Showing posts sorted by relevance for query FEMICIDE. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query FEMICIDE. Sort by date Show all posts

Friday, December 10, 2021

‎December 6 anniversary: Media must be an integral part of the fight against femicide‎

Thu., December 9, 2021, 8:47 a.m.

‎People attend a rally on the National Day of Remembrance and Action on Violence Against Women in Canada on Parliament Hill.‎‎ ‎‎ ‎‎
THE CANADIAN PRESS/Sean Kilpatrick‎‎ ‎

‎On December 6, 1989, in a misogynistic gesture of extreme violence, fourteen young women were shot dead at ‎‎the École Polytechnique of the Université de Montréal.‎

‎Although perpetrated by one man, this mass femicide stems from a social environment marked by gender inequality, misogyny, colonialism, racism and other intersectional phenomena of oppression.‎

‎Femicide — the murder of a woman or girl because of her gender — is no coincidence. Although the media often portray femicide as spontaneous "crimes of passion," when a man kills his partner, it is the culmination of a history of violence ‎‎in more than 70% of cases‎‎ — and more frequently the result of controlling behavior of a criminal nature.‎

‎Femicide is also ‎‎more premeditated, compared to the murder of a non-intimate partner.‎‎ Therefore, many of these deaths are preventable, and we must use all the tools at our disposal to increase public awareness of the phenomenon and improve prevention strategies.‎

‎ Read more: ‎‎Polytechnique, 30 years later: a first anti-feminist attack, finally named as such‎‎ ‎

‎Engaging decision-makers‎


‎Public health efforts during the Covid-19 pandemic have illustrated the importance of spreading a clear message, making room for science and holding political leaders and social institutions to account in order to save lives.‎

‎As these efforts continue, we will once again mark December 6, the ‎‎National Day of Remembrance and Action on Violence Against Women,‎‎and reflect on the pandemic of male violence that continues to take the lives of many women and girls around the world.‎


‎A woman gathers near the Women's Monument in London, Ontario, on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the 2014 Polytechnique massacre.‎‎ ‎‎ ‎‎
THE CANADIAN PRESS/Dave Chidley‎‎ ‎

‎Part of our work at ‎‎the Canadian Femicide Observatory for Justice and Accountability‎‎ is to monitor this extreme form of sex- or gender-based violence. As the Covid-19 pandemic has highlighted, the ‎‎media play a vital role‎‎ in informing us about threats – how they define themselves, what aspects deserve our attention or how to address a particular issue.‎

‎In short, the media frame the problem and propose solutions. To this extent, the media can be a key mechanism for primary prevention, as long as they provide an accurate representation of the problem.‎

‎The media have a crucial role to play in the coverage of femicides, not only in raising awareness and general education, but also ‎‎by actively participating in the construction of attitudes and beliefs‎‎ that can contribute to prevention efforts.‎

‎In contrast, harmful portrayals, such as those depicting this type of murder as an ‎‎isolated act or the work of a single person,‎‎have the effect of shining a ‎‎spotlight on the victims' behaviour‎‎ and suggesting (implicitly or explicitly) that they are responsible for their own deaths or ‎‎marginalizing certain groups.‎‎ because of their race, religion, socio-economic status, participation in the sex trade, sexual orientation or other factors.‎

‎There is also the question of those who are not represented at all. The ‎‎"missing white woman syndrome"‎‎ is a good illustration of the media bias in which White victims, usually from privileged backgrounds, ‎‎receive significant coverage,‎‎while the case of missing and murdered Indigenous or non-white women and girls is considered to be of lesser interest to society. As a result, some women and girls remain invisible, in life as well as in death.‎


‎Girls gather for the annual Women's Memorial March in Vancouver in February 2021, an event held in memory of missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls. The route is punctuated by stations in various places where women were last seen or found.‎‎ ‎‎ ‎‎THE CANADIAN PRESS/Darryl Dyck‎‎ ‎More

The importance of media coverage of femicide‎

‎When it comes to accurately informing the public, the way journalists portray femicide is therefore of paramount importance. Indeed, media coverage of femicide ‎‎helps to address broader issues related to violence against women‎‎ and, in so doing, to raise public awareness of these crimes, their underlying societal causes, consequences and implications.‎

‎Such media coverage may include terms specific to femicide, statistics on the number of women killed by their intimate partners, support resources for victims of domestic violence, or new sources of expertise that are better qualified to treat femicide, including those who provide primary care, are involved in advocacy and research.‎

‎In addition to providing a deeper context, supported by empirical data, this type of coverage has the power to raise public awareness of the problem. Instead of reporting femicide as isolated incidents, it sheds more light on community and societal solutions.‎

‎These may include funding services for victims of violence, prevention education initiatives, legislative reforms or cultural changes, such as targeting attitudes that support or normalize violence against women.‎

‎As we honour the memory of women and girls who have died as a result of violence in Canada, we can take a critical look at how their stories are told in the media, as well as how they tell us about their deaths. We can take our analysis beyond police reports and ‎‎cultural references surrounding femicide,‎‎drawing on the experience and expertise of survivors and people who have lost a loved one to violence.‎

‎It is possible to deviate from sensational and explicit reports and stop insinuating that the gestures, behaviors or lifestyles of the victims may have contributed to their deaths.‎

‎Femicide is a tragic loss. It is a gesture of extreme violence directed against women. This is a violation of human rights and a real public health issue. However, in order to accurately portray this crime, the media must take all these aspects into account.‎
-----


Yasmin Jiwani, Professor of Communication Studies; Research Chair on Intersectionality, Violence and Resistance, Concordia University, 

Myrna Dawson, Professor and Research Leadership Chair, Sociology, University of Guelph, Jordan Fairbairn, Associate Professor, Sociology, King's University College, Western University,

Ciara Boyd, PhD Student, Sociology, University of Guelph

‎Jordan Fairbairn receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council.‎

Ciara Boyd, Myrna Dawson, and Yasmin Jiwani do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.


Tuesday, March 19, 2024

TAJÊ: Against femicide, be the voice of self-defense

The Freedom's Movement of Êzidî Women launched a new international campaign against femicide.



WOMEN CAMPAIGN AGAINST FEMICIDES
ANF
NEWS DESK
Wednesday, 13 March 2024

The Yazidi women's liberation movement TAJÊ has launched an international campaign against femicide and for the self-defense of women worldwide.

This campaign, which kicked off on 8 March, aims to bring together voices of women and women's organizations until August 3, the tenth anniversary of the genocide and femicide in Shengal.

TAJÊ invites everyone to participate using a variety of methods, such as photos, videos, texts, songs, poems, rallies and demonstrations.

