Showing posts sorted by relevance for query OCALAN. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query OCALAN. Sort by date Show all posts

Monday, March 14, 2022

IMPRISONED LEADER OF PKK/YPG

Giant posters of Abdullah Öcalan cover Manchester buildings

A giant poster of Kurdish people's leader Abdullah Öcalan hung in a 10-storey building in Manchester in the north of England.



ANF
MANCHESTER
Saturday, 12 Mar 2022, 08:51

A giant poster of Abdullah Öcalan hung in a 10-storey building in Manchester. As part of the "It's Time" campaign launched for the freedom of Kurdish people's leader Abdullah Öcalan and carried out at international level, posters of the Kurdish people's leader were hung on billboards at crossroads, buildings and bus stops in Manchester.

The poster, which was hung on a billboard exceeding 10 meters on the side wall of a building opposite the Manchester Stadium, attracted great attention. The area where the poster was hung was located at the most important junction of the city of Manchester. Many other posters were placed at different locations.

The posters will hang for about a week, and read "How many days of solitary confinement could you survive in a Turkish prison?" The banners read and below they said: "Kurdish Leader Abdullah Öcalan has been held in solitary confinement on a Turkish prison island for over 8,400 days."

British Kurdish People's Assembly co-chair Elif Sarıcan emphasized that the "Time Has Come" campaign is a work based on the freedom of the Kurdish and Middle Eastern peoples, to begin with the freedom of Öcalan. Stating that with the 'Freedom for Abdullah Öcalan' campaign carried out by the unions in England, they aim at achieving the freedom of the Kurdish people’s leader, Sarıcan said: "While describing Leader Apo's thought, philosophy and life stance across Britain, we draw attention to its universal dimensions. In this sense, the posters prepared in the city of Manchester attracted great attention. We had the chance to meet Öcalan in many parts of the city and to come into contact with his paradigm of freedom."


Banners and posters with the photo of Abdullah Öcalan hung all over London
As part of the 15 February protests of the Kurdish People's Assembly, a total of 60 billboards and more than 200 posters on bus stops were displayed by a UK distribution company.


  • Who is Abdullah Ocalan? - Freedom for Ocalan

    https://www.freedomforocalan.org/about/who-is-abdullah-ocalan

    Abdullah Ocalan is the recognised leader of the Kurdish liberation movement. Imprisoned since 1999, his ideas and vision have served as an inspiration and guiding model for Kurds in Turkey and Syria. Affectionately known as ‘Apo’ (short for both Abdullah and Uncle in Kurdish), Öcalan is central to the peace process needed to end Turkey’s war on the Kurdish people. In Syria his …

    • Estimated Reading Time: 4 mins
    • https://thekurdishproject.org/.../famous-kurds-old/abdullah-ocalan
      Image
      The PKK is considered a terrorist organization by Turkey, the United States, and other nations. Öcalan and other Kurdish people looking to fight for independence and rights for Kurds in Turkey founded the PKK in 1978, but the organization did not reach its notorious violence until the early 1980’s. The violence included bombing…
      See more on thekurdishproject.org
    • https://www.aei.org/op-eds/the-kurds-nelson-mandela-the-legacy-of...

      2021-03-17 · Abdullah Öcalan, the Kurdish leader imprisoned by Turkey for the past 22 years may be dead. On March 14, rumors erupted on Turkish social media that Öcalan, founder of the Kurdistan Workers ...

    • https://www.freedomforocalan.org

      Abdullah Öcalan is the recognised leader of the Kurdish movement in Turkey and beyond. He speaks for the Kurdish people’s aspirations for freedom from political and cultural oppression, for democracy and peace. From his prison cell, Öcalan has led a campaign for peace and a democratic solution. He has written books explaining his ideas on how democratic peace can …

    • Books by Abdullah Öcalan

      www.ocalanbooks.com

      Books by Abdullah Öcalan. La civiltà capitalista. Beyond State, Power, and Violence. Die demokratische Zivilisation. بونیادنانی ژیانی ئازاد. The Art of Freedom. Freedom Poems for Öcalan. Manifeste pour une civilisation démocratique - Volume …

    • https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Trial_of_Abdullah_Öcalan

      The trial of Abdullah Öcalan, the leader of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), began on 31 May 1999 and concluded on 29 June with a death sentence for treason and separatism. Öcalan was captured in February 1999 in Nairobi, Kenya and brought to Turkey where he was imprisoned on the İmralı island in the Sea of Marmara. After his conviction, Öcalan appealed to the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR), which ruled he did not have a fair trialand demanded a retrial. The deat…

      Wikipedia · Text under 

    • Saturday, November 04, 2023

      YPJ: The resistance of Kobanê has never surrendered to oppression

      The YPJ general command statement on World Kobanê Day.


