A decade after the Islamic State, what lies ahead for the Iraqi Kurdistan region?

Analysis: As the decade that began with the rise of IS ends, the Iraqi Kurdistan Region faces a disturbing array of internal challenges.



Analysis
Winthrop Rodgers
19 November, 2024
THE NEW ARAB

At the start of 2014, Iraq’s Kurdistan Region was a centre of geopolitical attention. It had experienced a period of economic growth dating back to the mid-2000s, with many Kurds who had fled abroad in previous decades returning home.

At the beginning of the year, it was marketed positively as the “other Iraq”. By the end, the Kurdistan Region was the platform for the International Coalition to fight the Islamic State (IS). A decade later, it is now awkwardly caught between what it was and an uncertain future.

With the threat of IS much diminished, the international community has turned its focus elsewhere as crises in Ukraine and Gaza have emerged. As a result, domestic challenges in the Kurdistan Region are all the more potent and can no longer be papered over.
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Former Kurdistan Parliament Speaker Yousef Mohammed Sadiq acknowledged that the war against IS was important but argued that there should be a greater focus on domestic factors when assessing the last decade.

“Other incidents that happened along with the emergence of the IS war have affected Kurdistan more,” Mohammed told The New Arab. “Unfortunately…Kurds could not benefit from all the sacrifices they made in the war against IS.”


Despite the massive influx of attention and funding from the international community for the fight against IS, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) struggled to pay its civil servants and launched a devastating program of austerity. Its economy is still struggling amid disputes with Baghdad and problems exporting oil.

Politically, it was pulled in two directions: a drive to reform the duopolistic system that had emerged in the 1990s or realise the birth of an independent state. Both paths failed to achieve their goals. Socially, a new generation of young people came of age shaped by these economic and political headwinds.

“Due to the local issues within the Kurdistan Region, I expect that it either stays like this or will get weaker,” Mohammed said.
A dark economic period

The Kurdistan Region’s economic boom came to a crashing halt in 2014. Although this coincided with and was exacerbated by the emergence of IS, it was primarily caused by disputes between Iraq’s federal government and the KRG over the budget and Erbil’s desire to export oil independently.

When the exports started, Baghdad cut off budget transfers to the Kurdistan Region. This had an outsized impact on the economy because the public sector is by far the most important employer and the KRG could no longer make payroll. In response, Erbil began withholding a portion of the salaries of all civil servants.

Although framed as a temporary measure, this austerity policy would last five years until 2019, and then resume for a time during the Covid-19 pandemic. The KRG promised to repay what it kept back from its people but has never made good on that pledge. The independent oil exports that it fought so hard to achieve never brought in enough money to offset what it had lost from the federal budget.

“People’s conditions got worse and they ended up spending all their savings from before 2014,” said Mohammed, noting that public servants still do not have much certainty about when their next paycheck is coming. Instead of being routine, the timing of salary disbursements is still front-page news in the Kurdistan Region.


There was a massive influx of attention and funding from the international community to Iraqi Kurdistan for the fight against IS. [Getty]


“This has not only affected government employees, but all residents of Kurdistan, because what is coming in and out in the market relies on public sector salaries,” Mohammed added.

Today, relations between Baghdad and Erbil remain troubled. The prospects for a national oil and gas law have dimmed. Despite some encouraging noises, oil exports are still suspended after almost two years. It is doubtful that there will be a major budgetary breakthrough ahead of the Iraqi parliamentary elections next year as all factions look to their bases.

Another lost decade lies ahead unless Baghdad and Erbil can find an agreement to provide timely, regular, and large infusions of cash from the federal budget.

Political failures

Since 2014, the Kurdistan Region was pulled in two directions politically: one focused on addressing a popular desire for reform and the other driven by nationalist ambitions. Neither would succeed in meeting their goals. As a result, Iraqi Kurdish politics is perhaps returning to its fundamentals.

By 2014, the Gorran Movement represented a serious challenge to the ruling duopoly of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union Kurdistan (PUK). It won the second-most seats in the Kurdistan Parliament in the 2013 regional elections on a platform of fighting corruption and instituting parliamentary democracy.

A constitutional crisis was boiling. Then-Kurdistan Region President Masoud Barzani had overstayed his mandate in office, in part because of an emergency agreement to aid the KRG’s response to IS. With the Kurdistan Parliament set to debate the issue, the KDP prevented Yousef Mohammed Sadiq from entering Erbil to preside as speaker. The KDP-Gorran power-sharing cabinet collapsed.
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Meanwhile, the war against IS and the support from the international community convinced Barzani that there was a unique opportunity to seize the long-held dream of independence. Without a functioning parliament, the KDP-led KRG pressed forward with the 2017 independence referendum.

In hindsight, the referendum is viewed as a major strategic mistake. It resulted in significant territorial losses, including Kirkuk. Since then, Baghdad has pressed its advantage and repeatedly restricted the Kurdistan Region’s autonomy.

As the reform project spearheaded by Gorran collapsed, the KDP and the PUK regained their footing as the two most powerful parties. However, they have become increasingly divided and unable to present a unified front.

Mohammed, who played a central role in these events, reflected that the politics of the past decade “caused a deep impact on the region and the loss of trust in the process of democracy in the KRG”.


Iraqi Kurdistan's social dynamics have changed massively in new ways over the past decade. [Getty]


“The Kurdistan Region is getting weaker and more divided due to the issues between the KDP and the PUK. As a consequence, the KRG as an entity has gotten weaker within the framework of the Iraqi state,” he added.

With both the reform and nationalist projects suffering heavy setbacks, the ruling KDP-PUK duopoly has again become the driving force in Iraqi Kurdish politics.

This is not encouraging. There will likely be a lengthy government formation process following the Kurdistan Parliament election on 20 October characterised by discord between the two parties. The result will be more instability and less certainty.

A new generation comes of age

If the Kurdistan Region’s economy is still grappling with the upheaval that began ten years ago and its politics are returning to a previous era, its social dynamics have changed massively in new ways over the past decade.

“A new generation has developed and emerged in our society,” Mohammed said. “This generation has not experienced the [1991] uprising and civil war era. That is why they have different goals and dreams.”

There are ongoing debates about freedom of speech, the role of women and minorities, and religious conservatism. All of them are heavily influenced by the emergence of social media.

The new generation sees “the whole world through their phones and most of them speak a different language, especially English. They also have a lot of aspirations and dreams but not enough opportunities,” Mohammed added, suggesting that this is partly the source of wide discontent among young people.

One consequence of this social upheaval, combined with the economic and political dysfunctions, is that many Iraqi Kurds are trying to migrate to Europe. This is a darker bookend to the late-2000s when the diaspora was coming home.

As the decade that began with the rise of IS ends, the Kurdistan Region faces a disturbing array of internal challenges. Even in the most ordinary circumstances, they would be difficult for a government and society to manage. But the Kurdistan Region is located in a part of the war where cataclysm is all too common.

A new era dawns, but the future is highly uncertain.

Winthrop Rodgers is a journalist and analyst based in Sulaymaniyah in Iraq’s Kurdistan Region. He focuses on politics, human rights, and political economy.

Follow him on Twitter and Instagram: @wrodgers2

'2,800 Yazidis abducted by ISIS in 2014 are yet to be rescued’

The Director of the Iraqi Office for the Rescue of Abducted Yazidis reported that 2,800 Yazidi citizens abducted by ISIS ten years ago have still not been rescued.


ANF
NEWS DESK
Sunday, 17 November 2024, 16:26

Ten years have passed since the 3 August massacre in the Yazidi town of Shengal (Sinjar) in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. When the ISIS gangs stood at the doors of Shengal, thousands of Peshmerga and Asayish (Local Security Force) of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) chaired by Masoud Barzani, who until that very moment controlled the Shengal town, made a quick getaway without shooting even one single bullet. As a result of the flight of the KDP Peshmerga, thousands of Yazidis were slaughtered by the ISIS gangs, thousands more were abducted, predominantly women and children, and sold at markets into slavery. Interestingly, shortly before the genocide took place, the KDP forces seized all the arms and weapons the Yazidis had at that time and took into custody three of the twelve guerrillas of the People's Defense Forces (HPG) and the Free Women's Troops (YJA-Star), who came to the rescue of the fleeing Yazidi people. All this made it indeed very clear how well-prepared and organized this extensive genocide actually was.

The Islamic State (ISIS) killed, captured and displaced all 400,000 Yazidi people living in Shengal on 3 August 2014, in a genocide that disproportionately affected children. About 10,000 Yazidis were killed or abducted. Half of all those executed were children, according to a report by multi-national researchers in the journal PLoS Medicine.

Nearly all (93%) of those who eventually died on Mount Shengal from injuries or lack of food and water were also children. Of the around 6,400 abducted Yazidis, it’s estimated about half were children, according to the Yazidi-led nonprofit Nadia’s Initiative. Boys as young as seven were sent to ISIS training camps and girls as young as nine were subjected to rape and sexual enslavement, according to a Save the Children report.