The manifesto for the campaign names five central demands of the Yazidi women's movement. TAJÊ demands that femicide be recognized as a war crime and that all perpetrators and supporters be convicted. Women's right to organized self-defense must find social and institutional acceptance. The massacre committed by ISIS in Shengal ten years ago must be officially classified as genocide at all levels and prosecuted accordingly. TAJÊ also calls for the recognition of the self-administration and security forces established in Shengal after 2014 as the legitimate representation and defense of the community. The cessation of all attacks on Yazidi society, especially the air raids by the Turkish state, is also called for as necessary for survival.

The manifesto reads as follows:

"To the women of the world,

As TAJÊ (Tevgera Azadiya Jinên Êzidî), the Freedom's Movement of Êzidî Women in Şengal, we send our warmest greetings and respect to all the fighting and resisting women in the world. To all those women standing up against the violence against our bodies and souls. To all those women organizing to make a better life possible. To all those women defending their lives, lands and cultures.

The times we live in are marked by brutal wars and inhuman violence. As women, we are beaten, raped, sold, killed and burned. Our lands are occupied and nature destroyed. However, with every new attack, our global resistance and struggle against war, violence and femicide is growing. This gives us hope and strength. Our pain and our resistance is one.

For us as Êzidî women, the year 2024 is a special year. It marks the 10th anniversary of the genocide and femicide committed by the so-called Islamic State (Daesh) in Şengal. On August 3rd, 2014, tens of thousands of Êzidî were murdered, abducted and taken as slaves. Children were forcibly recruited as child soldiers. On top of that, hundreds of thousands of inhabitants of Şengal were expelled from their homeland. Our holy places were blown up and tens of buildings were detonated. However, despite all the difficulties and dangers, hundreds of families remained on the soil of Şengal, took up weapons and resisted against Daesh. They participated in the offensive to liberate Şengal and created their own protection forces, called Yekîneyên Berxwedana Şengalê (YBŞ; Şengal Resistance Units) and Yekîniyên Jinên Şengalê (YJŞ; Şengal Women's Resistance Units).

In all massacres and genocides, women are the ones suffering most. The assimilation and killing of women are frequently adopted as a means to wipe out the identity, culture and belief of a society. When, in 2014, women fell into the hands of Daesh, they were raped, sold as slaves and/or forced into marriage with jihadist fighters. Until today, 2.941 persons, most of them women and children, still remain in the hands of Daesh. The genocidal and femicidal attacks against Şengal are a cruel wound in all our hearts. We assess these attacks as the brutal face of patriarchal violence and therefore as attacks against all women.

We do not accept that, so far, no state and institution has judged Daesh and its accomplices, such as the Turkish State or KDP, for the systematic attacks carried out against the people of Şengal. On August 3rd, 2014, Şengal’s security was under the responsibility of the KRG (Kurdistan Regional Government) and its ruling party, KDP (Kurdistan Democratic Party). However, when Daesh attacked the first villages, 12,000 PDK-peshmerga left Şengal without shooting a single bullet and delivered our people to Daesh. We demand that the responsibility of all forces will be proved and convicted.

The genocide and femicide of August 3rd, 2014 caused lots of pain, trauma and deep losses within our community. However, today this pain is the soil for our resistance. Many fighters have lost their lives for the sake of defending our land and people. We call them Şehîds. They are our light and hope.

After 2014, the people in Şengal organized in all fields of life based on the thoughts of Abdullah Öcalan. As Êzidî women we built the Freedom's Movement of Êzidî Women in Şengal called TAJÊ with the philosophy of JIN JIYAN AZADÎ. With proudness we can say that the mothers of Şengal are at the forefront of our resistance. We are organized in women's councils and work in the fields of culture, health, economy, press and diplomacy.

Our history is a history of struggle and resistance but also a history of 74 genocides. It taught us that we cannot trust in the protection of other forces. After the genocide of August 3rd, 2014, we therefore built our own protection forces, YBŞ, YJŞ and Asayîş Êzidxan (a security structure to meet the daily security needs of the population). YJŞ is a woman’s-only military force and our greatest honor. Today, as Êzidî women, we know how to self-defend. This is our revenge against all the pain we suffered.

However, also ten years after the genocide and femicide, the attacks against our people continue. The Turkish state, with the support of the KDP, is continuously committing air strikes against members of our military forces as well as against civilians. Dozens of our brothers and sisters have been killed in these airstrikes since 2017. Furthermore, the Iraqi state as well as the KDP are trying to abolish our self-organization and self-administration in Şengal through diplomatic pressure and their agreement of October 9th, 2020.

We claim that all suppressed people, societies and beliefs have the right to defend themselves against the danger of genocide and femicide. We consider the self-defense of the people and women of Şengal – that in other ways would be eliminated – as the only legitimate one.

As the freedom movement of Êzidî women, TAJÊ, and the Şengal Women's Resistance Units, YJŞ, we carry out an active struggle against nationalism, religious fundamentalism and especially against sexism, so that in the future no women, people or community of belief will ever again have to face genocides and femicides. We believe that in the countries we live in, we will only reach democracy, freedom and peace if we as women lead the way on the basis of self-determination and free will.

The best response against the atrocities carried out against the Êzidî women is the solidarity and worldwide organization of women.

We therefore declare that the year 2024 will be marked by raising our voices against femicide and for self-defense.

We demand:

1. That femicide will be recognized as a war crime and that all perpetrators are convicted of committing or supporting the systematic killing of women.

2. That the right of women to organize for the defense of their lives, lands and culture will be accepted by all people and institutions.

3. That the genocide of August 3rd, 2014 in Şengal will be offcially recognized as a genocide. This also indicates, that the responsibility of all perpetrators and supporters, including ISIS, KDP, Turkey and Iraq will be proved and convicted.

4. That our self-administration in Şengal as well as our protection forces YBŞ, YJŞ and Asayîş Êzidxan will be accepted as the legitimate representation and protection of our people.

5. That all attacks against our people in Şengal, especially the airstrikes committed by the Turkish state, stop.

From March 8th, International Women’s Day, until August 3rd ,the tenth anniversary of the genocide in Şengal, we will therefore collect the voices, signatures and participation of various women and women’s organization to call on all women across the globe:

Let us unite our voices in the spirit of JIN JIYAN AZADÎ. Let us raise them against femicide and for self-defense.

Together we will demand accountability for the massacres of women in Şengal and every other place on earth."



Croatia becomes third EU country to pass femicide law

In Croatia, with a population of 3.8 million, 13 women were murdered in 2022, 12 of them by a close relative, and 9 in 2023.