      ANF
      NEWS DESK
      Thursday, 2 Nov 2023, 

      The YPJ general command issued a statement on World's Kobanê Day.

      The statement said: "1 November is World Kobane Day, which was achieved with the united force of the people and in democratic ways. Kobanê became a clear message of resistance, that the people would not bow down to the oppression of the hegemonic forces that aimed to massacre and annihilate them."

      The statement continued as follows: "In the light of the thoughts and philosophy of Abdullah Ocalan, the resistance of the Kurdish people has been achieved. With a spirit of selflessness, self-sacrificing and the joining of the people to the line of Abdullah Ocalan, the victory of Kobanê had been achieved. On this basis, we as the YPJ greet the leader of the democratic nation, Abdullah Ocalan, and again pledge our alliance. Abdullah Ocalan has made works and efforts that are so big and important for the fate of the peoples of the region, that they can not be put into words. If the world sees itself in the resistance of Kobanê, we also have to see that the biggest efforts that made this resistance possible have been made by Abdullah Ocalan himself. The Kurdish people in Kobane, all four parts of Kurdistan and the world stood up to the efforts of Abdullah Ocalan, and with their attitude of resistance and decisiveness have reached victory over ISIS in the Kobanê resistance.

      Kobanê is the proof of the people’s hope. The victory of Kobanê represents the hope for the future of the Kurdish people and all people who demand democracy and freedom. We commemorate with all respect those martyrs who have not taken any steps back against the brutality of the time. Kobanê is a result of the efforts and the vanguard role of the YPJ, YPG, and internationalist fighters. On this basis, we salute the attitude of all commanders and fighters proudly and congratulate our people, women and all forces that have decided to develop democracy on the occasion of World Kobanê Day.

      The world, which had been silenced against the fascist attacks, has raised its voice again in Kobanê with the vanguard role of women. ISIS has been sent into our region as a cover-up for all self-interested and exploitative forces. ISIS clearly expresses the brutality of all the global forces that want to destroy humanity as a whole. For this reason, all four parts of Kurdistan and all democratic and freedom-seeking forces in the world have seen the genocidal attacks against Kobanê less as a physical attack on geography and more as an attack against the values of humanity. Because they saw it as a resistance to the defense of the values of humanity, the women’s revolution that also started in Kobanê has become known as the defense of Kobanê and spread through the regions of North and East Syria.

      The resistance of Kobanê, which has been reached through the vanguard role of women, has made it possible for humanity to take a step towards organizing itself for democracy. The defense of the homeland and society against the wave of fascism by the Kurdish youth has made it possible for a wave of freedom to come up, and all the forces that act under the cover of ISIS are covered under this wave. The ones who were the vanguard of the historical Kobanê resistance were Kurdish women. The vanguard role of women made it possible that Kobanê became the place and time that the belief in developing the system of a democratic nation grew. This hope has lit up the strengths and conviction of the whole world. With this, the resistance of Kobanê has become international and reached an internationalist level.

      The revolution that has been achieved by making very valuable sacrifices is today and every day again under attack by the Turkish occupation state. Turkey, with its attacks from Kobanê to Afrin, Serekaniyê and Gire Spî continues its genocidal attacks without a break. The world that has spoken so much about the resistance of Kobanê and the bravery of its people, that has been so influenced by this resistance, is now silent about the attacks of the Turkish occupation state. Kobanê, with its resistance against ISIS, had become the city of resistance for all democratic societies. But the same city is now facing attacks by the Turkish state that are more frightening than those by ISIS. To stay silent against this is to silently agree with these attacks. Who can make these attacks stop? The unity and resistance of women and people.

      Today, what will make it possible to restrengthen all the resistance of the world against fascism is to be victorious in the defense and revitalization of the spirit of Kobanê. The resistance of Kobane has brought down the borders of nation-states. We commemorate our friends Rêvan, Arîn, Medya, Zehra, Gelhat, Herdem and many more whose efforts and resistance history can never make unseen. We commemorate all the martyrs of the revolution and promise to stand up for their aims. In the end, we call upon all of our people and the peoples of the world to say that making a free life possible will again be achieved by standing up for the resistance of Kobanê."


