison was sent to live nearby with his uncle, William C. Payne, whose wife was of mixed race. In the 1900 Census, Garrison is listed as a servant in his uncle’s household, not his nephew.

Taken together – Garrison Payne’s dark skin, the fact that the identity of his father was never publicly revealed and that he was born out of wedlock with no birth certificate issued, that he was named for a famous White Boston abolitionist and newspaper publisher,3 that his White mother gave him her last name instead of his father’s, that he was sent away after his mother married, and the oral history of his family – all point to the likelihood that Garrison Payne was Black.

In the turn of the century Navy, individuals were sometimes identified as “dark” or “dark complexion” with no racial category assigned. Payne self-identified as White on both of his known marriage licenses. According to Jeff Giltz, there are many references to Garrison Payne in online genealogy, military records and newspaper sites, but none appear on the Navy Historical and Heritage Command (NHHC) website. His military service likely began in 1900.

Rolling Back Racial Progress during Modernization

In his 1978 book Manning the Navy: The Development of a Modern Naval Enlisted Force, 1898-1940, former U.S. Naval Academy Associate Professor Frederick S. Harrod discusses several of the policies enacted during that period that helped shaped today’s Navy.4 He describes how the famously progressive Secretary of the Navy (1913-1919) Josephus Daniels, otherwise notorious for banning alcohol from ships, brought Jim Crow policies to a previously partially integrated Navy (enlisted ranks only) and banned the first term enlistment of Negro personnel in 1919, a ban that would last until 1933. No official announcement of the unofficial ban was made, but Prof. Harrod asserts that it was instituted by an internal Navy Memorandum from Commander Randall Jacobs, who later issued the Guide to Command of Negro Personnel, NAVPERS-15092, in 1945. President Woodrow Wilson and Daniels were both staunch segregationists and White supremacists. The Navy became more rather than less racially restrictive during the Progressive Era because of the lasting effects of both Secretary Daniels and President Wilson.

The number of Negro personnel dropped from a high of 5,668 in June of 1919 – 2.26% of the total enlisted force – to 411 in June of 1933, a total of 0.55% of the total force of 81,120 enlisted men. Most of the Black sailors were in the Stewards Branch, and most were low ranking with no authority over White sailors, despite their many years of service and experience. Those very few “old salts” outside that branch, like Payne, were difficult to assign, as the Navy did not want them supervising White sailors, despite their expertise and seniority.

Following his temporary promotion to the commissioned officer ranks – rising as far as lieutenant on 01 July 1919 – Garrison Payne was eventually reverted to Chief Bos’n, until he was given an honorific, or “tombstone”, promotion to the permanent grade of lieutenant in June of 1940, just before his retirement. Payne died on 14 October 1952 in a Naval Hospital in San Diego California, and was interred in nearby Fort Rosacrans National Cemetery on 20 October 1952, in Section P, Plot P 0 2765 – not in the Officer’s Sections A or B, despite being identified as a lieutenant on his headstone. Garrison Payne’s hometown newspaper’s death notice indicates that he was the grandson of Jack Payne, with no mention of his parents. A handwritten notation on his Internment Control Form indicates that he enlisted on 31 March 1943, making him a veteran of both world wars, as also reflected on his headstone. His service in World War II – as a volunteer 62-year-old retiree – deserves further investigation.

Fig. 05: Garrison Payne’s final resting place, in Section P, Plot P 0 2765 of Fort Rosacrans National Cemetery. Courtesy of U.S. Department of Veteran’s Affairs, Veteran’s Legacy Memorial.

The Navy reluctantly commissioned the Golden Thirteen in 1945 only because of political pressure from the White House and from civil rights organizations like the NAACP, led by Walter F. White, the light-skinned, blond-haired, blue-eyed Atlanta Georgia native who embraced his Black heritage. Unlike Walter White, though, Garrison Payne likely hid his mixed-race heritage to protect his life, his family, and his career. When he married Mary Margaret Duffy in 1937, at the age of 54, he travelled more than 170 miles from San Diego, California to Yuma, Arizona to do so. Why? His new wife, Mary Margaret Duffy, was 37, and an immigrant from Ireland. He had previously listed her as his wife when he transported her to America in 1919. Are there records of this marriage overseas? Would that interracial marriage have been recognized, given that interracial marriage would remain illegal in both states for years to come? On their marriage certificate, as with Payne’s first marriage certificate, both spouses are listed as White.

The Navy’s Circular Letter 48-46, dated 27 February 1946, officially lifted “all restrictions governing the types of assignments for which Negro naval personnel are eligible.” Despite that edict, and President Truman’s Executive Order desegregating the armed forces in 1948, it would be decades before the Navy’s officer ranks would include more than fifty Blacks.

The stories of several early Black chief petty officers are missing from the Navy’s Historical and Heritage Command’s website, though it does include the story of a contemporary of Payne’s, Chief Boatswain’s Mate John Henry “Dick” Turpin, a Black man. That Payne, a commissioned officer, is absent and unrecognized can be attributed to at least five possible reasons.