FEMICIDE
ANF
NEWS DESK
Thursday, 14 March 2024

Croatia became the third country in the European Union to give femicide a separate legal status.

"With these amendments, we are protecting the rights, safety and dignity of women and sending the message that violence against women is unacceptable," Croatia's conservative Prime Minister Andrej Plenkovic said in late February when presenting the proposed law.

The text adopted by parliament stipulates that sentences could range from 10 to 40 years in prison, the maximum penalty under Croatian law.

The amendments to the penal code were adopted with 77 MPs voting in favor and 60 against, the official Hina news agency reported.

According to local NGOs, Croatia has the third highest per capita femicide rate in the EU.

According to EU data, 2,300 women were murdered by their husbands or family members in Europe in 2022.

In Croatia, with a population of 3.8 million, 13 women were murdered in 2022, 12 of them by a close relative, and 9 in 2023.

The government decided to propose this law after the murder of 20-year-old law student Mihaela Berak in September by a police officer with whom she had a brief affair.

Mihaela Berak's death sparked a heated debate about the failures of a system designed to protect victims and the law itself. Demonstrations were organized across the country to demand justice for Mihaela and to call for femicide to have a legal cover.

Prior to Croatia, Cyprus and Malta also gave femicide a separate legal status.






Monday, April 03, 2023

Femicides rising in Canada as a woman or girl is killed every 48 hours, shows report

More than 800 women and girls have been killed since 2018, according to the Canadian Femicide Observatory for Justice and Accountability.


Chris Stoodley
·Lifestyle and News Editor
Sun, April 2, 2023 

Femicide cases are drastically increasing in Canada, according to a new report that details hundreds of women and girls have been killed over the past five years.

In a report released on Thursday, the Canadian Femicide Observatory for Justice and Accountability (CFOJA) indicated that at least 850 women and girls have been killed since 2018.

"That means, at least, one woman or girl is killed by violence every two days," the CFOJA noted in its report. "One woman or girl is killed every 48 hours. Where information is known, men are the majority of those accused."

There were at least 184 killings in 2022, the highest number the organization has seen since it began documenting these deaths in 2018. The number of killings that year was 169, and has been growing each year since 2020.

While 2019 saw a slight drop to 148 killings, there were 172 deaths in 2020 and 177 a year later.

One highlight in this year's report shows there was a 27 per cent rise in deaths involving male suspects in 2022 compared to 2019, before the COVID-19 pandemic.

The 184 deaths noted in 2022 were tallied up from 170 cases. Eighteen of those cases do not have an accused suspect. For the other 152 cases, there were 173 people accused.

Out of the cases where the accused were identified, 82 per cent were male suspects and 18 per cent were female suspects.

For the 150 women and girls killed by male accused in 2022, the type of relationship between the parties were known for only 89 victims, or 59 per cent. Out of those, 52 victims — or 58 per cent — were killed by a current or former intimate partner.

For familial femicide, there were 20 cases in 2022 involving 24 victims and 20 accused.

Non-intimate femicide cases — where the relationships are primarily between acquaintances or strangers — accounted for 11 cases in 2022. Of those, there were 13 victims and 12 accused.

"We really wanted to address the issue so there would be better understanding publicly," Myrna Dawson, founder of the CFOJA and University of Guelph professor, shared in a news release.

On March 30, commissioner Michael MacDonald said it's time for men to start doing their part in acknowledging and calling out gender-based violence for what it is — an "epidemic." Femicide cases across Canada have reached a new high in 2022.
 (THE CANADIAN PRESS/Darren Calabrese)

Advocates have been pushing for the federal government to include femicide in the Criminal Code of Canada, while some have called on provinces to address intimate partner violence.

In the final inquiry report for the 2020 Nova Scotia mass shootings, the Mass Casualty Commission urged the government to recognize "gender-based, intimate partner and family violence as an epidemic."

The CFOJA's report indicates there are 20 countries — including Brazil, Argentina and Mexico — that have legislated the term "femicide," or used it to classify some offences.

Out of 35 countries, Canada is one of three that has not committed to the 1994 treaty, "Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence Against Women," according to the release.

"This is one example of how Canada lags behind other countries in its response to male violence against women and girls," Dawson added.

Inquiry into N.S. killings calls for bold change to tackle family violence 'epidemic'


Sun, April 2, 2023 

OTTAWA — The public inquiry into the April 2020 shootings in Nova Scotia is calling for an overhaul of the way society handles the "epidemic" of gender-based, intimate-partner and family violence.

In addition to creating better supports for victims of such violence, the Mass Casualty Commission says governments should pass laws to abolish mandatory arrest and charging policies.

Canadian law requires police to lay charges of assault in cases where they have reasonable grounds, regardless of the victims' wishes.


The commission says a "prevention-oriented public health approach to violence" should be adopted, which includes treatment for perpetrators.

And it says there must be a recognition that many men who commit mass violence have a history of domestic violence, and many mass killings begin with an attack on a specific woman.

One Halifax-based advocate says achieving what the report recommends will require bold, transformative and necessary change.

This report by The Canadian Press was first published April 2, 2023.

The Canadian Press

Tuesday, January 17, 2023

FEMICIDE
Mexican Mom Faces Loss, Corruption And Impunity In ‘A Nation That Kills Ladies’

Jan 17, 2023



Based on the United Nations, excessive charges of femicide, mixed with a poor monitor report in bringing perpetrators to justice – notably the wealthy and highly effective – have made Mexico probably the most harmful nation for ladies in Latin America. However a grieving mom is set to seek out justice for her murdered daughter, in opposition to the chances.

At 8:35 p.m. on June 18, Saturday, Patricia Garcia acquired a name telling her that her daughter, Frida Santamaria Garcia, had been injured and was within the hospital.

Frida had spent the day working in a reception corridor the place a christening was happening, her mom recounted in a cellphone interview from Sahuayo, a metropolis within the western Mexican state of Michoacan.

“I instantly known as her relative, who labored along with her, to ask if he knew something. He known as my daughter’s cellphone, nevertheless it was her pal, Juan Paolo N., who answered,” García mentioned.

When she arrived at Santa María Sahuayo Hospital, García realized her daughter had been shot. She is instructed that Frida was left for lifeless after her cellphone was stolen. The bullets pierced the younger girl’s lung and liver.

“It was probably the most horrible second of my life,” mentioned Garcia. “A couple of minutes later, the physician instructed me that my daughter had died.”

Frida, at 24, nonetheless had her complete life forward of her when she was brutally quick with a firearm.

Her grieving mom mentioned, “She was a really humble particular person with an enormous coronary heart. She cared for the well-being of her household and pals. She was unconditional and dependable. She was distinctive.”

