Wednesday, May 27, 2026

 

‘The Simpsons’ writer who 'predicted' Trump presidency makes 2028 White House bid

‘The Simpsons’ writer who predicted Trump presidency makes 2028 White House bid
Copyright Fox - Disney

By David Mouriquand
Published on

Dan Greaney, the Emmy-winning writer who wrote The Simpsons episode 'Bart To The Future', which “predicted” a Trump presidency 16 years before it happened, is now apparently running in 2028.

The Simpsons writer who “predicted” Donald Trump’s presidency has announced that he is running for President in the 2028 US election.

Sure, why not.

Dan Greaney has written several episodes of the beloved animation series, including one which contributed to the show’s reputation that it foretells the future.

The infamous episode in question is “Bart To The Future”, which sees Lisa as President of the United States. In the episode, which aired a full 16 years prior to Trump’s presidency, she addresses her advisor and says: “As you know we’ve inherited quite the budget crunch from President Trump”.

This led many to go back and sift through Simpsons episodes to uncover other instances when the show’s jokes “predicted” the future. In some cases, they were eerily accurate.

Now, Greaney is looking to follow in Trump’s footsteps.

In a video posted on Instagram, the four-time Emmy winner is dressed as a wizard and describes himself as a “self-proclaimed prophet”, before outlining America’s political problems.

“Trump, Vance, the billionaires, careerists, and cowards in both parties have turned their backs on [the US],” he said. “It’s money, power, and security for them, but not for you.”

He continued: “In America, the government is supposed to work for everyone. Democracy for all, accountability for all, prosperity for all. We must restore this. I’d love to help, but I’m not a lawyer. I’m just a self-proclaimed prophet… who went to law school, graduated, passed the bar… Wait! I am a lawyer!”

He then discards the wizard costume and reveals himself to be suited and ready for The White House.

“Screw it, I can be a politician,” he exclaims. “I’m running for president. My platform: America for all. Let’s do this.”

Check it out for yourselves:

No matter ridiculous the announcement may seem, it does make Greaney one of the first to announce their bid for the 2028 election.

The comedy writer appears to be advocating for universal healthcare and a return to morals, according to his Instagram page. According to a press release from Greaney’s campaign: "His platform includes restoring democratic norms alongside progressive policies such as universal healthcare and the Green New Deal, unified under the campaign’s central idea of building an America that works for all.”

Stranger things have happened...

Under current law, Trump cannot run for a third term. No president is allowed to serve more than two terms in office. However, Trump has repeatedly threatened to run again, saying last year that he has not ruled out the possibility and that he would "love to do it".

The Trump Organization has already been selling red caps that read "Trump 2028", seemingly promoting him as a candidate in the election. Aye, Caramba!

The next US Presidential elections take place on 7 November 2028.

U.S. Federal Investigations And Seizures Of Voting Records – Analysis


This article provides background on the constitutional and statutory framework underlying federal investigations of elections, summarizes investigations by the Trump Administration and legal action surrounding demands for and seizures of state and county voting records, and offers considerations for Congress. 

Constitutional Background

States have the initial and principal responsibility for administering elections in the United States, including in determining voter eligibility. The federal government maintains a significant role in elections, such as in enforcing federal laws protecting election integrity.

The states’ primary role in congressional elections is partially set out in Article I, Section 4, Clause 1, of the U.S. Constitution, the Elections Clause: “The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof[.]” The Elections Clause also references Congress’s power to “at any time by Law make or alter” state regulations, which the Supreme Court has sometimes described as an “override” authority. Article I, Section 2, Clause 1, the Voter Qualifications Clause, further empowers the states to decide who is qualified to vote in federal congressional elections. For presidential elections, Article II, Section 1, Clause 4, provides that Congress may determine the “Time” of choosing presidential electors and the day the electors shall cast their votes. The states hold the power to appoint presidential electors to the Electoral College and decide how those appointments are made under Article II, Section 1, Clause 2, the Electors Clause.

Congress does not have general regulatory authority over state and local elections, but it may still exercise its power over them in several contexts. For example, Congress has authority to prevent unconstitutional voter discrimination in a state or local election. In addition to its Article I powers, Congress’s authority to legislate regarding these issues derives principally from the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. Relying on its Spending Clause authority under Article I, Congress also may condition the receipt of federal funds for state or local elections on compliance with federal requirements.

The Constitution does not articulate a specific role in federal elections for the President. However, the Take Care Clause, in Article II, Section 3, Clause 1, provides that the President “shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed.” The clause imposes a duty that implicates powers to enforce the laws that Congress enacts, including the enforcement of statutory criminal prohibitions.

Select Statutory Background

While states and localities generally determine their own election practices, Congress has set minimum requirements in federal law. For example, the National Voter Registration Act of 1993 (NVRA) provides that states must “conduct a general program that makes a reasonable effort to remove the names of ineligible voters from the official lists of eligible voters” due to death or residency change. The NVRA contains public disclosure provisions requiring states to maintain and make available for public inspection certain records concerning the implementation of programs for ensuring the accuracy of voter rolls. The Attorney General may bring civil actions to enforce the NVRA. 

The Help America Vote Act of 2002 (HAVA) sets additional requirements, including that states maintain “in a uniform and nondiscriminatory manner, a single, uniform, official, centralized, interactive computerized statewide voter registration list” containing the names and registration information of all registered voters. HAVA further requires states to ensure voter registration records are “accurate and are updated regularly,” to make “a reasonable effort to remove registrants who are ineligible to vote,” and to ensure eligible voters are not removed in error. HAVA provides that the Attorney General may bring a civil action against any state or jurisdiction “as may be necessary to carry out the uniform and nondiscriminatory election technology and administration requirements[.]” 