Hussein Kaidi, Director of the Iraqi Office for the Rescue of Abducted Yazidis, said that there is still no news from 2,800 Yazidi citizens abducted by ISIS during the genocidal onslaught ten years ago.

Hussein Kaidi stated that 3,583 Yazidi citizens abducted by ISIS have been rescued so far, adding that some abducted Yazidi citizens are being held in Hol Camp in Rojava.

Sozdar Avesta: We stand behind President Öcalan’s decision and the process he is developing

In this in-depth interview, Sozdar Avesta, member of the Presidential Council of the KCK, discusses, among other things, the importance of the greetings of the people's leader Abdullah Ocalan in the current phase, talks about the oppression of women 


ANF
BEHDINAN
Saturday, 9 November 2024, 07:50

In this in-depth interview, Sozdar Avesta, member of the Presidential Council of the KCK, discusses, among other things, the importance of the greetings of the people's leader Abdullah Ocalan in the current phase.

For 26 years, the Kurdish people's leader, Abdullah Öcalan, has been raising a great resistance against the system of denial and annihilation under the harsh conditions in Imrali. As is well known, there was no sign of life from him for 44 months. Most recently, on October 23rd, Ömer Öcalan, MP from Riha (tr. Urfa), was allowed to hold a meeting with Rêber Apo. How do you evaluate both Rêber Apo’s message and the ongoing isolation?

After 44 months, for the first time again, we heard from Rêber Apo [Abdullah Öcalan] in the framework of a meeting with his family, and he sent us his greetings. First of all, as his comrades and both on behalf of our movement and on behalf of women, with great love and respect, we received Rêber Apo’s greetings, and we also greet Rêber Apo’s resistance and stance with respect and love.

First of all, it must be emphasized that this meeting was Rêber Apo’s right. The family, the lawyers, as well as human rights and other international non-governmental organizations, must be allowed to meet him. This is Rêber Apo’s legal right. But of course it is known that Rêber Apo is no ordinary prisoner. The way he was abducted is well known. An international conspiracy took place, at the end of which he was handed over to the Turkish state. Rêber Apo is being held hostage – this became clear once through the last meeting. Because his right to hold meetings is being exploited as a bargaining chip. They want to use this meeting as blackmail politics against our people, our movement, and our leadership.

Rêber Apo has been in Imrali for 26 years and has been resisting relentlessly, particularly in the past 44 months. At the same time, our people have been resisting continuously under the leadership of women and youth; thousands of prisoners are struggling, and our movement has given thousands of martyrs to break the isolation and ensure the physical freedom, health, and safety of Rêber Apo. The recent meeting is a result of this struggle.

Before the meeting, the fascist Erdogan-Bahceli government had started playing new games. Bahceli had spoken several times in parliament and had tried to create a discourse in public opinion about a possible new solution process. He even said that Rêber Apo should come to the parliament and speak there. So before the meeting, they wanted to create an expectation that there was something new. The message Rêber Apo conveyed through Ömer Öcalan, both MP of Riha and nephew of Rêber Apo, was: “The isolation continues.” and “I have the theoretical and practical power to move this process from the grounds of conflict and violence to the legal and political grounds if the conditions arise.”

This stance and attitude of Rêber Apo made the governments mask fall. They say many things but do not think of implementing them in practice. Again, they thought of playing such a game to break the effect of the global campaign for Rêber Apo’s physical freedom, to create some expectations in society, but not to actually do anything. Rêber Apo has shown his stance and emphasized that if they have a sincere will, he is ready and has the strength to play his role. Immediately following this statement by Rêber Apo, the co-presidency of the KCK Executive Council, and later other comrades also issued statements on behalf of the movement, underlining that we stand behind Rêber Apo’s decision and the process he is developing. They wanted to create a contradiction between the PKK, Rêber Apo, and KCK, but they didn’t succeed in it. Immediately afterwards, they have again given Rêber Apo a three-month visiting ban. In fact, this means that their words are lies, that they are not ready for a true solution process, and that they will insist on the politics of denial and destruction against the Kurdish people.

They continue their concept unabated and focus on Rêber Apo. Yesterday, Rêber Apo emphasized that he was ready to work out a joint solution, and today he is being given a disciplinary punishment. They are not ready for such a process. That was to be expected, because what we see are the intensifying attacks against the Medya Defense Zones, the continued genocidal policies in the political sphere, and the constantly growing extent of attacks against the Kurdish people and the whole of Kurdistan. This government does not have the mentality to solve the Kurdish question. It is a government that is based on enmity against the Kurds. Their lies, their dirty aims, and their true faces were once again revealed. The fact that we received news from Rêber Apo and received his greeting is the result of a great struggle and resistance. The greeting of Rêber Apo gave us strength; we received it with respect and love, and we are making this greeting the basis of a great struggle to break the isolation. It is required to spread the struggle to all areas more and massify the resistance. Only resistance can ensure Rêber Apo’s physical freedom; only struggle can guarantee his safety and health. On this basis, the struggle must be strengthened and grown.

Rêber Apo’s resistance in Imrali is the basis of the struggle of the Kurdish people and the guerrillas. The guerrillas are becoming more and more successful every day in the ongoing war in the Medya Defense Areas. The latest sacrificial action by comrade Asya and Rojger showed that the guerrillas of the democratic modernity can overcome any obstacles and reach its goal wherever it may be.

In this context, I would like to commemorate with respect and gratitude the honorable heroes of Kurdistan, comrade Asya Ali and Rojger Helin, who followed the tradition and path of our commander, the goddess of freedom, comrade Zilan. I bow with respect in the face of their great will and courageous stance. Also on this occasion, I respectfully commemorate all martyrs of November by commemorating the martyred commanders of our special forces, comrade Delal Amed, Reshit Serdar, and Shilan Kobane.

What message should be taken from the war waged by the guerrilla? Both the stage reached by the guerrilla resistance and the action carried out by our two comrades showed everyone the truth. The freedom movement is waging a struggle along the lines of Rêber Apo. The freedom guerrilla is the guerrilla of all Kurdistan and the guerrilla in defense of Rêber Apo. In particular, the ‘Battalion of the Immortals’, of which comrade Asya and Roger were a part, was founded by those who defend Rêber Apo against any false approach, who fight against the fascist mentality behind the isolation and prevent the isolation from becoming a bargaining chip against the peoples of Kurdistan. In this course, our comrades carried out an action against the center in Ankara, where all the materials used in the genocidal war are produced. It was an action with a clear target. The action chosen by these comrades was aimed at a military target. It was carried out in a sacrificial manner and showed what stage the guerrilla struggle has reached.

The letters that the two comrades wrote to become part of the Battalion of the Immortals have been circulating in public for several days. These letters are a manifesto for a free life. The struggle of comrade Asya and Rojger must be understood and analyzed correctly. It should not be glossed over by saying that it was just one action. Before that, in 2022, comrades Sara and Ruken carried out their action in Mersin. Again in 2023, comrades Erdal and Rojhat carried out their action in Ankara. Now, in 2024, the level of this action has been raised to an even higher level, and a target that was considered unattainable has been hit. Therefore, everyone, especially the enemies of the Kurdish people, should be careful in their calculations.

The action of comrades Asya and Rojger took place close to the meeting with Rêber Apo. Our movement had already made a statement that the comrades formed an autonomous unit, determining their targets and the way and time of their action themselves. Neither did our movement know about the meeting with Rêber Apo nor when the comrades would take action. No one knew of the meeting until it was announced publicly.

The action has torn the masks off the faces of many who have recently tried to hide behind deceiving statements. Therefore, this action was an appropriate and timely action. It was also not an action against civilians. It took place according to the rules of war. Kurdish people are being massacred every day with the weapons made in this center. For example, just the other day, families were massacred in Shehba with the weapons produced there. Again, there are the atrocities that were committed by the enemy in Cizir Botan (tr. Cizre), Hezex (tr. Idil), Nisebin (tr. Nusaybin), and Sur in 2015 and 2016, that comrade Rojger described in his letter. Comrade Asya and Rojger showed what it means to struggle for and live a free life. They showed when, where, and what kind of stance to take and what kind of deep love is therefore needed. As long as this genocidal politics, these massacres, and attacks against the Kurdish people continue, no one will be able to stop the Battalion of the Immortals. Not getting any news from Rêber Apo in over 44 months, of course, leads the freedom guerrillas to take action against it. Our comrades have stated everything about their actions in their letters. They should be read, and everybody should take a stance according to them.

There has been great continuing resistance of the guerrillas this year. The resistance will continue with all kinds of actions. There is a relentless struggle and great resistance in the areas of northern Kurdistan, Dersim (tr. Tunceli), Serhat, Bagok, Botan, Amed (tr. Diyarbakir), and the Medya Defense Zones. On this occasion, I greet the Kurdistan freedom guerrillas with respect and dignity and send my love. Most recently, our comrade Memed Cudi, commander in the Merdin (tr. Mardin) area, martyred. I remember comrade Memed Cudi with respect and gratitude. He put up a great resistance and was involved in crucial works before he gave his life in combat.