Frida’s pal denied involvement in her loss of life. However on December 15, Juan Pauls abruptly retracted his denials and admitted that he shot his girlfriend, saying it was not supposed.

His retraction and the delay in his confession prompted the Jequilpan Regional Public Prosecutor’s Workplace to cut back the fees in opposition to him to homicide.

This gave the accused the best to a abstract authorized trial and he was sentenced to a few years’ imprisonment with the opportunity of parole. The punishment for involuntary manslaughter in Mexico is rather more lenient than for these accused of femicide.

On this nation of almost 127 million individuals the place, in line with the authorities, greater than 10 girls are murdered day-after-day, the Frida Santamaria García case is one other instance of the challenges households of the victims face of their pursuit of justice.

Frida’s relationship with Juan Paulo started three or 4 months earlier than her homicide, in line with her cousin, Samantha Morett García. “She discovered about their affair solely every week earlier than she was shot,” Samantha revealed in a cellphone interview from Jiquilpan.

Whereas the Garcia household was grieving the sudden lack of Frida on the night of the tragedy, Juan Paulo had already left town and fled to Guadalajara, the capital of the neighboring state of Jalisco.

It was the start of a harrowing authorized impediment course for the sufferer’s household. The case file submitted within the days following her homicide on the Public Prosecutor’s Workplace in Jiquilpan didn’t advance the case. “He did not even inform me I had a proper to see a sufferer counselor,” García mentioned, revisiting the agonizing days when the household, shocked and agonized by their sudden loss, first confronted the restrictions of Mexico’s justice system.

The companies of a personal legal professional wouldn’t be sought till 5 weeks had elapsed, lastly permitting the investigation to proceed. “We realized that the investigation was not completed correctly, neither in substance nor in kind,” mentioned the sufferer’s mom.

The household finally sought the assistance of NGOs, together with the feminist group MAPAS, who suggested the household to talk to the press and arranged demonstrations calling for justice for Frida. The group denounced the shortage of correct police studies or witness statements. In the meantime, the Public Prosecutor’s Workplace insisted on treating her case as a attainable suicide.

When the suspect is the son of a former mayor within the Frida case, there may be one other necessary reality that can not be ignored: the accused, Juan Paolo, is the son of the previous mayor of town of Sahuayo, Alejandro Amezcua Chavez. Alfredo Annaya’s son-in-law, former Secretary for Financial Improvement within the authorities of the Governor of Michoacan State.

Mapas was fast to denounce the “cynicism” with which the judiciary is dealing with the case in opposition to a well-connected suspect.

“Till January 1, Santamaria Garcia’s household and the feminist group MAPAS believed that the state legal professional normal’s workplace was working to get justice for Frida,” mentioned Sofia Blanco, a spokeswoman for the group.

“We now know that since December 20, she has been working to reclassify this feminine homicide as ‘manslaughter’, with out informing the household or their lawyer, in order to not give them time to problem the choice earlier than the listening to scheduled for January 4,” she mentioned. .

The Feminist Affiliation additionally denounced the silence surrounding the case. Neither the legal professional normal nor the governor of Michoacán state has spoken out in favor of the decision [classifying this crime as] Blanco mentioned.



When the suspect is the son of a former mayor

It additionally denounced the Michoacán State Superior Court docket for failing to “make sure the sufferer due course of” and for doing nothing to forestall the prosecution from decreasing the fees.

In a press launch tracing the authorized twists and turns of the case, García’s household famous that “At present, in Mexico, an individual convicted of femicide can obtain a jail sentence of as much as 50 years; within the case of manslaughter, he faces three years in jail with Risk of parole.”

“We subsequently perceive why Juan Paulo’s father and son-in-law acted with impunity and corruption, to redefine and cut back the fees associated to this crime.”

Per week after it was introduced that the fees for her daughter’s killer had been diminished, García mentioned she had appealed the choice, regardless of the threats the household and several other witnesses confronted, and regardless of makes an attempt to torpedo the case by individuals associated to the suspect.

‘Whole injustice’ Mexico’s worsening disaster of gender violence and the state’s failure to reply has led protesters and activists to dub the nation the ‘femicide nation’.

Based on official figures, about 3,750 girls had been murdered and almost 100,000 disappeared in Mexico in 2021. Of those murders, just one,004 have been investigated as “femicide.” This failure has been denounced by NGOs corresponding to Amnesty Worldwide, who say the shortage of prosecutions leads to “violations of girls’s human rights to life, bodily integrity and their households’ rights to judicial safety”.

Mexico’s Nationwide Fee for the Prevention and Elimination of Violence In opposition to Ladies (CONAVIM) has estimated that 94% of those courtroom instances have been dismissed.

“Investigations are usually not carried out in line with the intercourse of the sufferer, they aren’t adopted up, and corruption prevents the killers from bringing the killers to justice,” Blanco defined.

On January 4, demonstrators gathered outdoors a courthouse in Morelia, the capital of the state of Michoacan, declaring that each homicide of a lady that goes unpunished is one other instance of Mexico being a “femicide nation.” They demanded the utmost sentence for Frida’s alleged killer, and all different victims of the ladies’s murders.

“The Jiquilpan Public Prosecutor’s Workplace and the Public Prosecutor’s Workplace most popular to guard Juan Paulo’s security,” Frida’s mom mentioned at a press convention that day. “Now he could be launched on parole. It is a full injustice.”





















A protester in Mexico Metropolis holds an indication that reads, in Spanish, “Mexico isn’t a rustic, it’s a mass grave with a nationwide anthem” protesting violence in opposition to girls on March 8, 2021. © Rebecca Blackwell, AP’s 

“Cotton Subject” challenge

 Regardless of the shortcomings of the Though there is no such thing as a public prosecutor’s workplace or the judicial system, femicide convictions in Mexico do exist. “In terms of killing girls by individuals whose households have political energy, all the pieces will get sophisticated,” Blanco mentioned, referring to the 2020 case of Jessica González Villasenor, who was murdered and whose alleged killer, Diego Orek, was from a rich household. with political connections.

The younger man, who was 18 on the time of the crime, lived within the rich Altozano neighborhood of Morelia. SinEmbargo, a Mexican information web site that makes a speciality of investigating hyperlinks between energy and arranged crime, describes him as a “mirrey,” a slang time period used to explain a younger man from a rich household who lives a lifetime of luxurious, partying, and extra. The sufferer was a instructor from a working class household.

On January 11, Aurick pleaded not responsible. The decision is anticipated on January 27. If discovered responsible, he might resist 50 years in jail. If not, he will likely be launched.