       





















      Monday, November 22, 2021

      Turkey and the Kurds
      Joint Kurdish plan? Turkish opposition hope for election boost

      For the first time in 19 years, polls suggest Turkey's opposition could be on track to defeat President Erdogan at the next election. To boost their appeal to Kurdish voters, politicians are now talking openly about solving the Kurdish issue. But how sincere are they and how realistic their chances of success? Leyla Egeli reports

      With the opposition's Nation Alliance increasingly confident of wresting power from Erdogan at the next election, thereby concluding twenty years of rule by the conservative Justice and Development Party (AKP), the idea of a new peace process to address Kurdish concerns is once again being broached.

      It is six years since the last 'peace process', intended to end hostilities between the militant Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and the Turkish army, collapsed. For their part, the ruling AKP and its ultra-nationalist ally, the MHP, claim they have solved the issue, thus producing "unity across the nation". But opposition leaders maintain the issue is a matter for parliament – a move apparently calculated to attract pro-minority People's Democratic Party (HDP) voters in the upcoming elections.

      CHP’s approach to the peace process

      The main opposition party – the CHP (Republican People's Party) – criticised the AKP administration during the last peace process, which began in 2013, for liaising directly with senior members of the PKK via intelligence channels and communicating solely with the pro-minority HDP, rather than bringing negotiations to parliament for more transparency.

      When the process broke down in 2015, CHP chair Kemal Kilicdaroglu blamed the government for not being serious about finding a solution and called in parliament for a "reconciliation commission" to be set up.

      Six years on, there is little sign that hostilities are abating. After countless military operations against the PKK in Turkey, northern Syria and northern Iraq, and with the HDP facing an official ban by the Supreme Court for "co-operating with a terror group", Kilicdaroglu has once again called for a peace process.


      Hopeful of gaining support from the pro-Kurdish HDP: Sezgin Tanrikulu, human rights lawyer, MP and adviser to CHP chair Kilicdaroglu, points out that the HDP supported the bill his party brought to parliament during the previous peace process, and that they could be on the same page once again: "We offered to create a 'reconciliation commission' made up of MPs from all the political parties in the parliament, and establish a 'common mind committee'. The commission was to give the committee authority and legitimacy to speak to those parties to the conflict, and everything would be on the record"

      He is also demanding that the HDP should be represented in parliament. Yet he appears to ignore the importance of PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan to the majority of HDP voters: "It’s crucial that the HDP is represented in the Turkish parliament. But Imrali [a reference to PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan; Imrali is where he has been jailed for more than 20 years] is not legitimate. The issue must be solved by a legitimate body."

      Are CHP tactics enough to attract HDP votes?

      According to recent polls, the pro-minority HDP can still expect to take around 10 percent of the vote, and it has not entered into any alliance. The combined potential of the remaining opposition parties are not enough to present a viable challenge to President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, which is why the opposition is hoping to gain the support of HDP voters.

      Kilicdaroglu's latest initiative is a positive step, indicating that his party is open to moving towards reconciliation if they are elected. But it drew a swift reaction from senior HDP party members. Former HDP co-chair, Sezai Temelli, argued that the parliament is crucial, but that Ocalan is key to solving the problem. HDP’s current co-chair Mithat Sancar agreed, saying that "Imrali will definitely play a role in the process".

      In interview with Qantara.de, CHP MP Sezgin Tanrikulu, a human rights activist, lawyer and an adviser to Kilicdaroglu, nevertheless emphasised that the HDP supported the bill his party brought to parliament during the peace process, and that they could be on the same page once again:

      "We offered to create a 'reconciliation commission' made up of MPs from all the political parties in the parliament, and establish a 'common mind committee'. The commission was to give the committee authority and legitimacy to speak to those parties to the conflict, and everything would be on the record."

      The oblique reference to 'parties to the conflict' would appear to imply the PKK and Ocalan. Tanrikulu believes the HDP would support the bill, were it to be tabled in parliament again.