The few successes they achieve against the guerrillas are only due to betrayal. In northern Kurdistan, the village guards, gangs, mercenaries, and those who collaborate with the enemy play a crucial role in the strategy of the enemy. In the Medya Defense Zones, it is the Barzani family clan and its KDP that, through their treason, pave the way for the Turkish state. They guide the Turkish state and build roads to encircle the guerrillas. The Turkish state cannot get results against the freedom struggle and therefore attacks civilian areas. Using the action in Ankara as a pretext, they attacked North and East Syria and Shengal (Sinjar). In North and East Syria, 18 people were martyred, dozens were wounded, and 6 people were martyred in Shengal. I commemorate all the martyrs with respect and express my condolences to the families of the martyrs. We share their pain. I have great respect for their stance against the enemy. All the families of the martyrs stood firm against the enemy’s attacks. This is of great significance. In fact, these attacks also show the Iraqi government’s disrespect towards the people of Shengal. Even under Saddam, this community was not surrendered to the enemy in such an open way. Instead of doing its duty towards the very people who have been subjected to so many fermans and were directly persecuted by the mercenaries and gangs of ISIS, the Iraqi government made agreements with the Turkish state. It did not take a stand against the attacks on the Êzidî (Yazidi) community and still cooperates with the Turkish state for its own interests. This is a disgrace for Iraq. This must be underlined.

Both in Shengal and in North and East Syria, our people must organize against these attacks, strengthen their self-defense, and increase their defense mechanisms. Again, our people must gather around their self-defense forces. The guerrilla is doing its part, and our people must fulfill their role within the framework of the revolutionary people’s war. Revolution is a joint effort. The guerrillas a recarrying out actions in many areas from Zap, over Xakurke, Dersim, and Merdin, until Ankara, and the people should both take precautions against genocidal attacks everywhere and unite around the guerrillas. In this way, the struggle will succeed. The guerrillas have raised the bar of the struggle through comrades Asya and Rojger. They have shown what kind of stance should be taken.

UK unions: Öcalan's message is a call for dialogue

The Freedom for Öcalan UK Trade Union Campaign said it stands in solidarity with the Kurdish people and demands an end to Turkey’s attack on local democracy.


ANF
NEWS DESK
Saturday, 9 November 2024

The Freedom for Öcalan UK Trade Union Campaign issued a statement in solidarity with the Kurdish people at a time when they once again have to fight against the appointment of trustees to the municipalities democratically and legally won by the DEM Party.

The UK trade unions said in their statement that they "have a long-standing history of standing in solidarity with oppressed peoples worldwide and advocating for justice. For years, the movement has been actively involved in the Freedom for Öcalan campaign, launched in 2016 by UNITE and GMB, and now supported by 14 major trade unions and the Trade Unions Congress (TUC). Through this campaign, we have consistently called for the release of Abdullah Öcalan and for a peaceful, democratic resolution to the Kurdish issue."

The statement added: "The Turkish government continues a systematic policy of repression on Kurdish communities and their democratic institutions. Recent actions, including the forced removal of elected Kurdish mayors and the imposition of trustees, are blatant attempts to suppress democratic rights and undermine local governance.

In the past week, the Turkish government replaced elected mayors in Mardin, Batman, and Halfeti with state-appointed trustees. These actions are part of a broader pattern of systematically disregarding local democracy and imposing authoritarian control. The removal of these officials — many elected with overwhelming support — highlights Turkey's continued efforts to repress the Kurdish political movement."

The statement continued: "While Turkish leaders, including President Erdoğan and his ally Devlet Bahçeli, have recently suggested a potential openness to dialogue to resolve the Kurdish issue, these overtures are contradicted by Turkish military operations in Rojava (Northern Syria), which continue to target innocent civilians and the broader infrastructure network providing resources to the local peoples. Turkish military activities reveal a stark contradiction between the state’s rhetorical commitment to peace and its actions, which undermine any hopes for genuine dialogue or a peaceful resolution.

However, one recent development offers a glimmer of hope. On 23 October, Abdullah Öcalan's nephew, Ömer Öcalan, visited him in prison — the first contact in years. During the visit, Öcalan delivered a clear message of readiness for dialogue, emphasising his commitment to resolving the Kurdish issue through legal and political frameworks. This message must not be ignored: Öcalan has consistently advocated for a peaceful resolution within Turkey's framework and is ready to play a key role in any such process."

The trade unions said that "Öcalan's message is a call for reason and dialogue, one that should be heeded by both Turkey and the international community. His insistence on a solution based on legal and political frameworks, rather than violence and military repression, offers hope to millions of Kurds in Turkey and beyond. Despite years of isolation, Öcalan remains committed to a peaceful resolution of the Kurdish issue," and added that "the Turkish government must demonstrate its commitment to dialogue by halting military aggression, ceasing the removal of elected officials, and respecting the democratic rights of the Kurdish people. The international community, including the United Kingdom, the European Union, and the United Nations, must support efforts to bring about a peaceful, democratic solution to the Kurdish issue in Turkey."

The Freedom for Ocalan UK Trade Union Campaign, demanded: "The immediate reinstatement of elected Kurdish mayors in Mardin, Batman, Halfeti, and other affected municipalities, and an end to the imposition of trustees that bypass the democratic will of the people; The immediate release of Abdullah Öcalan from isolation, allowing him to play a central role in any future peace process and contribute to negotiations to resolve the Kurdish issue; A cessation of Turkey’s military operations in Rojava and a halt to the violence against Kurdish-led forces and civilian populations in Syria; Respect for the democratic rights of the Kurdish people, both in Turkey and the broader region, including the right to elect their representatives and engage in peaceful political activities without fear of arrest or repression; International pressure on Turkey to engage in meaningful dialogue with Kurdish representatives and other political groups to find a peaceful, democratic, and sustainable solution to the Kurdish question."

PACE Rapporteur: I will apply for a meeting with Abdullah Öcalan

PACE Rapporteur Stefan Schennach, who visited Turkey last June, announced that he would apply for a meeting with Abdullah Öcalan during his second visit in January.


ANF
NEWS DESK
Sunday, 10 November 2024

Stefan Schennach, one of the co-rapporteurs of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) for the monitoring of Turkey’s obligations and commitments, announced his report on prisons in Turkey. The report on his visits to prisons between 11-14 June included numerous violations of rights. Schennach also drew attention to the isolation of Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan who is held in incommunicado detention in the İmralı Island Prison in Turkey.

Speaking to the Mesopotamia Agency, Schennach stated that isolation is a form of torture against human rights, adding, “I will apply to visit Abdullah Öcalan.” The PACE Rapporteur will pay another visit to Turkey in January.

Schennach also drew attention to the Turkish government’s usurpation of municipalities and said, “Elected mayors are elected mayors. The government has to accept democracy.”

Noting that Turkey does not implement the judgements of the ECtHR, Schennach stated that the initiatives for the implementation of these judgements will continue. He stated that the Council of Ministers also insisted on the implementation of the judgements.

Koldo Saenz: Freedom for Abdullah Öcalan is possible, let's expand the struggle!

LAB International Relations Secretary Koldo Saenz De Benito underlined the impact of the global freedom campaign, and said: “Developments have shown us that Öcalan’s physical freedom is possible. We should expand the struggle."


SERKAN DEMİREL
NEWS DESK
Sunday, 10 November 2024


DEM Party Urfa MP Ömer Öcalan met with the Kurdish people's leader Abdullah Öcalan in Imrali on 23 October.

Öcalan told his nephew and DEM Party MP: "Isolation continues. If conditions are right, I have the theoretical and practical power to move this process from a ground of conflict and violence to a legal and political ground."

Koldo Saenz De Benito, Secretary of International Relations of the Basque Country Labour Union (LAB), one of the supporters of the global campaign "Freedom for Öcalan, Political Solution to the Kurdish Question", spoke to ANF about the meeting in Imrali as well as the next steps that the international campaign could take.

The LAB Trade Union recently announced its support for the global campaign advocating for the freedom of Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan. After 43 months of isolation, Öcalan was recently able to meet his nephew, Ömer Öcalan. How do you interpret the significance of this visit after such a prolonged period of isolation? What impact do you believe this could have on Öcalan himself, his supporters, and the broader Kurdish community?

I think that in this question there are different parameters for analyzing an event that has had a very great relevance.

On the one hand, there is the political fact that the Turkish authorities allowed the family to visit him after 43 months of total isolation, without anyone having any information about his situation and without even knowing whether he was alive. We must surely say that the campaign has achieved enough strength to force Turkey to take this step, and we should congratulate ourselves for that, because the efforts of those of us who have demanded Abdullah Öcalan's freedom produced results.

On the other hand, there is the human dimension of a person in an extreme situation who, after such a long period of time, has had the opportunity to see a loved one, and also, of course, for the Kurdish community who have seen that Öcalan is alive and well and that his political struggle has produced some results.