“He has already taken all the pieces from us, and no punishment will carry my sister again to us,” Cristo Villasenor, the sufferer’s brother, instructed El Heraldo de Mexicodaily. Nevertheless, he famous, if the utmost sentence had been to be handed down, it might set a precedent.

“It must be a mannequin for society, particularly for misogynistic males who assume they’ll take girls’s lives with out paying the implications,” he mentioned.

Corruption and impunity are the 2 principal causes for the excessive charges of femicide, in addition to the variety of disappearances, for ladies in Mexico. In 2009, the Inter-American Court docket of Human Rights issued a landmark ruling condemning the nation’s negligence in investigating the deaths of eight ladies who had been tortured, raped, and murdered and located a vacant lot in Ciudad Juárez, a metropolis in northern Mexico that has been known as the femicide capital of the world.

The decision of what grew to become referred to as the “Cotton Subject” affair included a powerful rebuke to the Mexican authorities, forcing it to take motion. Since then, a number of committees have been set as much as get rid of violence in opposition to girls and a particular public prosecutor has been appointed.

However as said within the January 2020 report, “Can a regulation finish femicide in Mexico?” , regardless of “praising a brand new regulation designed with a gender perspective, which ensures a life freed from violence for all girls… it’s being perpetrated with impunity throughout the nation. Authorities and police establishments proceed to look the opposite method, or in some instances are themselves concerned on this new kind of criminality.

Mexico is probably the most harmful nation for ladies in Latin America and holds the unlucky report for the very best variety of femicides within the area, in line with the United Nations. However again in 2007, Mexico pioneered the inclusion of femicide in its penal code, stating: “The crime of femicide is dedicated by anybody who deprives a lady of her life for causes of intercourse.”

The Latin American Mannequin Protocol for the Investigation of Gender-Associated Homicides of Ladies recommends that each one violent deaths of girls attributable to felony motives, suicide, and accidents be analyzed from a gender perspective to find out whether or not or not there are gender-related causes. Explanation for loss of life.

After the loss of life of Frida Sahoyo, family and pals of Juan Paulo requested, amongst different issues, {that a} gender perspective not be utilized to the investigation.

“What’s ‘gender-neutral’ justice on earth? Justice for all besides girls?” requested Blanco, of the MAPAS group, in feedback to native media.

“We characterize half the inhabitants!”

This text has been translated from the unique in French.

Sunday, November 29, 2020

Mexico’s Gender Violence Crisis Is Far From Over — & Women Are Demanding Action

Nidia Melissa Bautista 3 days ago




On September 2, Marcela Alemán, the mother of a four-year-old girl who was sexually abused in San Luis Potosí, tied herself to a chair for more than 12 hours inside Mexico’s National Human Rights Commission building. Alemán occupied the offices after a meeting with the human rights ombudsman, where her demand for the detention of her daughter’s abusers yielded no real support. Alemán isn’t alone in her struggle; her daughter is among the one in four girls and one in five women who face sexual violence in a country where 10 women are murdered every day.

Erika Martinez arrived at Mexico’s National Human Rights Commission the following day along with local activists to support Alemán, carrying photos of her young daughter, who at seven-years-old was sexually abused by a family member. For three years, Martinez has advocated for her daughter, demanding the detention of the perpetrator, but has only been met with institutional indifference and violence. A year after filing the criminal complaint, and still not detained by authorities, the alleged abuser attacked Martinez, fracturing her nose and continuing to harass her. Alemán ended the sit-in and eventually left the building after reaching an agreement with authorities on her demands but on September 4, Martinez, along with a handful of activists from feminist collectives including Mexico’s Ni Una Menos and the Bloque Negro (or Black Block), decided to seize control of the human rights commission office. Having read their list of demands, they entered peacefully asking workers to vacate the building and the occupation grew to include several dozen activists and families. For Martinez, occupying the human rights commission would apply pressure to a government reluctant to confront a country in the throes of a gender violence crisis.

“I was sick of waiting for answers from institutions that never came,” Martinez told Refinery29. It’s been nearly three months since activists first occupied the building, and although only a few dozen women and children remain, Martinez said she plans to stay until all demands are met, including a commitment by the federal government to eradicate gender violence in the country. “We need authorities to meaningfully enforce laws already put in place against gender violence,” she added.

Mexico has struggled with a femicide epidemic for decades, and every year an interminable series of vicious murders of young girls and women shakes the country. In February, the murder of 25-year-old Ingrid Escamilla in Mexico City shocked the country after pictures of her skinned body appeared on the front page of a local paper and on social media. A week after Escamilla’s murder, Fátima Cecilia Aldrighett Antón, a 7-year-old girl, was found dead inside a plastic bag after she was kidnapped outside of her school and sexually assaulted. These are just two stories from ongoing horrific murders that have sparked protests across the country and fueled discontent among women exasperated by the femicide crisis that makes every day a struggle for survival.

Among the women that joined the occupation was Yesenia Zamudio, mother of 19-year-old María de Jesús “Marichuy” Jaimes Zamudio, a Mexico City university student who died after falling from a fifth floor window in 2016. Her death was classified as a femicide, and Zamudio says Marichuy was murdered.

“What I know now, from the experts’ analyses and investigations, is that Mary was a victim of gender-based violence. She was assaulted,” Zamudio said in an interview earlier this year. “She fell. No one helped her. Then, they left her to bleed out.” Mexican authorities haven’t made arrests in connection with Jaimes Zaumudio’s death, while Mexico City’s Human Rights Commission found that the case was poorly investigated. Zamudio, leader of the Ni Una Menos group, has since left the occupation after disagreements with Bloque Negro about the administration of donations and leadership of the action.
© Provided by Refinery29 
MEXICO CITY, MEXICO – 2020/02/14: Several feminist demonstrators take part in a protest against gender-based violence against women after the murder of Ingrid Escamilla, 25, stabbed to death and then skinned by her partner in the north of Mexico City at Reforma Avenue in Mexico City, Mexico. 
(Photo by Carlos Tischler/Pacific Press/LightRocket via Getty Images)

Femicides in Mexico have increased by 145% in the last five years, and only about 8 percent of cases get prosecuted. Under a sweeping gender law passed in 2007, every murder of a woman must be investigated as a femicide and officials must investigate for circumstances that include sexual violence, domestic violence, and whether the victim’s body was exposed or displayed in public. Femicide is a crime in Mexico that carries a 45- to 65- year prison sentence. The federal penal code also says any public servant that delays or hinders the prosecution or administration of justice will be sentenced to three to eight years in prison. This law also extends protections to women and girls that experience sexual violence. But in practice, more than 90 percent of all crimes and about half of femicides last year were unsolved, according to a study released this month.