      Repulican People's Party unlikely to show its hand until just before the election: "Current CHP policy is to stay away from topics that might create division and problems within the Nation’s Alliance, and the Kurdish issue is one of them," says Vahap Coskun, law professor at Diyarbakir's Dicle University, in Kurdish-majority eastern Turkey. He is convinced, however, that " owing to the lack of options for Kurdish voters", it is likely the latter will vote for the Nation’s Alliance candidate if they feel the individual candidate is committed to ensuring genuine representation of all identities

      Senior HDP member Meral Danis Bestas confirmed that "there is no way to solve the issue, other than dialogue", and that the HDP supported an 'on the record' process via parliament. But does the party believe in the sincerity of the opposition bloc?

      She answered, "You may think this is naive, but if the opposition takes a positive approach, there will be more commitment to finding a solution. Political parties – nationalist or otherwise – can have an impact on the masses. We experienced it during the peace process."

      How is the IYI’s stance affecting Kilicdaroglu?

      The nationalist masses referred to by Bestas are the supporters of the Good Party (IYI), who present another obstacle to CHP’s efforts to send positive signals in the direction of the HDP.

      The IYI, which was founded by politicians who broke away from the nationalist MHP in 2017, is CHP’s ally in the Nation Alliance. Although IYI Party members originally gave their support to Kilicdaroglu when he called for a parliamentary solution, there have been some raised eyebrows among its supporters in response to the CHP chair's latest initiative.

      On a recent tour through mostly Kurdish-populated southeast Turkey, IYI Party chair Meral Aksener was approached by a Kurdish man, who declared: "You may deny Kurdistan, but you are in Kurdistan right now." With her nationalist voter base monitoring the rhetoric and aware of the sensitive nature of the issue, Aksener appeared to weigh her response carefully. Ultimately, however, she admitted she couldn’t accept the word "Kurdistan".

      After a flurry of reactions – positive and negative – from both sides, she dug in further, claiming the man was working for the HDP, and that "Kurdistan" was an expression used by the "terror group". Later she called on the HDP to maintain a suitable distance from the PKK.

      With much of Turkish society expecting an election sooner rather than later, the IYI and the CHP seem less than united in their approach to the Kurdish issue. Late in October, when the CHP objected to a bill giving the government authority to send Turkish soldiers to Iraq and Syria for another two years, the IYI voted in favour of the military campaign.


      Dialogue is the only way: with the HDP party facing an official ban by Turkey's Supreme Court, it is crucial that Kurdish concerns are heard. "If the opposition takes a positive approach, there will be more commitment to finding a solution. Political parties – nationalist or otherwise – can have an impact on the masses," says HDP politician Meral Danis Bestas

      Vahap Coskun, a professor of law at Dicle University in Kurdish-majority Diyarbakir, said that he didn't think the CHP would produce a serious plan for moving forward on the Kurdish issue until the elections. "Their policy is to stay away from topics that might create division and problems within the Nation Alliance, and the Kurdish issue is one of them. The CHP is merely sending a message to HDP voters that they will stand alongside them."

      Meanwhile, the IYI is trying to consolidate support among its mostly urban, nationalist voter base. But is this indecisive policy fostering trust among HDP supporters that the Nation Alliance will breathe new life into the peace process should they come to power?

      HDP voters showed they could be supportive during the 2019 local elections, says Tanrikulu, when they voted for the Nation Alliance candidates. He believes the issue could be solved with the genuine support of the IYI: "It is an issue that concerns Turkey: all sections of society should be included. I believe the IYI will show it is willing to help find a parliament-sanctioned solution to the problem."

      Coskun, on the other hand, is convinced that, "owing to the lack of options for Kurdish voters", it is likely the latter will vote for the Nation Alliance candidate if they feel the individual candidate is committed to ensuring genuine representation of all identities.

      When asked whether the Nation Alliance would be capable of putting forward constructive proposals on the path to future peace, he said it all depended on the strength of their parliamentary mandate.

      Although it may not be a priority when they enter government, if the CHP – with the support of the HDP – treads a careful, middle-of-the-road path towards a Kurdish solution, it is likely they will get the green light from their political partners.

      Leyla Egeli

      © Qantara.de 2021

      Saturday, April 09, 2022

      GLOBAL SOCIAL THEORY
      Concepts | Thinkers 

      ÖCALAN, Abdullah


      Abdullah Öcalan, also known as “Apo,” is a person whose name is at the heart of a controversy, globally, and particularly in Turkey about what he is – a thinker, a philosopher, a freedom fighter, a civil rights activist or a “terrorist.” Born on April 4, 1948, in Mardin Province of Southeast Turkey/North Kurdistan, Öcalan as a person either triggers emotions of nostalgia or deep hatred. Yet, Öcalan’s importance and significance cannot be ignored – both as the symbolic leader of the Kurds, but also as a decolonial thinker who, during the last 20 years whilst imprisoned on Imrali island in Turkey, has developed a unique social and political theory of colonialism and radical democracy.