The first is that the Navy didn’t know of his existence, significance, or accomplishments. Table 5 in Professor Harrods’s book is titled “The Color of the Enlisted Forces, 1906 – 1940,” and is compiled from the Annual Reports of the Chief of Navigation for those years, with eleven different racial categories, including “other.” Where Garrison Payne fell in those figures during his enlisted service is uncertain, but he was present in the Navy for each of those year’s reports.

The second is that Payne had no direct survivors to tell his story, and no one may have asked him to tell it. He and his first wife Rosa likely divorced sometime after the death of their only child. It is unknown if his Irish-born wife Mary Margaret produced any children by Garrison.

The third reason could be that the Navy may have kept his story quiet for his own protection, and that of the Woodrow Wilson administration and the Indiana political leadership. Garrison Payne was commissioned by the same President Woodrow Wilson who screened the movie Birth of a Nation at the White House in 1915, re-segregated the federal government offices in Washington DC, refused to publicly condemn the racial violence and lynching during the “Red Summer” of 1919, and whose Secretary of the Navy, Josephus Daniels, was one of the masterminds behind the 1898 Wilmington Insurrection, which violently overthrew an elected integrated government in Wilmington, North Carolina. Acknowledging Payne as a decorated and successful Black naval officer would have been an embarrassment to Wilson, Daniels, and undercut their political and racist agendas.

Black veterans were specifically targeted after both world wars, by both civilians and military personnel, to reassert White supremacy. Payne was from Indiana, where the Ku Klux Klan was revived in 1915 and became a very powerful organization in the 1920s. Such organizations may have sought out and harassed Payne and his family, had they known that this Black Indiana farm boy, born to a White mother, had not only received a commission in the U.S. Navy but had commanded White men in combat.

The fourth reason is that the Navy may have wanted to hide his racial identity. His record of accomplishment as a Navy Cross recipient and ship’s C.O. would have undermined the widespread belief that Black men could not perform successfully as leaders, much less decorated military officers. He was not commissioned as part of some social experiment or social engineering, but because the Navy needed experienced, reliable men to man a rapidly-expanding fleet and train inexperienced crews. Garrison Payne did just that, during years of dangerous duty at sea.

The fifth reason may be that Payne recognized the benefits of passing for White to his life and career, which may have compelled him to do so. He was raised in a largely white society, by white-appearing relatives. Had he not successfully “passed,” he likely would not have been commissioned.

Regardless of the reasons in the past, it is now time to herald the brave naval service of Garrison Payne. The Navy Historical and Heritage Command, the Smithsonian Institution, the Indiana Historical Society, the Hampton Roads Navy Museum, and others should work together to bring his amazing story out of the shadows.

Why Garrison Payne’s Story Matters

For years, many Black naval officers have searched in vain for stories of their heroic forebearers. Actions taken by politicians regarding nominations to military academies for much of the 20th century helped ensure that Black military officers remained a rarity, particularly those hailing from Southern states.5 The life story of Lieutenant Garrison Payne needs to be thoroughly documented and publicized because representation matters.

On a personal note, knowing of his story while I was serving as one of the few Black officers in the Navy would have inspired me immensely. Garrison Payne served as likely the only Black officer in the Navy for his entire career. He showed what was possible. Heralding his trailblazing career can only positively impact the discussions about the future composition of the U.S. Navy’s officer corps as it inspires generations of sailors. Historians and researchers should continue the work of archival research to gain a fuller understanding of his story and significance. My hope is that veteran’s organizations and national institutions such as the Smithsonian Institution begin the effort to flesh out the story of Lieutenant Garrison Payne.

This article appears courtesy of CIMSEC and may be found in its original form here

Reuben Keith Green, Lieutenant Commander, USN (ret) served 22 years in the Atlantic Fleet (1975-1997). After nine years in the enlisted ranks as a Mineman, Yeoman, and Equal Opportunity Program Specialist, he graduated from Officer Candidate School in 1984 and then served four consecutive sea tours. Both a steam and gas turbine qualified engineer officer of the watch (EOOW), he served as a Tactical Action Officer (TAO) in the Persian Gulf, and as executive officer in a Navy hydrofoil, USS Gemini (PHM-6). He holds a Master’s degree from Webster University in Human Resources Development, and is the author of Black Officer, White Navy – A Memoir, recently published by University Press of Kentucky.

Endnotes

1. Except as otherwise cited, research in this article is based on documents in the author’s possession and oral history interviews with Mr. Jeff Giltz.

2. War and Race: The Black Officer in the American Military. 1915-1941, 1981, Gerald W. Patton, Greenwood Press

3. All on Fire: William Lloyd Garrison and the Abolition of Slavery, 2008, Henry Mayer, W. W. Norton and Company

4. Manning the New Navy: The Development of a Modern Naval Enlisted Force, 1899-1940, 1978, Frederick S. Harrod, Greenwood Press.

5. The Tragedy of the Lost Generation, Proceedings, August 2024, VOL 150/8/1458, John P. Cordle, Reuben Keith Green, U.S. Naval Institute.

The opinions expressed herein are the author's and not necessarily those of The Maritime Executive.