For those of us who know at first hand the experiences of political prisoners, we know the human and political importance for the prisoner of contact with his family, friends and community. Isolation tries to break all that, trying to break the prisoner by taking away what is most important in his life, which is family, friends, community and people. Undoubtedly, the visit by his nephew was an unimaginable personal joy and a reinforcement of his political convictions.

In his recent message to the public, Abdullah Öcalan emphasized that isolation conditions persist but expressed that, given the opportunity, he has both the theoretical and practical means to shift the process from a cycle of conflict and violence to a political and legal framework. How do you interpret Öcalan’s message? What could this shift mean for the Kurdish issue and for peace efforts in the region?

My interpretation is that his message goes in the direction already expressed above. I think he is trying to create the political conditions to move from a scenario of violence and war to a democratic scenario to seek a complete political and democratic resolution to the Kurdish issue. Saving distances, it is similar to the steps taken by the Basque pro-independence Left to seek a scenario of peace and democracy, taking ETA's armed violence out of the equation. I believe that Abudallah Öcalan is trying to move towards a democratic scenario, in which it will be only the Kurdish people who decide their political future in peace and democracy, and I also believe that there is nothing more democratic than that.

This reminds me of when the historic Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat addressed the United Nations, saying that he came with a rifle in one hand and an olive branch in the other hand. Drawing a parallel with that situation, from my humble position, I appeal to everyone not to let the olive branch fall.

Lately, the political climate in Turkey has seen renewed discussions about finding a political solution to the Kurdish issue. What are your thoughts on these discussions? Do you see them as a step forward, or do you believe more substantial actions are needed?

The mere fact that a discussion on a political resolution of the Kurdish question could be opened is positive, but unfortunately it is not enough. In my opinion, in order for such a process to reach a democratic scenario, there has to be a consensus between the parties in conflict, as well as the support and mediation of the international community. Peace in Kurdistan is a good thing for everyone, and although peace always has powerful enemies, it is necessary to convince the parties that peace is a win-win situation. That is why the international community cannot look the other way and has to explore political mechanisms with the aim of seeking peace with justice in Kurdistan, because that would undoubtedly be very good news for the region and the whole world.

In this sense, I believe that solidarity organisation must continue to push in this direction. We must continue to support the petition that Abdullah Öcalan has sent us, demanding that the international community does not waste this opportunity.

The global campaign for Öcalan’s freedom has undoubtedly played a significant role in facilitating this recent meeting after 43 months of silence. How important do you consider this campaign to be in the broader struggle for Öcalan’s release? Looking ahead, what further steps should be taken to ensure his freedom and support the larger Kurdish cause?

As I said at the beginning, I believe that the meeting that took place after 43 months of isolation would not have happened without the international pressure that we have exercised. There is no doubt that in order to move the positions of a power like Turkey it is necessary to accumulate a lot of strength. We achieved that and for that we have to be very happy. Unfortunately, however, nothing ended with this meeting, although I think something did start that day. I sincerely believe that on that day Turkey's impunity began to be broken and that this meeting was the beginning of a new phase in the struggle. That's why what happened should give us enough encouragement to continue believing that the freedom of Öcalan and Kurdistan is possible and achievable. This should be the challenge for the future, to continue to accumulate forces to press for the freedom of Abdullah Öcalan and for a scenario of negotiation and dialogue for a democratic resolution of the Kurdish issue.

Cemil Bayik: Health, security and free living conditions must be given to Öcalan

Cemil Bayik addressed the issue of how a solution to the Kurdish question can be achieved.


ANF
BEHDINAN
Sunday, 10 November 2024, 07:50

Cemil Bayik, co-president of the KCK Executive Council, comprehensively addressed the issue of how a solution to the Kurdish question can be achieved.

The isolation of peoples leader Abdullah Ocalan had been going on for 43 months. Just recently, a family meeting did take place. In this meeting, peoples leader Abdullah Ocalan pointed out that the isolation still continues. There has been great resistance against this isolation, led by the guerrillas, the Kurdish people, and their international friends. At what stage is the isolation and the resistance against it?

As you pointed out, there had been no meeting with Rêber Apo [Abdullah Öcalan] for almost 4 years. No one knew what his condition and health were like. Now that a meeting took place, we heard from Rêber Apo, and he sent his greetings. This greeting had a very good effect and made everybody very happy. Receiving greetings and news from Rêber Apo after such a long time, of course, created joy in our movement, our people, and our international friends. Before the meeting, rumors were spread about Rêber Apo’s health. They spread this in a conscious way. The Turkish state is conducting politics in Imrali. It is conducting a policy against the Kurdish people, and it does this first and foremost against Rêber Apo. The Turkish state is responsible for whatever happens in Imrali.

Rêber Apo has stated that the isolation still continues. Isolation has not only developed in recent years; the Imrali system has been a system based on isolation and genocide from the very beginning. And this system was not only developed by the Turkish; the ones who are responsible for the international conspiracy developed this system, and today the Turkish state is continuing it. As long as the Imrali system exists, the isolation will continue. When the Imrali system is abolished, the isolation will end. So, the question must be, how is this system to be abolished?

When they accept the Kurdish people as part of society and recognize their natural rights, then both the Imrali system and isolation can be abolished. MP Ömer Öcalan had a meeting with Rêber Apo, but under what conditions did this meeting take place? The meeting was held in an environment in which some circles spread bad rumors about Rêber Apo’s health condition. Both the struggle of the movement and that of the people, as well as that on an international-global level, have built up massive pressure on the Turkish state.

In addition to this, some developments are taking place in the Middle East. When all this came together, they were forced to give a meeting with Rêber Apo. However, even though the meeting took place, the isolation was not lifted. As Rêber Apo stated, the isolation continues. 'They want something from me; if they want me to play my role, then they should create the conditions for it. If the conditions are not created, how can I fulfill my role?' That is what he said. Directly after the meeting with Omer Öcalan, they gave Rêber Apo again a ‘disciplinary punishment’. This punishment is a disguise that they invented to cover for the continuation of the Imrali system and isolation. This is not only the mind of the Turkish state. Those who developed the conspiracy internationally and those who took part in it created this mind in the Turkish state. Because in the past, the Turkish state had put forward some excuses and explained that meetings could not take place. But this created big problems for the Turkish state. So the Turkish state was approached and explained it would not be possible like this. They had to back up their justifications and put them on a legal footing. That’s when they recommended using the ‘disciplinary punishment’ justification. This is how they maintain absolute isolation.

So they made some statements regarding the Kurdish question, and immediately afterward they sentenced Rêber Apo to this punishment. This shows that they have no intention of solving the Kurdish question. If they had any intention of solving it, they would not have given a new punishment to Rêber Apo. They didn’t just sentence him; at the same time, they attacked Rojava and are trying to appoint trustees to the municipalities in Turkey and northern Kurdistan. If their aim was a solution, they would not do such things. They are doing this because the Turkish state is currently in a crisis. Both the ongoing struggle and the developments in the Middle East are creating a crisis in the Turkish state.

They want to get out of it, but they are not clear about how to do so, giving statements without achieving anything. Our people and our international friends need to be aware of this. If the Turkish state was not in such great difficulty, it would not have created such an agenda. What we need to do is break the isolation and ensure the physical freedom of Rêber Apo. The physical freedom of Rêber Apo will lead to the solution of the Kurdish question. There is no other way.

There is going to be a rally in Cologne, Germany, on the 16th of this month for this purpose. That rally is important. A global campaign was developed, and through it, an agenda was created. This campaign has entered its second phase, and that is what the rally is based on. That is why everyone should participate in it. It should be a much bigger rally, not like the old rallies. Millions of people must attend the rallies; millions must march. Only this will ensure the physical freedom of Rêber Apo. Of course, what is being done is good, but it is insufficient.

The Turkish state is talking about Kurds, brotherhood, equality, and many other things because it is forced to do so. More pressure needs to be put on it. That’s why all our people, with their children, women, young and old, should participate in this rally. Kurds should attend this rally not only themselves but also with their friends. Turks, Europeans, socialists, democrats, anyone who wants to be friends with the Kurds should join this rally with them so that the rally will put pressure on the Turkish state and force it to approach the situation in the right way. The Kurdish question can only be solved with the right approach. Now is the time to get Rêber Apo out of Imrali. Everyone must struggle with this consciousness. This is what is asked of everyone.

Erdoğan first traveled to the United States to attend the meeting of the UN and then had a meeting with Bahceli. Later, Bahçeli shook hands with DEM MPs on the opening day of the parliament. What is the meaning of these statements? Is this a new process, a solution, or a project, or what should it be called? What are the factors or issues that have brought the Turkish state to this point? Is it the developments in the Middle East, is it the crisis in the world, or is it their own internal crisis?