      Öcalan’s writings appear all the more remarkable for their composition as legal statements to be read by his lawyers in Turkish courtrooms. Written whilst in solitary confinement with no access to a library, Öcalan’s writings often stretch to book length studies of praxis, the subject/object dualism, the capitalist regime of truth, and how this is tied to a history of slavery, as well as a wide ranging critique of Western metaphysics and colonialism. Öcalan’s political thought is influenced by Murray Bookchin, Michel Foucault, Hannah Arendt, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels as well as feminist political theory and the myths of Ancient Mesopotamia.

      Öcalan’s is the symbolic leader of the Kurdistan Worker’s Party (PKK), a militant left-wing nationalist movement, managing to maintain this role whilst in prison. He is the empty signifier of freedom, liberation and decolonization for Kurds, and his political project is one that can be classified as decolonial and as having a radical democratic aim. Crucial to Öcalan’s thought is a feminist politics in which he figures Women at the centre of his theory of democratic civilisation or freedom.

      Central to the positive vision for the Kurds, the Middle East and the world is the separation of the concepts of nation and state, arguing for a democratic confederalism that presupposes a politics of dis-identifying with the state, with capitalism, and with patriarchy. Through these prison writings, “Apo” offers something of a “post-humanist” or ecological ontology, arguing that a democratic future requires an ongoing renegotiation with the colonial present and the possibility of politics without subjectivation.

      Öcalan’s work has undergone major transformation following his arrest in 1999. From his prison cell, Öcalan’s defence texts and ‘prison notes’ have illustrated his reshaped ideology as well as the PKK discourse, as these are seen as synonymous (Günes, 2011). Under Öcalan’s leadership the politics of the PKK has transitioned from what was in essence ‘a civil rights war fought in national liberation terms’ moving ‘to a national liberation war fought in civil rights terms’ premised largely upon a Marxist-Leninist ideology (Cavanaugh and Hughes, 2015).

      Öcalan’s work from 2000 onwards illustrates, however, a new political project in which he develops his own version of socialism, which is centred around democratic confederalism and democratic autonomy, presenting what is essentially a radical rethinking of democracy in its current form. Öcalan’s work has therefore changed importantly insofar as he has replaced state-building with society-building, and replaced the nation-state with confederalism premised upon radical democracy outside of the nation-state paradigm.

      Consequently, democratic confederalism is a means through which ‘democratic self-government’ can function (Öcalan, 2008), and in practice this implies, according to Öcalan that it ‘builds on the self-government of local communities and is organized in the form of open councils, town councils, local parliaments and larger congresses. The citizens themselves are agents of this kind of self-government, not state-based authorities (Öcalan, 2008).’ This bottom-up system developed by Öcalan illustrates how we can do politics and how an alternative model of democracy that allows the power of people, rather than the state as capitalism and patriarchy, can enable a democracy which is radical and participatory within ‘boundaries of existing nation-states through federation and self-organisation’ (Öcalan, 2017a).


      In a short essay called ‘Liberating Life: Women’s Revolution’, Öcalan (2013) outlines the core tenets of his sociological/historico-philosophical writings. Öcalan’s fundamental claim is that ‘mainstream civilisation’, commences with the enslavement of ‘Woman’, through what he calls ‘Housewifisation’ (2013). As such, it is only through a ‘struggle against the foundations of this ruling system’ (2013), that not only women, but also men can achieve freedom, and slavery can be destroyed. Any liberation of life, for Öcalan, can only be achieved through a Woman’s revolution. In his own words: ‘If I am to be a freedom fighter, I cannot just ignore this: woman’s revolution is a revolution within a revolution’ (2013).