“Many women have suffered violence, they have followed the legal channels, but they also get tired. They are not listened to. They are not attended to. Their demands are ignored,” says María Salguero, creator of the National Map of Femicides in Mexico database.

Using news alerts and local news sources for reports of femicides, Salguero started the database four years ago, and it has since become an important source for understanding the scale of femicide in the country. From her findings, Salguero says gender violence has only gotten worse. “When I started, between six to seven women a day were murdered according to official figures and now it’s almost 11. 

"The violence has grown.”

Though Mexico has passed laws against gender violence, Mexico’s president, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, has downplayed the severity of the crisis in recent months as women and relatives of victims grow impatient with the country’s failure to adequately address gender violence. As violence against women has surged, Obrador has slashed the budgets of agencies charged with addressing gender violence. The government administered a 75% budget cut this year for the National Institute for Women, which is responsible for promoting gender equality in the country. Lopez Obrador has also repeatedly minimized the issue of gender-based violence. In a press conference earlier this year, he said that 90% of calls to the emergency services over domestic violence were “false.” In a press conference in July, when asked about the budget cuts in light of the femicides, Lopez Obrador has said that “women in Mexico have never been so protected.” When asked about the brutal murder of seven-year-old Fátima Cecilia Aldrighett Antón, Lopez Obrador blamed femicides on what he called “neoliberal policies,” a response that garnered frustration from feminists who consider the administration insensitive and condescending in the face of femicide.

Martinez echoes other activists who have said government inaction is an open invitation for more violence. “It’s easy for them to ignore us, to silence us, to say victims of gender violence don’t exist, but this leads to more violence,” she said. “Because abusers see the president himself opening a door, by ignoring the severity of femicide statistics and of the violence, who’s to say the government will do anything to stop it?”

Mexico’s inadequate response to rising femicides has led to a surge in protests against gender violence this year. On March 8, for International Women’s Day, at least 80,000 women in Mexico City joined together to demand an end to gender violence. Feminist collective Brujas del Mar called for a national strike on March 9, and hundreds of thousands of women across sectors stayed home to protest violence against women. Protests, including a march for the legalization of abortion in September and the occupation of the human rights commission building, have continued during the coronavirus pandemic. For Dia de Muertos (or Day of the Dead) protestors, including many relatives, mounted altars calling attention to femicide throughout the country — adding an entirely new conversation to the traditional holiday.

This surge of protests have been met with police repression in various Mexican cities. The occupation inspired activists in other cities to take similar actions, but in nearby Ecatepec in Mexico State, activists were violently evicted and harassed by police. Earlier this month, police opened fire on protesters at Cancún’s City Hall during a demonstration against the murder of 20-year-old Bianca “Alexis” Lorenzana. Two journalists suffered gun wounds and some protesters were beaten by the police. Silvia C., a member of various feminist organizations in Cancún, was at the protest and recalls the terror of having to flee when shooting ensued. “We went to ask for justice and they welcomed us with bullets,” said Silvia.

“The repressions of the demonstrations and protests of women have been increasing in their brutality and forms of repression,” she adds. “It’s not by chance that this is just another form of institutional violence against women.”

In Mexico City, Salguero said the occupation of the human rights commission is a condemnation against institutional inaction in the face of intensified gender violence. “The takeover of the CNDH is historic because who should be protecting women has failed to do so,” said Salguero.

Having emerged spontaneously thanks to the action of a small group of relatives of gender violence victims, the occupation has since dwindled in numbers because of rifts and internal disputes among groups. In October, Bloque Negro said they no longer welcomed transgender women, and LGBTQ+ organizations publicly withdrew their support. Representatives from the human rights commission have met with Martinez and other activists to negotiate an end of the occupation, promising to turn the building into an institute for women, but weeks have passed since they’ve last communicated with officials. While officials seem to cater empty promises, and rifts emerged among protestors, the occupation reflected the frustration of living in a country where gender violence is perpetuated with impunity.

Relatives of gender violence victims and feminists continue to demand action from a government that so far has fallen short to provide any justice through the legal system. “The violence is unstoppable,” says Salguero. “I can’t go one day without receiving news about a femicide. The government says it’s protecting women while femicide numbers spike. We are simply demanding that the law be followed. We’re not asking for special treatment.”

Martinez said she doesn’t plan to rest until there’s justice for victims of gender violence. “Justice for me previously meant seeing the person who harmed my daughter, who stole her childhood, imprisoned. But today, after three years of fighting, the meaning of justice has changed for me,” she said on her 77th day in the occupation. “Justice is seeing all women have lives free from violence.”

Sunday, July 24, 2022

THE WAR ON WOMEN
'We are not safe anywhere': Egyptian women fear systemic normalisation of gender-based violence and femicide



A series of horrific cases of femicide and grievous bodily harm against women in Egypt in the last two months have caused outrage across the region.

Yousra Samir Imran
19 July, 2022

Shock, fury, heartbreak, and outrage; these are the sentiments women in Egypt have felt over the past two months since the day 21-year-old university student Nayera Ashraf was stabbed to death outside her university in Mansoura as she was on her way to her final exams.

“Women in Egypt are outraged and furious, and I think most people are in incomplete shock, but Egyptian women no longer feel safe,” Egyptian feminist and former TV and radio broadcaster, Reem Ayed, tells The New Arab.

“When you think about it, Nayera Ashraf was murdered outside of campus, and it’s terrifying because your university is like your second home – when you’re a university student, you end up spending more time on campus than you do at your own home. The two places that you’re supposed to feel the safest are your own house and your school.

"The fact she was murdered right outside her school is terrifying because it means that safe place is no longer safe for women. Egyptian women never felt safe on the streets, to begin with, so now it’s even worse.”

"There were 415 violent crimes committed against girls and women in Egypt in 2020, 113 cases of women murdered as a result of domestic abuse, and a total of 165 cases of femicide"

Nayera’s murderer Mohammed Adel, who has been sentenced to death by hanging, was a man who had been stalking her for some time after she refused his marriage proposal.

According to Egyptian news outlet Cairo 24, Adel’s neighbours said he had never caused any trouble and they only heard him when he was beating his mother and sister, exhibiting the social acceptance of a man who was known to have been committing acts of violence against his female family members.

The murder of Nayera Ashraf had a knock-on effect. Just a couple of days later, the Arab world was shaken once more when nursing student Iman Irshaid in Amman, Jordan, was shot five times outside her campus at the University of Applied Sciences. Her murderer, 37-year-old Uday Abdullah Hassan, reportedly sent her this text message the day before:

“Tomorrow I am coming to speak to you and if you don’t accept I am going to kill you just like the Egyptian killed that girl today.”