No one can name the recent events at the moment. Because talking is one thing, practice is another. If talk and practice do not complement each other, no one can name what is happening. In speeches, everyone can be fooled, but in practice, no matter how much you want to deceive, you cannot succeed. You cannot hide the truth; it will come out. Everyone sees this. Erdoğan and Bahçeli's speeches are one thing, but their practices are quite the opposite. This situation creates a contradiction. What their real intentions are is also clear from their practices. They say that one should understand them on the basis of their speeches and not try to deal with their practice.

No one takes their speeches as a basis; everyone sees what happens in practice. And because of what happens in practice, no one believes their speeches. Therefore, no one can name what has happened recently. A plan is being carried out right now. These speeches and practices are happening within the framework of this plan.

The goal of the Turkish state is to liquidate the freedom movement, complete the Kurdish genocide, carry out neo-Ottoman politics, and strengthen its hegemony in the Middle East. In other words, it follows an imperial policy. That’s why they sent their forces to Libya; they wanted to achieve some results in the Mediterranean, the Caucasus, Syria, and Iraq. They took many steps in this sense. They spent whatever means Turkey had to achieve these goals. But no matter how hard they tried, they could not get the results they wanted. This politics is the cause of the political, economic, social, and cultural crisis in Turkey. They calculated that they would achieve their imperial goals with this politics. That is why they spent all their means.

When they failed to achieve their goals, these crises emerged and put Turkey in great distress. In addition, the so-called Greater Middle East Project is being carried out in the Middle East. It is clear who is running it: America, Britain, and Israel. The war in the Middle East is growing day by day. Changes are taking place in the region, and the Middle East will no longer be the same. Those who run the Greater Middle East Project have openly said that the maps will change. These developments also affect Turkey. The existing nation states are taking blow after blow, and new borders are about to be determined. Turkey is very afraid of this. It wanted everything in the Middle East to be the way it wanted it to be. Because it is a NATO member state and has relations with the EU, it has been getting power from this until now. With this power, it has been committing genocide against the Kurds and other peoples. It is losing this. Because now, even though it is a member of NATO, developments are taking place without the involvement of the Turkish state. It is now excluded from everything.

This danger of losing a lot is what puts the Turkish state in trouble. With the power it received from NATO and the EU, it was committing genocide against all peoples and developing its hegemony in the Middle East; now this is slipping away. And this scares the Turkish government, the capitalists, the army, the state, and the AKP. They had joined hands to become an imperial power in the Middle East, and they believed that they would succeed. But no matter what they did, they could not achieve their main goal.

They have suffered big blows and entered a major crisis. That’s why they are experiencing great fear. In order to cover up this, Erdoğan is talking about Israel being a danger to them, that it would try to invade Turkey in order to destroy it. However, there is no such thing. Everyone knows that Israel will never attack Turkey. Erdoğan makes such propaganda in order to deceive the public and lure them into his politics. He wants to cover up all the problems in Turkey with this rhetoric. There are very serious problems. The people are at the point of an explosion. That’s why he wants to divert everyone. 'Turkey is in danger,' they say. Turkey emerged from the Ottoman Empire under the circumstances of the time, and the republic was founded by force. Today they say that it was once the size of the Ottoman Empire, but the territory was divided up, and today, under the threat of Israel, it is in danger of losing what little it still has. They think that the people will forget their problems and say, 'If the Turkish state is in danger, then let’s protect our state'; this is what they are based on.

This is how they aim to get out of the crisis. Such a policy is being carried out. This policy won’t be successful. The reason why they talk about brotherhood, Islam, and unity and why they say, 'Historically, we have always been together; let’s stand against these dangers together again,' is because of this policy they are pursuing. Why didn’t they say such things in the past? A few months ago they were still saying they would eliminate the PKK and complete the genocide, and they did everything to achieve this. So, what happened to suddenly bring about such a change? The ongoing contradictions and the developments in the Middle East have put the Turkish state in a great crisis. They are afraid that if they don’t get help from the Kurds, they will get lost in the chaos. That is why they are referring to such rhetoric. Once again, they want to fool everyone. They are playing a game, and the games they play are revealed in their practices.

Peoples leader Abdullah Öcalan stated that he has “the theoretical and practical power to move this process from the grounds of conflict and violence to the legal and political grounds if the conditions arise.” As co-presidency of the KCK, you answered to this, that you stand behind him and that he is the interlocutor for the solution of the Kurdish question. But the Turkish state again does not accept him as an interlocutor and continued the isolation and, as you stated, imposed another three-month disciplinary punishment. What is the aim of the Turkish state in doing so?

What Rêber Apo says and what we say are not new things; we have been repeating these things over and over again for years. When Rêber Apo was still in the Mahsum Korkmaz Academy, the journalist Mehmet Ali Birand came and conducted an interview with him. Already at that time, Rêber Apo said that he was looking for an interlocutor to solve the Kurdish question. Until today, this has not changed. Rêber Apo clearly wants to solve the Kurdish question on a political and democratic basis. That is something our movement has also declared many times. Again, our people and our movement have said many times that Rêber Apo is our representative. That it is him who will solve the Kurdish question and negotiate in our name. This has been repeated thousands of times.

The Turkish state knows this very well. Who represents the Kurdish people? Who can solve the Kurdish question – not only the Kurdish question but also the questions of Turkey and the Middle East? Of course it is Rêber Apo. They are aware of this. But they are consciously making some deceiving speeches. In other words, they act as if they want to solve the situation, as if they are trying to do so but failing because they don’t know who they have to deal with. They are trying to say that the Kurds have no interlocutor.

They are very cunning. They are trying to say that the Kurds are not a nation, they are not organized, they are not disciplined, they have no strategy, they are a few tribes, they don’t understand anything, and that, accordingly, an ordered solution with them would be impossible. They are consciously developing these discussions to hide the truth. However, everything is in plain sight. Everyone knows that Rêber Apo represents these people. He has struggled for this for years; that is why he is in Imrali prison. That is why they are imposing absolute isolation on him. In this way, they want to confuse everyone, and underneath they want to realize their goals. When they celebrated the 100th anniversary of the Republic of Turkey in Ahlat, the AKP, MHP, Huda-Par, and a few other party leaders raised their hands together and shared a picture. Then Huda-Par came and had a meeting with Barzani. Erdoğan went to the UN, and Bahceli made some speeches; all of these things complement each other. This shows what kind of plan they are carrying out.

During the Soviet era, socialist movements were strong in Turkey. At that time, state officials declared that if Turkey needed communism, they would bring it to Turkey. This shows the reality of the Turkish state. The Turkish state was never based on society and the people; it is based on itself. The state will do whatever is necessary; for them there is either the state or the people. This shows the logic of the state. Again, after Bahceli and Erdoğan made some statements, someone said, 'The Kurdish problem is not the same as it was before, and the solution will not be the same as it was before.' They are making these statements consciously. In other words, they are saying that they would solve the question in their own way. This is the meaning. For them, there is no PKK, no Rêber Apo, no DEM party, and no Kurds.

What does all this show? They want to create their own Kurds and, like this, show that they have solved the problem with their Kurds. They want to deceive everyone both in Turkey and in the international community in this way. That is why they make such statements. They want to dismember and neutralize whoever is against them so that everyone will be at their service. They are saying this openly. The calls they make are calls to surrender. 'From now on, you will be satisfied with whatever we decide to give you.' This is the essence of their calls. This is the logic of the Turkish state and the AKP-MHP. Whoever opposes this, they say, is a terrorist, a traitor. This is how they talk, and they carry out their practices on this basis.

THE BARZANI CLAN (KDP) RULES

Oil-rich Iraqi Kurdistan votes, shadowed by economic struggles

Hamid Mohamed with Shwan Mohammed in Sulaimaniyah
Sun 20 October 2024 

Iraqi Kurdistan presents itself as an oasis of Middle East stability but activists and opposition figures say it faces issues that also confront Iraq as a whole (AHMAD AL-RUBAYE) (AHMAD AL-RUBAYE/AFP/AFP)


Iraq's Kurdistan voted on Sunday to elect a new parliament for the autonomous oil-rich region, where voters expressed concern over economic struggles and disenchantment with the political elite.

Iraqi Kurdistan presents itself as a relative oasis of stability in the turbulent Middle East, attracting foreign investors due to its close ties with the United States and Europe.

However, activists and opposition figures contend that the region, autonomous since 1991, faces the same issues affecting Iraq as a whole: corruption, political repression and cronyism among those in power.


Originally scheduled for two years ago, the vote was postponed four times due to disputes between the region's two historic parties, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK).

Each party is controlled by a powerful Kurdish family -- the KDP by the Barzanis and the PUK by the Talabanis.

Despite holding election rallies and mobilising their patronage networks, experts say there is widespread public disillusionment with the parties, exacerbated by the region's bleak economic conditions.

Polls closed at 6:00 PM (1500 GMT) and official results were expected 24 hours later.

Huri Mohammed, a 66-year-old housewife, said she voted for the KDP which dominates the regional capital Arbil, as it "serves the people".

But she expressed hope the next government would "pay attention to the poor classes. The majority of our population has limited means".