      For Öcalan, the Neolithic era is crucial, as the heyday of the matricentric social order. The figure of the Woman is quite interesting, and is not just female gender, but rather a condensation of all that is ‘equal’ and ‘natural’ and ‘social’, and its true significance is seen as a mode of social governance, which is non-hierarchical, non-statist, and not premised upon accumulation (2013). This can only be fully seen, through the critique of ‘civilisation’ which is equally gendered and equated with the rise of what he calls the ‘dominant male’ and hegemonic sexuality. These forms of power as coercive are embodied in the institution of masculine civilisation. And power in the matriarchal structures are understood more as authority, they are natural/organic. What further characterised the Neolithic era is the ways through which society was based upon solidarity and sharing – no surplus in production, and a respect for nature. In such a social order, Öcalan finds through his archaeology of ‘sociality’ the traces of an ecological ontology, in which nature is ‘alive and animated’, and thus no different from the people themselves.

      The ways in which Öcalan figures ‘Woman’, serves as metaphor for the Kurdish nation-as-people (not nation-state). In short, if one manages to liberate woman, from the hegemonic ‘civilisation’ of ‘the dominant male’, one manages to liberate, not only the Kurds, but the world. It is only on this basis that the conditions of possibility for a genuine global democratic confederalism, and a solution to the conflicts of the Middle East can be thinkable. Once it is thinkable, then we can imagine a freedom to organise, to be free from any conception of ownership (of property, persons, or the self), a freedom to show solidarity, to restore balance to life, nature, and other humans through ‘love’, not power.


      In Rojava, The Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, Öcalan’s political thoughts are being implemented, negotiated and practised. Such a radical experiment, which connects theory with practice has not been seen on this scale, ever before, and although the Rojava administration, the Democratic Union Party, is different from the PKK, they share the same political leader, Öcalan. Central to this experiment are commitments to feminism, ecology and justice.

      Essential readings:
      D’Souza, Radha (2017) Preface. In: Öcalan, Abdullah, Manifesto for a Democratic Civilization, Volume II: Capitalism, The Age of Unmasked Gods and Naked Kings. Porsgrunn: New Compass Press. pp. 11 – 24).
      Öcalan, Abdullah (2013) Liberating Life: Woman’s Revolution.
      Öcalan, Abdullah (2017a) The Political Thought of Abdullah Öcalan: Kurdistan, Woman’s Revolution and Democratic Confederalism. London: Pluto Press.
      Overview of Abdullah Öcalan’s books can be found here


      Further readings:
      Akkaya, Ahmet Hamdi and Jongerden, Joost (2012) ‘Reassembling the Political: The PKK and the project of Radical Democracy,’ European Journal of Turkish Studies
      Gunes, Cengiz. (2012). The Kurdish National Movement in Turkey. London: Routledge,
      Hughes, Edel & Cavanaugh, Kathleen (2015). ‘A Democratic Opening? The AKP and the Kurdish Left.’ Muslim World Journal of Human Rights12 (1): 53 – 74.
      Öcalan, Abdullah (2015) Manifesto for a Democratic Civilization, Volume I: Civilization, The Age of Masked Gods and Disguised Kings. Porsgrunn: New Compass Press.
      Öcalan, Abdullah (2017b) Manifesto for a Democratic Civilization, Volume II: Capitalism, The Age of Unmasked Gods and Naked Kings. Porsgrunn: New Compass Press.



      Freedom for Ocalan

      Freedom for Ocalan

      by Freedom for Ocalan



      Monday, October 31, 2022

      Iran's protesters find inspiration in a Kurdish revolutionary slogan

      October 27, 2022
      SEYMA BAYRAM
      DIBA MOHTASHAM


      Bahar Demirtaş for NPR

      For 41 days, thousands of Iranians have taken to the streets in anger over the death of a young Kurdish woman in police custody, even as authorities continue their violent crackdown against them. The demonstrations — honoring the memory of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini, whose Kurdish first name was Jina — have become the largest women's rights movement in Iran's recent history.

      One resounding slogan has become the movement's rallying cry: "Jin, jiyan, azadi!" — or "Woman, life, freedom!"


      Iran protests spark solidarity rallies in the U.S. and Europe

      First chanted by mourners at Amini's burial in her hometown of Saqez, the slogan quickly spread from the country's Kurdish cities to the capital, Tehran. It took on new life in its Farsi translation — "Zan, zendegi, azadi" — and the message continues to reverberate across solidarity protests from Berlin to New York. Even fashion brands like Balenciaga and Gucci have posted the slogan to their Instagram feeds.