He died by suicide after refusing to surrender himself to the Jordanian authorities.

A woman carries a placard that reads in Arabic "A man cares about his mother, sister, daughter and wife" during a rally to eradicate gender-based violence and exploitation of women and children [Getty Images]

Within days of Nayera’s murder, Egyptians woke up to the news that missing TV presenter Shaima Gamal’s body had been found on a farm in Giza – she had been murdered by her husband, a judge, her face burned with acid in an effort to disguise her identity.

His judge immunity has been lifted and he is to be trialled in a criminal court. And if this isn’t enough, in June a woman in the district of Halwan in Cairo was stabbed by her husband 20 times followed by having her right ear cut off. When asked why he did it, her husband said, “because she does not listen to what I say.”

The murders of Nayera Ashraf and Iman Irshaid are reminiscent of those of Farah Akbar in Kuwait and Noor Mukadam in Pakistan just last year, whose murderers took their lives after having their proposals rejected.

"A woman in the district of Halwan in Cairo was stabbed by her husband 20 times followed by having her right ear cut off. When asked why he did it, her husband said, 'because she does not listen to what I say'"

Similar to the case of Farah, Nayera and her family had made repeated formal complaints to the Egyptian authorities. In both Akbar and Ashrafs’ cases, the authorities failed to keep them safe, leading to their deaths.

Yet sadly neither the authorities in Kuwait nor in Egypt have been held accountable for their part in failing to take action.

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These acts of femicide are not new to Egypt. In October 2020, three men sexually assaulted 24-year-old Mariam Salah and then proceeded to attempt to steal her handbag, dragging her to her death with their microbus.

Two of the men were sentenced to death and the third was acquitted. And last year, three men broke into a 34-year-old woman’s flat in El Salam district in Cairo for receiving a male visitor, torturing her visitor and then terrorising her to the point she reportedly jumped off the balcony of her 6th-floor apartment and died.

However, her body was found lying on the floor outside another building, making the claim that she threw herself off unclear. The men were charged with unlawful imprisonment and thuggery, not with murder.

What this all proves is that targeted gender-based murders and violence have become systemic in Egypt, something that Amira Salah-Ahmed, Chief Media Officer and Executive Producer at Womena, agrees with.

In a public statement following Nayera’s murder, Amira said, “Nayera Ashraf’s murder cannot be seen as an isolated incident, but needs to be accurately portrayed as part of a dangerous narrative that normalises gender-based violence.

"The dangerous cultural narrative not only discriminates against women on a daily basis but goes further to normalise gender-based violence by depicting it lightly or comically as entertainment in all forms of media. Patriarchal and misogynistic mindsets are further cemented by these fatal narratives that are brought directly into our homes. This is worsened by the lack of legal frameworks to protect women who actively seek protection from authorities.”

"When we look at a country like Egypt or Jordan... you’re socialised into waiting to get married until you have sex. Because of patriarchy in South West Asia and North Africa, men have much more leeway when it comes to this; they are able to express their sex drive in ways that women can’t"

Gathering statistics on cases of femicide and the numbers of girls and women subjected to gender-based violence is a mammoth task in Egypt.

The Edraak Foundation for Development and Equality is one of a few reliable organisations that has undertaken this incredibly difficult task.

In their report issued last year, they estimated that 7.8 million girls and women in Egypt have experienced some form of gender-based violence.

There were 415 violent crimes committed against girls and women in Egypt in 2020, 113 cases of women murdered as a result of domestic abuse, and a total of 165 cases of femicide in that same year.

In the days following Nayera Ashraf and Iman Irshaids’ murders, some on social media referred to their murderers as incels. However, Arab writers and academics have disagreed with the use of this term which has been created by the West to describe men who find themselves involuntarily celibate and as a result target women with misogynistic abuse and violence.

An Algerian activist holds a placard reading in Arabic "The future is female" during a rally in Algiers [Getty Images]

Egyptian American feminist, journalist, and author of The Seven Necessary Sins for Women and Girls, Mona El Tahawy, tells The New Arab that there is an important distinction that needs to be made between incels in the West, and men like Nayera Ashraf and Iman Irshaids’ murderers.

“When it comes to sex and the ability to express one’s self sexually and openly, we’re talking about very different cultural contexts, because today for most people in the so-called West, you can have sex with whoever you want whenever you want and it’s a different scenario in Egypt, in Jordan, and in what we now call South West Asia and North Africa,” explains Mona.

“There’s much more taboo connected with it, there’s much more shame, there’s much more silence, so it is a different playing field. When we look at a country like Egypt or Jordan and other countries in the region, you’re socialised into waiting to get married until you have sex. Because of patriarchy in South West Asia and North Africa, men have much more leeway when it comes to this; they are able to express their sex drive in ways that women can’t, so it's a different kind of involuntarily celibate men," Mona continues.

These men in Egypt and Jordan believe that women must succumb to their advances, these women owe them their attention and their love, and if they don’t, then these men believe – because patriarchy protects and enables men’s violence against us – that they have the right to punish women. And there is nothing in our societies that holds those men accountable.”


The outpouring of rage and anger from people in Egypt following Nayera’s murder meant that her murderer’s trial and conviction was one of the fastest ever seen in Egypt’s Criminal Court, as murder cases tend to take months or even years to reach a verdict.

However, this is not the norm, and the Egyptian legal system is greatly lacking when it comes to laws that punish femicide and acts of gender-based violence. In fact, terms such as “misogynistic hate crime” and “femicide” are not recognised.

Article 60 in the Penal Code allows a perpetrator of domestic violence to be pardoned if he “acted in good faith,” and Article 17 allows a judge to lower a sentence for rape or an honour killing as an act of “mercy,” although recently there has been talk of Article 17 being abolished.

Furthermore, when you are living in a country where the state itself commits acts of gender-based violence against women, such as the sexual violence and forced virginity tests perpetrated by the military during the Arab Spring in 2011 and anti-military protests in 2014, it is no wonder that men like Nayera Ashraf’s murderer kill so brazenly and with such impunity.

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“It is essential that we identify these violent men, while not forgetting that femicide is an act fuelled by misogyny and the absence of laws that view women as equal citizens. We cannot stop at blaming these men, or calling them incels, without working to dismantle the larger patriarchal system we live in,” says Huda Jawad, Co-Director of Musawah, the global movement for equality and justice in the Muslim family.

For over a decade Musawah has been campaigning for reform to personal status laws and family laws in both Egypt and other Muslim-majority countries.