Opposition parties such as New Generation and a movement led by Lahur Sheikh Jangi, a dissident from the Talabani clan, may gain from a protest vote, said Sarteep Jawhar, a PUK dissident and political commentator.

Hiwa Hadi, a candidate for the newly formed opposition Halwest party, said after voting in Arbil: "People are dissatisfied and angry due to rising prices and taxes, electricity and water shortages".

- Tensions with Baghdad -

Political analyst Shivan Fazil, a PhD student at the US-based Boston University, noted that there was "a growing fatigue with the region's two ruling parties".

Fazil, who focuses on Iraq, said people's living conditions "have deteriorated over the last decade".

Salaries for the region's 1.2 million civil servants are "a vital source of income for households" but payment of the money has been erratic, Fazil said.

This issue is tied to ongoing tensions between Kurdistan and the federal Iraqi government in Baghdad, amid disputes over control of the region's lucrative oil exports.

The creation of four new constituencies for this election -- a change from only one previously -- "could lead to redistribution in vote shares and seats in the next parliament", Fazil said.

He still predicted, however, that the KDP could maintain its power.

The KDP is the largest party in the outgoing parliament, with 45 seats against 21 for the PUK. The KDP's majority was assured by an alliance with deputies elected via a quota reserved for Turkmen, Armenian and Christian minorities.

Iraqi court rulings have reduced the number of seats in the Kurdish parliament from 111 to 100, but with five seats still reserved for the minorities.

Of the region's six million inhabitants, 2.9 million were eligible to vote for the 100 representatives, including 30 women mandated by a quota.

Once voted in, the new representatives will need to elect a new president and prime minister. The roles are currently filled by KDP figures Nechirvan Barzani and his cousin, Masrour Barzani.

In Baghdad on Sunday evening, Iraqi President Mohammed Shia al-Sudani called the vote a "success" and expressed hope for development and "stability" under a new regional government.

Mohamed al-Hassan, the United Nations special representative in Iraq, welcomed the election as an opportunity for the Kurdistan region to "reinvigorate democracy and inject new ideas into its institutions".

But 55-year-old teacher Sazan Saduala said she was boycotting the election.

"This government cannot be changed by voting," she said. "It maintains its power through force and money."

bur-cbg-tgg/ysm/dcp/it/ami


Kurdish people in Irbil vote in long awaited Parliamentary elections

Updated Sun 20 October 2024

The primary competitors are the two dominant Kurdish parties: the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). Historically, these two parties have controlled different parts of the region, with the KDP overseeing Irbil and Dohuk, and the PUK governing Sulaymaniyah. (AP video shot by Rashid Yahya)


Iraq's Kurdish region goes to the polls with a flagging economy and political infighting top of mind

STELLA MARTANY
Updated Sun 20 October 2024 





A man registers to vote during parliamentary elections of Iraq’s semi-autonomous northern Kurdish region, in Irbil, Sunday, Oct. 20, 2024. (AP Photo/Salar Salim)

IRBIL, Iraq (AP) — Residents of Iraq’s semi-autonomous northern Kurdish region went to the polls in long-awaited parliamentary elections Sunday under the shadow of ongoing rivalries, economic instability and unresolved disputes with Baghdad.

The primary competitors are the two dominant Kurdish parties: the Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. The two have historically controlled different parts of the region, with the KDP overseeing the regional capital, Irbil, and Dohuk and the PUK governing Sulaymaniyah.

This division has frequently led to political deadlock. The parliamentary elections, originally set for 2022, were postponed several times amid disputes over the election law and procedures.

Ministry of Interior personnel and peshmerga forces — the regional military — voted in special elections Friday, with the general public voting Sunday.

In Friday’s special election, the KDP secured a significant lead, capturing 60% of the votes, while the PUK got around 30%. The New Generation Movement, an opposition party that has seen a gradual rise in support, garnered 5.3% of the total, up from 3% in the 2018 special election. In that special election, the KDP garnered 40% of the vote and the PUK 28.5%.

While New Generation’s appeal continues to grow, particularly among younger voters frustrated with the traditional political system, it still faces significant challenges in competing with the well-established dominance of the KDP and PUK.

Results of Sunday's vote were expected to be announced Monday.

At some polling centers, there were delays due to malfunctions in fingerprint scanners used for biometric verification of voters’ identities. In some cases, it was unclear if voters whose fingerprints could not be scanned would be able to vote at all.

At a center in Irbil's Ankawa district, resident Raman Ramzi said his wife and mother hadn't been able to vote due to fingerprint and ID recognition issues caused by the biometric machines. A number of other would-be voters left the station without casting a vote due to the same issue.

At another polling station in Irbil, coordinator Sirwan Gardi said that three to four percent of prospective voters' fingerprints were not being recognized by the devices, particularly older people and women.

Rizgar Maghdid, whose fingerprint was not recognized, said he felt sad because he could not vote. Voting “is an essential right of humans,” he said. “I would like to vote for the person who would serve us and our country.”

Regional government Prime Minister Masrour Barzani, a KDP official, called on voters to “reward service and truthfulness and punish the parties that are playing with the rights and destiny of the people of Kurdistan," using the region's local name.

The region’s economic struggles are voters’ primary concern. Despite its oil wealth, the Kurdish region faces significant economic issues, including delayed payment of salaries to civil servants, fluctuating oil prices, and budget cuts from Baghdad. The public is deeply dissatisfied with the economy and lack of opportunities, and many blame political leaders for mismanagement.

“People want to have electricity and get paid their salary on time, and to have more jobs. This is all they want," said Ghazi Najib, who went to the polls in Irbil.

Corruption is also among the central issues in the election. For years, the regional government has faced allegations of nepotism and lack of transparency. Many voters, particularly among the younger generation, are calling for reforms to address these concerns.

Many voters, however, have lost hope for reforms and are also skeptical of opposition parties’ ability to make changes, given the longstanding hold the two major parties have over the political landscape.

Political cooperation with the central government is another key electoral issue. Relations between Irbil and Baghdad have remained tense since a 2017 referendum over independence for the Kurdish region, particularly over issues of oil revenue sharing and budget allocations.

Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed al-Sudani in a recent visit to Irbil said, “We are committed to ensuring the rights of the Kurdish people, but this must be done within Iraq’s constitution.”

In certain areas, the current elections are significantly influenced by security concerns since Islamic State group sleeper cells are still active in areas that are disputed between the regional and central governments.

“We hope that Kurdistan will be more developed, and to see more safety and reconstruction in Kurdistan,” said Jamila Mohammed Amin, a voter in Irbil. “All political parties and entities should work together and achieve these goals and protect it against enemies.”

___

Associated Press journalist Salar Salim in Irbil contributed to this report.

Erdoğan receives KRG leader Barzani in Ankara

BARZANI FAMILY BUSINESS ARE KURD QUISLING COMPRADORS

ByTurkish Minute

October 16, 2024

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan met with Nechirvan Barzani, head of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), in Ankara on Wednesday, the state-run Anadolu news agency reported.

The closed-door meeting at Erdoğan’s presidential palace took place after Barzani had talks with Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan and National Intelligence Organization (MİT) chief İbrahim Kalın earlier in the day.

The leaders discussed bilateral ties and regional developments at the meeting, also attended by Fidan, Anadolu reported.

According to a statement from the Presidency’s Directorate of Communications, Erdoğan told Barzani that Israel’s increasing aggression has the risk of turning the entire Middle East region into “a battlefield.”

“Therefore, Turkey appreciates Iraqi authorities’ efforts to keep their country out of the conflict,” the Turkish president added.

The statement also said that Erdoğan expressed the need to maintain cooperation to “permanently eliminate the threat of terrorism in this troubled period” and promised that Turkey would continue standing with Iraq and its people.

Local media reports said the meeting’s agenda also included Turkey’s demands for more robust action against the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which is designated as a terrorist organization by Turkey and its Western allies, in northern Iraq.

Barzani’s visit comes at a time of intensifying Turkish operations targeting the PKK’s main headquarters and training facilities located in the Kandil Mountains of Iraqi Kurdistan.

Another key topic was expected to be the upcoming parliamentary elections in the KRG region, according to the Habertürk news website.

The visit takes place against the backdrop of increasing security cooperation between Turkey and Iraq. In August the two nations signed a security agreement that includes the creation of joint military centers in Baghdad and Bashiqa, near Mosul. The agreement outlines collaboration in areas such as military and police training, intelligence exchange and border security measures.

As part of the deal Turkey lifted visa requirements for Iraqi citizens under 15 and over 50  starting in September.

Andok: Conspirators fail to prevent Öcalan from reaching millions

Xebat Andok said that "many forces fighting against the system and demanding freedom, justice, and democracy see Öcalan as their leader."


ANF
BEHDINAN
Saturday, 5 October 2024, 07:50


Xebat Andok, member of the KCK Executive Council, spoke about the anniversary of the global campaign ‘Freedom for Abdullah Öcalan, a Political Solution to the Kurdish Question’ as well as the anniversary of the beginning of the international conspiracy on 9 October 1998.