      People attend an anti-Iranian government demonstration in Berlin on Saturday, following the death of Mahsa Amini, who was also known by her Kurdish name, Jina, while in police custody. The slogan "Woman, life, freedom" is a translation of the revolutionary Kurdish slogan, "Jin, jiyan, azadi."Markus Schreiber/AP


      CONSIDER THIS FROM NPR
      Ongoing Protests In Iran Echo A Century-Old Revolution

      The words "jin, jiyan, azadi" and their various translations have unified Iranians across ethnic and social lines. They have come to signify the demand for women's bodily autonomy and a collective resistance against 43 years of repression by the Iranian regime.

      But Kurdish activists say that some Iranians and the media are overlooking key elements of the Kurdish background of both Amini herself and the slogan pulsing through the mass protests sparked by her death.



      THROUGHLINE
      No Friend But The Mountains

      "It's meant to be a universal slogan for a universal women's struggle. That was what was always intended with it," says Elif Sarican, a London-based anthropologist and activist in the Kurdish women's movement. "But the root needs to be understood, at the very least in respect towards the people who have sacrificed their lives for it, but also to understand what this is saying. ... These aren't just words."
      The slogan was popularized during women's marches in Turkey in 2006

      The slogan originated with the Kurdish Freedom Movement, led by the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), an armed group carrying out an insurgency against Turkish authorities since the 1980s. The State Department has long designated the PKK as a terrorist organization.

      PARALLELS
      Understanding The Kurds' Different Roles In Different Conflicts

      The slogan was inspired by the writings of Abdullah Ocalan, the PKK's cofounder, who said that "a country can't be free unless the women are free."

      Ocalan advocated for what he called "jineoloji," a Kurdish feminist school of thought. That ultimately led to the development of an autonomous women's struggle — the Kurdish women's movement — within the broader Kurdish Freedom Movement, Sarican explains.

      MIDDLE EAST
      How the Kurdish people's situation factors into protests over woman's death in Iran

      Toggle more options

      She says the slogan was first popularized during International Women's Day marches across Turkey on March 8, 2006. Turkey, with about 15 million Kurds, is home to the largest population of Kurds in the Middle East. Although they make up an estimated 18% to 20% of the nation's population, they face discrimination and persecution.




      Kurdish women demonstrate during International Women's Day celebrations in Diyarbakir, Turkey, on March 10, 2007. Their protest signs read: "Woman, life, freedom," "Long live March 8," "No to the massacres of women" and "No to harassment and rape." More than 1,500 women gathered to mark International Women's Day in the predominantly Kurdish city.Mustafa Ozer/AFP/Getty Images


      WORLD
      'Revenge Is For The Weak': Kurdish Courts In Northeastern Syria Take On ISIS Cases

      Since 2006, Sarican says, "Every year, based on 'jin, jiyan, azadi' as the philosophy of freedom, there's been various different campaigns that have been announced and declared to the world by the Kurdish women's movement on each 8th of March — to say that this is our contribution, this is our call and this is our encouragement for a common struggle of women against colonialism and patriarchal capitalism."

      AUTHOR INTERVIEWS
      Women Take The Lead In Fighting ISIS In 'Daughters Of Kobani'

      Five years ago, Kurdish female guerrilla fighters with the YPJ militia chanted the slogan during the Kurdish-led Rojava revolution in northern Syria that began in 2012.
      Kurds in Iran face discrimination and many live in poverty

      Ignoring the slogan's political history contributes to the long-standing erasure of Kurdish people's identity and struggle, activists say.

      That's also been the case in international coverage of Amini's death, they contend, in which Mahsa — Amini's Iranian state-sanctioned first name — is used. In interviews, Amini's parents have used both her Iranian and Kurdish names.

      Like many Kurds in Iran, Amini was not allowed to legally register her Kurdish name, which means "life."

      "I felt like she died twice because no one really was mentioning her Kurdish name or her Kurdish background, which is so relevant," says Beri Shalmashi, an Amsterdam-based Iranian Kurdish writer and filmmaker.


      A portrait of Mahsa Amini, who was also known by her Kurdish name, Jina, is held during a rally calling for regime change in Iran in Washington, D.C., on Oct. 1.
      Cliff Owen/AP

      Besides facing ethnic discrimination, Kurds, who make up an estimated 15% of Iran's population, are marginalized as Sunni Muslims in a Shia-majority country. Their language is restricted and they account for nearly half of political prisoners in Iran. The country's Kurdish regions are also among its most impoverished.