“It is important to note here that we do not yet see femicide as a crime in our region. We do not differentiate between the act of killing and the act of killing a woman because of the sole fact that she is a woman, so the penal code is lacking when it comes to femicide.

"We hope we will be able to get justice for these women. We also hope that we start building a collective discourse on femicide that translates into systemic and legal efforts. At Musawah, we believe equality and justice are necessary and possible and we know that the time for this change is now."

Yousra Samir Imran is a British Egyptian writer and author who is based in Yorkshire. She is the author of Hijab and Red Lipstick, being published by Hashtag Press in the UK in October 2020

Follow her on Twitter: @UNDERYOURABAYA

Tuesday, March 23, 2021

'No more shame': the French women breaking the law to highlight femicide
 An activist who is part of Les Colleuses movement stands in front of a poster which reads: ‘I believe you’, in Paris, France, in October last year. 
Photograph: Kiran Ridley/Getty Images


Alarming rates of violence have inspired a poster campaign that has spread beyond France to more than 15 countries


by Kim Willsher
THE GUARDIAN

Tue 23 Mar 2021

On a weekday evening, in between coronavirus lockdowns and curfews, Camille, Natacha and Cindy are out with a bright yellow plastic bucket of glue, two large brushes and a wad of A4 paper, each sheet covered with a single letter.

The women, all in their 20s, stop on the main road of this Paris suburb by the wall of what looks like a former bank.

“This is good,” says Camille. It is the signal for a well-practised piece of choreography: Natacha glues; Camille slaps up each lettered sheet; Cindy pastes over it.


They stand back. The message, in black letters on white paper, is clear: “Stop au harcelement de rue” (stop street harassment).

Another wall, another message. Outside the municipal swimming pool it’s paste, slap, paste: “Le consentement n’est pas une option” (consent isn’t optional). On a kiosk under the awnings of the local market, paste, slap, paste: “Stop féminicide”.

Then it is up and out of there to avoid a €68 fine if caught by the police. Another successful, albeit illegal, hit-and-run poster pasting.

For the past two years, similar messages have been appearing on walls all over Paris, Bordeaux, Grenoble, Poitiers, Lyons and other French cities. They are the work of Les Colleuses – the gluers – feminist activists who have found a simple, cheap and effective way to make women’s voices heard.

Camille Lextray became a colleuse afterthe particularly brutal murder of a young woman in September 2019 . Her partner denies her murder.

“Her name was Salomé and she was only 21 when she was beaten to death. The police had been called but they treated it as a domestic and did nothing. Later, they found her body under a pile of rubbish. We put up a collage on the anniversary of her death at the request of her mother,” Lextray said.

The idea for street posters to highlight cases of femicide was dreamed up by Marguerite Stern, a former member of the feminist activist group FEMEN. Stern, then living in Marseille, was deeply shocked by the 2019 killing of Julie Douib, 34, a mother of two children, shot dead at her home by an abusive ex-partner who goes on trial in June and denies her murder.

Douib had reported the man to the police five times before her death, but no action was taken. Stern began putting up posters denouncing violence against women in Marseille, later moving to Paris where she set up a collage collective. 
Activists known as Les Colleuses paste anti-femicide posters on a wall in Paris in October last year. Photograph: Kiran Ridley/Getty Images

In the early days they were called “Collages Contre les Féminicides” (collages against femicide), with groups pasting up the names of women killed by their current or former partner. The street action caught the imagination of women everywhere and spread even beyond France.

“Suddenly we had people all over the place contacting us.” says Camille. “At the last count more than 200 cities, towns and villages in France had collage groups others in London and in more than 15 countries around the world.”

“Anyone can get involved. It takes 10 minutes to write a slogan on a piece of paper, it doesn’t take a lot of money or resources. It’s extremely important for women. It’s about daring to occupy the public space, about women leaving their mark in public.

“One mother had suffered conjugal violence and painted the messages with her young son, went out and stuck them up. It’s taking back control in our lives and it is liberating. No more secrets, no more shame, no more silence. We have constructed our own media platform. This is our loudspeaker.”

France has one of the highest rates of femicide in Europe. In 2019, 146 women were killed in France by a partner or ex-partner. More than 40% of the victims had already suffered violence at the hands of their partner and nearly half of those had reported it to the police.

It’s about daring to occupy the public space, about women leaving their mark in public.
Camille

The term femicide is sometimes defined as the murder of women by men but in France it generally refers to the murder of a woman by a partner, ex-partner or family member.

In 2020, the number of femicides in France fell to 90 for the year – the lowest since such statistics began to be collated 15 years ago. But Caroline De Haas, who started the feminist collective NousToutes in 2018, said that even if the numbers dropped, “nearly 100 deaths is no reason to celebrate”.

About 200,000 women in France are estimated to suffer domestic violence every year, but fewer than one in five go to the police and the problem has worsened during Covid-19 lockdowns, Natacha said.

A hotline for female victims of violence set up by the government received 45,000 calls during the first three-month lockdown last year.

“Nobody was prepared for the lockdowns,” Natacha said. “We are sticking up [posters] for ourselves and for the victims and to raise the issue to a wider audience. In doing so we hope we are educating people on the subject of violence done to women and minorities and creating an atmosphere for change.”


The group is fiercely critical of what it sees as the lip service paid by the Macron government on the issue. “We were full of hope: they said they would fight against sexism, and make it a big cause. But it was words and inaction and nothing has changed,” Natacha said. “We have lost confidence in the politicians. We are disillusioned. We have to change the psychology of the patriarchy.”

Camille, Natacha and Cindy glueing up posters 
in Paris demanding an end to femicides. 
Photograph: Kim Willsher/The Guardian

The government responded to the outcry at the alarming levels of femicide in 2019 with new legislation including 40 emergency measures such as electronic bracelets to keep violent abusers from approaching their victims.

Critics say the rules, which took effect last July, are being implemented too slowly.

Marlène Schiappa, a junior minister at the interior ministry, was formerly the country’s equalities minister. She told the Guardian combatting violence against women was a government priority.

“Of course there is progress to be made in France in terms of the rights of women. The subject remains a priority for the government. We must always do more as long as violence exists,” Schiappa said.

Data collected by Eurostat, the EU’s statistics office, for 2017 suggested that Romania and Northern Irelandhad the highest number of women killed by partners as a percentage of the population. But in terms of overall femicides, Eurostat found that Germany and France had the worst records. According to the UK femicide census, a woman is killed by a man who is or was her intimate partner every four days and the rate of fatal violence against women in Britain has shown no signs of decline since the organisation started monitoring in 2009.