Andok pointed out: "Again, many forces fighting against the system and demanding freedom, justice, and democracy see Rêber Apo [Abdullah Öcalan] as their leader. In the past, Rêber Apo was a free man only for Kurdish women, but now he is a free man for all women who struggle for freedom."

The Kurdish people’s leader, Abdullah Ocalan, discussed in a broad manner and exposed the aims of those responsible for the international conspiracy of 9 October 1998, which was directed against him. He made great efforts to ensure that the conspiracy was researched and understood in depth. How do you evaluate the current situation in general?

I greet Rêber Apo with love, respect and longing. Also, I commemorate with gratitude and respect all the martyrs of the revolution, particularly those who gave their lives following the true meaning of the slogan “You cannot darken our sun!”. We reiterate our promise to the martyrs once again; we will definitely continue their path, and we will realize the goal of our martyrs.

As you mentioned, Rêber Apo is the one who analyzed the conspiracy the most, revealed its details, and assessed it in every sense. There are many evaluations of Rêber Apo that show us how to understand the conspiracy well; one can find them both in the prison writings and in the notes that were taken by those who had gone to Imrali. Those who are curious about the details of the conspiracy can read and learn from these evaluations of Rêber Apo. It has been 26 years since the conspiracy. Since then, the conspiracy has been constantly discussed. Why this conspiracy took place, against whom it was carried out, what the conjuncture was, how exactly it took place – all these questions are interconnected.

The conspiracy targeted our leader. Rêber Apo was the leader of the PKK when the conspiracy took place, which means that the conspiracy also targets the PKK. The Kurdish people see Rêber Apo as their leader, which means that the conspiracy also targets the free Kurds in the person of Rêber. Rêber Apo also represents the oppressed peoples. He is waging a socialist struggle based on democratic and communal values. This struggle is seen as hope for humanity. So, undoubtedly, this conspiracy was directed against democratic and communal values, against the ideology of socialism, and against all forces that oppose the system of capitalist modernity in general. All this reveals who the conspiracy was carried out against in a broad framework. Those who developed this conspiracy are the forces of capitalist modernity.

Rêber Apo has called it the great conspiracy of Gladio. Gladio is the core force of NATO – a force that wants to dominate societies. NATO is the military and political power of capitalist modernity. The conspiracy was carried out by the forces of capitalist modernity. In fact, Bulent Ecevit, the Turkish Prime Minister of that period, while evaluating the conspiracy, said, “We don’t understand why they gave Abdullah Ocalan to us.” Those who developed the conspiracy and handed over Rêber Apo to the Turkish state were, of course, the capitalist forces.

But why did the forces of capitalist modernity carry out such a conspiracy? Under which circumstances did this conspiracy take place? After the First World War, the capitalist powers deliberately created the Kurdish question and aimed to intervene in the Middle East through the Kurdish question when the time came. After the 1990s, these forces, led by America, Britain and Israel, wanted to intervene in the Middle East again. The Third World War has been going on in the Middle East ever since. It has been going on in the Middle East, centered in Kurdistan, after the collapse of the Soviet Union almost 35 years ago. When the forces of capitalist modernity saw that Rêber Apo and the PKK would not fit in their system, they decided to liquidate them.

When they intervened in the Middle East, they aimed to prevent those who struggled on behalf of the peoples, on behalf of society, and especially on behalf of the Kurdish people, from benefiting from this new process. Rêber Apo analyzed this period well, recognized the power vacuums, and knew how to utilize them. When it came to a new intervention in the Middle East, capitalist forces had to clear these obstacles out of the way. There were also some Kurds in Kurdistan who cooperated with them. It is the Barzani clan that supports and paves the way for what the forces of capitalist modernity want to do in Kurdistan. For the Kurdish people, this line drawn by the Barzani clan stands for collaboration, betrayal.

When the capitalist powers wanted to intervene in the Middle East, they paved the way for those who would serve their interests. The parliament in southern Kurdistan was also created on this basis, as was the power union there. The union they formed in the so-called South Kurdistan went to America in 1998 and signed the Washington Treaty against the PKK and Rêber Apo. They wanted to design a Kurdistan according to their own desire with this treaty. While we are fighting against Turkey, they also want to redesign this country according to their own desire. When they intervened in the Middle East, they realized that they could not do it if the PKK and Rêber Apo were in a very strong position. That’s why they also intervened in Turkey. What did they do? For example, after the abduction of Rêber Apo in 1999, they immediately took Fethullah Gulen to America. After a while, they paved the way for Erdogan and brought the AKP to power in order to realize the goals they aimed for through the conspiracy. In this way, they made a general intervention. The forces of capitalist modernity saw the PKK and Rêber Apo as an obstacle to their plans in the Middle East, so they developed the international ionspiracy. One of the aims of the conspiracy was the physical destruction of Rêber Apo. It was part of the so-called Greater Middle East Project. The bearers of this project are the forces of capitalist modernity.

Rêber Apo’s stance against the conspiracy is absolutely essential. He showed his difference by taking a stance that no one expected. In fact, Rêber Apo intervened against those who wanted to interfere with him through the conspiracy. How do you evaluate Rêber Apo’s stance?

When we look at it today, we must say that no one expected anything alike. I mean, it is easy to say that now, but considering the conditions at that time, no one knew how it would turn out. Everyone who saw Rêber Apo and the PKK as a hope was the target of the conspiracy. At the beginning, no one knew what to do. Everyone evaluated the conspiracy in their own way. But there were also Rêber Apo’s evaluations. And as you pointed out, they were very different. Both the Kurdish people, including us, the international friends of the Kurdish people, and the enemy were very surprised by these evaluations.

When the conspiracy developed, they put enormous pressure on the Syrian government to force Rêber Apo out of there. They filled the Mediterranean with warships; America put all its weight there. If Rêber Apo had not left Syria, they would have attacked and occupied Syria. Rêber Apo saw this at that time and left Syria, frustrating their plan. In this way, he prevented the conspirators from starting a regional war, invading Syria and paving the way for great suffering in the Middle East. So, Rêber Apo chose to leave Syria.

The conspirators were aiming to deepen the war in the Middle East. This would have happened if Rêber Apo had turned to the mountains, but he did not prefer that either, knowing that the war had reached a certain stage and that it had played his role. He wanted different paths to develop. On this basis, he turned to Europe. Because Europe sees itself as the cradle of democracy, claiming that it defends democratic values, law, and justice. Rêber Apo stated that Europe created this problem and that it was them who developed these massacre policies in Kurdistan. He basically told them: “If you talk about democracy, law, and justice all the time, then let’s take a look at the Kurdish people. Let’s solve this.” In this way, Rêber Apo revealed the true face of Europe. He unmasked them all. This was a different step. One that the capitalist powers didn’t expect to happen.

The forces of capitalist modernity abducted Rêber Apo on February 15, 1999. They wanted to physically destroy him. With his destruction, they aimed to create an endless war between Kurds and Turks. Because it was clear how the PKK and the Kurdish people would react. Our entire movement would have followed comrade Zilan. Because comrade Zilan set an example as early as 1996. She showed what kind of stance PKK militants would take when there was an attack on Rêber Apo. She determined the level of revolutionism, and this was valid for all the fedais and militants of the PKK. On this basis, all members of the party were ready to carry out sacrifices. The Kurdish people, with all their generations, were already on their feet. It was not clear what kind of action they would take. They were going to make the destruction of the leadership the cause of an unending Kurdish-Turkish war. Because Rêber Apo was aware of this, he frustrated this plan with his change of strategy and stance against the conspiracy in order to prevent a war between Kurds and Turks.

The capitalist powers failed here too. They wanted to provoke a regional war and through this occupy the region, but this did not happen. They thought that maybe Rêber Apo would head to the mountains and the war would deepen in this way, but Rêber Apo frustrated their plans and expectations. They wanted the physical destruction of the leadership, and on this basis they wanted to pave the way for a Kurdish-Turkish war. Rêber Apo prevented this goal of the capitalist forces by putting honorable peace on the agenda, especially with the stance he took in Imrali. At that time, Rêber Apo was sentenced to death, but as a result of the stance of the leadership, society, especially the Kurdish people, taking this stance as a basis and a joint struggle, the death penalty was removed from Turkish law in 2002. With the death penalty removed from the constitution, the goals of the conspirators were again not realized. On his own, Rêber Apo dealt with this conspiracy in a broad manner, revealing the aims, goals, and true faces of the conspirators. He struggled and resisted in the line of freedom and frustrated the aims of the conspirators by abolishing the death penalty in 2002.

It is obvious that Rêber Apo put up relentless resistance in Imrali. With his resistance, he developed a whole new paradigm. Rêber Apo describes the process of change in Imrali as a rebirth of him and the Kurdish people. How can this be understood?