      The Iranian government has blamed Kurds for the current unrest in Iran, according to news reports, and has attacked predominantly Kurdish cities, like Sanandaj and Oshnavieh. Some Persian nationalists, meanwhile, continue to ignore the lived experiences of Kurds in the country.

      Shalmashi believes it's vital to highlight Amini's Kurdish identity, and the Kurdish roots of "jin, jiyan, azadi," as a reminder of the need for greater rights for all people in today's Iran — no matter their ethnicity or gender. Without inclusion and unity, she warns, the current protests risk becoming meaningless.

      "Because if you don't make room for people to be in this together," she says, "then what are you going to do if you even succeed?"

      Wednesday, November 29, 2023

      YPJ fighters: Democratic Nation is an alternative against the system of monopolies and nation states

      YPJ fighters of different national identities speak about their life, choices and beliefs.


      ANF
      NEWS DESK
      Sunday, 26 Nov 2023


      According to Abdullah Öcalan, "The definition of a democratic nation that is not bound by rigid political boundaries, one language, culture, religion and interpretation of history, signifies plurality and communities as well as free and equal citizens existing together and in solidarity. The democratic nation allows the people to become a nation themselves, without resting on power and state, becoming a nation through much needed politicisation. It aims to prove that not only through politicisation but also, in the absence of becoming a state or acquiring power, a nation can be created with autonomous institutions in the social, diplomatic, and cultural spheres as well as in economy, law and self-defence, and thus build itself as a democratic nation."



      In Rojava, a revolution is happening on the basis of a long-term struggle of the people. It started more than ten years ago, and since then the life of society has fundamentally changed. One of the aspirations of this revolution is to propose a solution to the Kurdish Question, to the problems of the Middle East, and for a democratic transformation in general. It has been achieved by the continued struggle of the people and, at its core, by the liberation struggle of women. It has been recognized worldwide by democratic movements and individuals. In those years, the society has changed a lot and it is always important to understand those transformations. One of the core issues that the Middle East faces today is how to overcome the politics of oppression, assimilation, and genocide: a solution to those problems ultimately also means building an alternative to the nation-state system. The centralization of the nation state is linked to the development of capitalism, because capitalism centralizes power in monopolies and intensifies fanatical ideas of nation-hood to an end point that inhibits diversity. In his writings, Abdullah Ocalan criticizes the positivist mentality that approaches any phenomenon in a strictly analytical way – an approach that opens the way to genocidal politics when it comes to the question of nations. At the same time, he criticizes attitudes that limit their understanding of the problem of nationhood to a purely constructed or theoretical phenomenon. Instead, he emphasizes the necessity to analyze the problem, its historical roots and its systematics. To overcome it, he proposes the paradigm of the Democratic Nation, which clarifies that, first and foremost, the aim of society is to develop morally and politically.



      The struggle to achieve this transformation, subsequently, involves women’s liberation and developing an ecological way of life. It means overcoming the mentality of dividing everything into parts. Instead of the nation state, Abdullah Ocalan proposes the creation of a common life and self-administration for all ethnicities, religions and societal groups present in the region that, at the same time, offers everyone the opportunity to keep their autonomy and self-define their lives. Because women have been the strongest transformative force in the revolution and because their approach is very flexible and open-minded, they have managed to be the pioneers of overcoming national, ethnic, and religious boundaries. In North and East Syria, the paradigm of the democratic nation is developing in practice. It was our struggle as YPJ that opened the way for this change. Inside the ranks of our forces, women from all kinds of religious and ethnic backgrounds take part, educate themselves about the paradigm of a democratic nation, and organize according to it.

      For many, this has meant great personal changes of attitude and has truly transformed the backward mindsets that we have all been raised with to some greater or lesser degree. Practically, this has become a reality today: a big part of the YPJ consists of Arabic women and women of Christian, Yazidi or other origins. They all organize in order to live out the truth of their own identities and to commonly struggle for freedom. We can see this in the brave personalities of young women today. They overcome the burdens of traditions and capitalist nation-states and create alternatives. We have met several of our friends in the YPJ who are going through this process. They have taken up roles in the self-defense of their common homeland, in units of heavy weapons, in operation forces, in the media, and in the organization of the revolutionary people’s war. But first and foremost, they took on the responsibility to change themselves and society. To show this, we have interviewed four of them. Every one of them represents a part of the YPJ’s lived reality and history.