Hungary Votes This Year: Signs That Orban’s Long Rule May Be Ending

| January 4, 2026, Sunday

With parliamentary elections scheduled for this year, Hungary is entering a tense political phase. For the first time since taking power 15 years ago, Prime Minister Viktor Orban faces a real risk of defeat. This prospect appears to be driving a tightening of control that increasingly reminds observers of developments in Bulgaria: dominant influence over mainstream media, sustained pressure on the opposition, and growing public anger over revelations of unexplained wealth linked to those close to power.

While state television, radio and most major newspapers in Hungary have long been firmly aligned with the ruling Fidesz party, the digital space remains far less predictable for the authorities. Online platforms, social media and YouTube have emerged as key arenas for dissent, where independent voices are openly challenging what critics describe as the “Orban system”.

A prominent example is 33-year-old YouTuber Ádám Nagy. His channel, “Jól van ez így” (“That’s how it goes”), has attracted around 250,000 subscribers, with individual videos regularly drawing hundreds of thousands of views and, in some cases, close to a million. In a country of roughly 10 million people, this reach is significant. An interview he conducted with opposition leader Péter Magyar was watched by nearly one million viewers, signalling a broader shift in how Hungarians seek political information beyond official narratives.

The dominance of pro-government media has been built steadily since Orban’s return to power in 2010. According to media analyst Ágnes Urbán of Budapest’s Corvinus University, large segments of the media sector have moved into the hands of companies linked to the government, following the withdrawal of foreign investors, including German groups. Notably, some former German managers now working in Bulgaria’s bTV previously operated in the Hungarian media market.

The outcome is a vast, coordinated media network that overwhelmingly supports the government, leaving little room for critical journalism. Once-influential outlets such as Origo now promote messages that are pro-Kremlin, anti-Western and hostile to Ukraine, often using visuals and language reminiscent of Russian state television. Opposition figures are virtually absent from state-run broadcasters, pushing critics like Péter Magyar, a former insider in Orban’s circles, to rely on independent online platforms. One of his investigative videos has reportedly been viewed close to three million times.


This growing online influence has unsettled Fidesz. Analysts point out that part of the discomfort stems from generational divides, with much of the party leadership composed of men over 60 who struggle to adapt to the dynamics of digital communication. In May, Orban’s government attempted to introduce a so-called “transparency law” that would have allowed authorities to sanction or shut down media outlets and NGOs receiving foreign funding. The proposal echoed legislation seen in Russia and Belarus, and resembled debates unfolding in Bulgaria. After pressure from the European Union, the plan was shelved, though many observers believe this was a delay rather than an abandonment.




Nagy and other commentators warn that Hungary risks sliding further toward authoritarian governance. In rural areas, where state-controlled media dominate, government messaging has been particularly effective. There, many residents reportedly accept the narrative that “everyone wants war except Viktor Orban”.

At the same time, a separate controversy has intensified public scrutiny. Investigations and drone footage have drawn attention to the Hatvanpuszta estate, a lavishly renovated former Habsburg farm owned by Orban’s father. What was presented as an example of model agriculture appears, according to journalists and opposition figures, more like an opulent residence. Péter Magyar has crystallized public unease with a simple question that resonates widely: where did the money come from?

As his Tisza party gains ground in opinion polls, corruption allegations are becoming central to the political debate. With the elections approaching, pressure on the opposition has increased. Supporters report losing jobs, facing public smears or becoming targets of coordinated discrediting campaigns. While overt repression is rare, those affected describe a climate of fear and uncertainty designed to discourage dissent.

Orban’s public language has also hardened. He has labelled opponents as “pests”, threatened critical media and the judiciary, and backed measures such as the ban on Budapest’s Pride parade. Despite this, protests are growing larger, even in areas traditionally loyal to Fidesz. Artists, public figures and intellectuals are increasingly speaking out, despite the personal risks.

For many Hungarians, this year's vote is seen as a decisive moment, perhaps the final opportunity to reverse the country’s political course.