As I said, the conspiracy was at a different stage until 2002. Within the first stage of the conspiracy, the physical destruction of the leader was the main goal; the second stage was to ideologically debunk, render meaningless, and neutralize him if he could not be physically destroyed. It wasn’t just about the physical destruction of someone, because there was a leader there, and if he didn’t play his role, if he didn’t lead, if he didn’t become a hope, and if he couldn’t liberate society, he would fall from his position as a leader. That is why they wanted to put Rêber Apo in such a situation under such conditions in Imrali. When he entered Imrali, he was the leader of a party, a people, but when we look at Imrali now, is he only the leader of the PKK, only the leader of the Kurdish people? No. When we look at it today, many peoples have recognized Rêber Apo and see him as their leader. Again, many forces fighting against the system and demanding freedom, justice, and democracy see Rêber Apo as their leader. In the past, Rêber Apo was a free man only for Kurdish women, but now he is a free man for all women who struggle for freedom. This means that the ideological stance of Rêber Apo in Imrali was deepened and broadened so much that it transcended the borders of the PKK and Kurdistan and became universal. This happened with a paradigm shift.

The biggest achievement in Imrali is the development of the democratic, ecological, and women’s libertarian paradigm by Rêber Apo. All those who struggle for democracy, freedom, free coexistence, and against the male-dominated system can achieve their goals with this paradigm. Until the new paradigm, the goals and objectives of the oppressed forces were correct, but their practices were not exactly in line with their goals. In other words, the paths and methods they preferred and took as a basis did not fully serve their goals. They strived for democracy, freedom, justice, and free coexistence; they were fighting for it, but they were not achieving any results. This is where the importance of the new paradigm emerges. The new paradigm determines the way and method according to the liberation of the oppressed. It creates a way and method outside the state. The solution to this is democratic autonomy. Society is multi-colored. Each color must be autonomous. No color should dominate over other colors. Rêber Apo presented such a paradigm to all the oppressed and showed them the ways and methods to achieve their goals. The oppressed peoples saw their salvation in this paradigm.

What kind of situation, precisely the rebirth described, has arisen through Rêber Apo’s efforts in Imrali? What is the significance, what is the extent of this process?

For example, thousands of people have been imprisoned in Kurdistan and Turkey. Rêber Apo says that if he had not come to Imrali, he would not have been able to achieve this deepening. One might wonder if it is the prison or the personality of Rêber Apo. If the prison had deepened, liberated, and empowered everyone like this, then everyone who was imprisoned would have deepened, empowered, liberated, and solved the problems of society. The trick is not in being in prison; the trick is in the personality of Rêber Apo. He is the same inside as he was outside. The difference in the prison is that outside, he was carrying out all the practical works of the PKK; he was following everything. Rêber Apo took care of all the cadres’ problems. He was preparing thousands of cadres. Rêber Apo was carrying out social and ideological work. Therefore, the opportunity to realize mental depth in the prison was greater for him than outside.

Obviously, when you are in the enemy’s house and don’t take a strong stance, the enemy will destroy you. That is to say, Rêber Apo took such a strong stance that it turned the enemy’s headquarters into a place that deepened and liberated himself and strengthened the PKK, women, and society. Rêber Apo has been under great attack since he was put in Imrali. He is frustrating these attacks with his resistance. Under these attacks, he created the new paradigm. Rêber Apo wrote a lot of prison writings and put forward the new paradigm. When he wrote the Sociology of Freedom, they put him in solitary confinement and increased the pressure even more. They didn’t give him pens or notebooks; they didn’t give him books at all. He prepared most of the prison writings under such difficult conditions. Tuncer Kilinc, the spokesperson of the Turkish National Security Council (MGK), said about Rêber Apo that they were creating an environment in which he would gradually deaden and die off, bit by bit, until he and his importance and influence would disappear. They wanted to make even breathing torture for him. But Rêber Apo managed to turn all this around and even use it to his advantage.

That is why his struggle in Imrali is so historic, great, and successful. When great people do great things, their enemies launch great attacks. But what matters is the result. Rêber Apo enlightened the Kurdish people with his struggle; the PKK, which the enemy back then gave a life expectancy of six months, still exists today, but those who gave it this life expectancy have disappeared. Today the PKK is much stronger than in the past. The Kurdish people did not know what to do when the conspiracy was launched. They probably thought that our leader would be destroyed and that they would be destroyed like in the past. But it didn’t happen like that. The struggle for freedom and existence today is being waged not only in northern but in all four parts of Kurdistan. The whole world recognizes Kurds today; millions of people say “Jin Jiyan Azadi.” Kurdish, which was defined as an ‘unknown language’ by the Turkish state, is now being used all over the world. This reality is in front of the eyes of everyone.

During the Imrali process, Rêber Apo said that there would be no more life and war as before. What needs to be done in order to correctly use and understand the ways and methods developed by Rêber Apo to nullify the conspiracy and to wage a correct struggle?

When we look at the conspiracy from the perspective of Rêber Apo, the conspiracy has been nullified. For example, like I said, the first main aim of the conspiracy carried out by capitalist modernity was physical destruction; they failed. Their second aim was to render Rêber Apo ideologically meaningless, but instead he deepened his ideological stance in Imrali and became a universal leader. Rêber Apo also frustrated this plan. That is why we say that the conspiracy was destroyed in the person of Rêber Apo. That is why they are afraid of Rêber Apo. They are already unable to reduce his influence; even though he is in their hands and under the most intense pressure, he still does not compromise his stance. The conspiratorial forces must be thinking about how Rêber Apo was when he was brought to Imrali and how he is now. The whole world sees Rêber Apo as a leader. Just recently, 69 Nobel laureates were demanding Rêber Apo’s physical freedom.

For 43 months there has been no news from Rêber Apo. This conspiracy proves that everything they had planned for Rêber Apo has been nullified. This is the success of Rêber Apo. Undoubtedly, there was the struggle of our people, our movement, and our international friends, but this was also due most essentially to the resistance stance of Rêber Apo. If Rêber Apo had not taken such a stance, the struggle would not have grown this much. They thought that with the liquidation of the leadership, the PKK and the free Kurds would be liquidated, and the Kurds would be eradicated. What does this situation show us? It means that success can be achieved with the stance of Rêber Apo against the international conspiracy. In other words, Rêber Apo succeeded against the conspiracy. If we also want to succeed, we will have to take the stance and style of Rêber Apo as a basis. The conspirators currently have the captivity and physical imprisonment of Rêber Apo. Other than that, they have not achieved their goals.

Who now has a role to play? The role of ensuring the physical freedom of Rêber Apo falls to the freedom movement, the Kurdish people, all women, and all oppressed societies. The fact that the conspirators are still trying to achieve their goals is not because of the stance of Rêber Apo, but because of the stance outside. There are deficiencies in the external struggle. The struggle to ensure the physical freedom of Rêber Apo and to frustrate the conspirators is not strong enough. There is no doubt that there is a strong struggle, but this result has not yet emerged. As I said, we can only achieve this result with the style of Rêber Apo. So how was Rêber Apo able to take such a strong stance against the conspirators? He mentions it in his prison writings. In fact, Rêber Apo achieved this in two ways: “First, I was with my society, because man is a social being. There can be no personal freedom. On this basis, I was going to unite my fate with the Kurdish people and Kurdistan.” This is very important.

Capitalist modernity is based on making people selfish. They have implemented this reality in such a way that people forget their mother, father, family, or society. It eliminates social identity, renders it meaningless, and leaves the personality. But Rêber Apo states that man is a social being. He states that the liberation of the individual can only be achieved through the liberation of society, and he fights against the system of capitalist modernity in a social way. Secondly, man is a developing being. This change-transformation also takes place in the mentality. In Imrali, Rêber Apo made himself the truth; he made himself the representation of right thinking. In short, he represents the truth. This means that if we act in the same way, we can achieve success.

A genocide decision has been taken against the Kurdish people. How can an individual in society accept this? Free Kurds do not accept the individualistic life offered by capitalist modernity; they have to embrace society. As such, their stance in life also changes. At the same time, the free Kurd also has to see the lie of a life offered by capitalist modernity. It is about seeing the true life and pursuing it. If the people become conscious, organized, and have the power to act on this basis, then this struggle against the international conspiracy will become stronger, the embrace of Rêber Apo will increase, the struggle based on his physical freedom will grow even more, and the capitalist powers will weaken in this way. In this sense, the current struggle against the conspiracy is incomplete; when it increases, people’s stance changes. This is what we need today.

Of course, we are much stronger than in the past. For example, today the number of those who take Rêber Apo as their basis has increased, the global campaign aiming for the physical freedom of Rêber Apo is being embraced all over the world, the Kurdish people are now more conscious and stronger, and the true face of the forces of capitalist modernity, the occupying forces, the collaborator-traitor Kurds has been exposed. If we wage a struggle outside the country that is equal to the stance of Rêber Apo, the international conspiracy will be defeated by us, just as it was defeated by Rêber Apo, and the conspiracy will be defeated in every sense. The hopes of the ruling powers to succeed will also be completely destroyed.