The Civil Rights Act of 1960 (CRA) requires election officers to retain and preserve records “relating to any application, registration, payment of poll tax, or other act requisite to voting in such election” for 22 months, and to provide the Attorney General such records “for inspection, reproduction, and copying” upon demand in writing with a statement of the basis and the purpose of the demand.

Recent Executive Branch Actions

The Trump Administration has issued executive orders (E.O.s) with the stated purpose of protecting the integrity of elections and initiated investigations into the 2020 and 2024 presidential elections, including by demanding statewide voter registration lists with detailed voter registrant information and ballot records. 

Executive Orders

In March 2025, President Trump issued E.O. 14248, “Preserving and Protecting the Integrity of American Elections.” The E.O. includes several Administration policies with regard to state voter registration lists and other election records. For example, Section 2(b) of the E.O. requires, among other things, that “the Department of Homeland Security, in coordination with the DOGE [Department of Government Efficiency] Administrator,” review federal immigration databases alongside state voter registration lists and other state records “concerning voter list maintenance activities,” including by subpoena. Section 5 further orders the Attorney General to consider withholding federal grants from states that do not enter into information-sharing agreements or otherwise refuse to cooperate with enforcement of the E.O. While provisions of the E.O. have since been enjoined from implementation by multiple federal courts, Section 2(b) and Section 5 are outside of the scope of those injunctions. One federal district court declared that in the course of implementing Section 2(b), the Administration must comply with the requirements of the Privacy Act, “including its requirement that agencies provide at least 30 days’ notice and opportunity for comment for any new or intended ‘routine use’ of information stored in an agency’s system of records.” For further information on the March 2025 E.O. and legal challenges, consult this Legal Sidebar.

In March 2026, President Trump issued E.O. 14399, “Ensuring Citizenship Verification and Integrity in Federal Elections.” The E.O. requires, among other things, that federal officials compile and transmit to each state a “State Citizenship List” for upcoming federal elections, and prioritize investigations and prosecutions of state and local officials who issue ballots to individuals not eligible to vote. Two dozen states have filed a legal challenge to the E.O., arguing that the E.O. would unconstitutionally “usurp” power over elections belonging to the states and Congress. 

Investigations of Voter Registration Lists

Citing the President’s March 2025 E.O. along with the NVRA, HAVA, and CRA, the Department of Justice (DOJ) has requested voter information from most states, the District of Columbia, and some local governments, and sued to enforce compliance with various demands. In complaints against states and their election officials, DOJ alleged that the states had failed to provide copies of the statewide voter registration lists, information concerning the implementation of programs and activities for ensuring accuracy, and other election records. In the underlying requests and the complaints, DOJ demanded detailed voter registrant information, including registrants’ “full name, date of birth, residential address, and either their state driver’s license number or the last four digits of their Social Security number.” In various complaints, DOJ alleged that failure to comply with the requests violated the NVRA, HAVA, and the CRA. Several federal district courts have dismissed DOJ’s suits seeking voter registration data. Some of the decisions have reasoned that while federal laws set certain requirements with regard to registration, they do not compel the disclosure of the voter records demanded by DOJ. DOJ has appealed decisions, and cases in other states remain pending as of the date of this writing. Other states have reached agreements to share voter lists, some of which have been challenged by civil rights groups.

In another dispute, a DOJ lawsuit alleged that the North Carolina State Board of Elections (NCSBE) violated HAVA by using a voter registration form prior to 2024 that did not require an applicant to provide a driver’s license number or the last four digits of their Social Security number. The NCSBE reached a settlement in September to reregister voters missing this information. 

Investigations and Seizures of Ballots 

On January 28, 2026, DOJ’s Federal Bureau of Investigation seized over 600 boxes containing the 2020 election ballots of more than 500,000 voters in Fulton County, Georgia. The search warrant and supporting affidavits alleged violations of Title 52, U.S. Code, Sections 20701 and 20511—criminal prohibitions relating to recordkeeping under the CRA and election interference under the NVRA, respectively—and sought records including “[a]ll physical ballots from the 2020 General Election in Fulton County”; “[a]ll tabulator tapes for every voting machine used in Fulton County”; “[a]ll ballot images produced during the original ballot count” and the recount; and “[a]ll voter rolls[.]” 

Fulton County election officials filed a motion in federal court seeking the return of the seized election records, arguing that the federal government’s search lacked probable cause and violated the Fourth Amendment and other legal requirements, and that the factors under Rule 41(g) of the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedurerequired a return of seized property. The district court denied the motion, finding that the plaintiffs had not met the exacting standard required under circuit caselaw for granting a motion to return seized property. The court noted that the seizure of ballots of a closed and certified election did not interfere with the ability to conduct the past election, nor “will hinder the State’s ability to conduct future elections.”

Officials in Arizona have stated they complied with a subpoena seeking 2020 Maricopa County election records. In April 2026, DOJ demanded all 2024 election “ballots (including absentee and provisional), ballot receipts, and ballot envelopes” from Wayne County, Michigan, citing the CRA and election fraud laws. Wayne County has replied that it does not have custody of the records.

Considerations for Congress

Congress may amend existing statutory authorities, like the CRA, NVRA, or HAVA, or create new federal election authorities within the bounds of the Constitution as interpreted by the Supreme Court. H.R. 22, the SAVE America Act, which passed the House on April 10, 2025, would amend the NVRA to establish additional state voter list maintenance requirements, among other provisions. Congress may also facilitate federal investigations of elections by encouraging greater information sharing between state, local, and federal officials. In light of challenges in protecting election systems, Congress may consider creating new requirements for securing election records and limiting the appropriate use of such data. Congress may consider limiting the federal role in elections, such as by restricting the circumstances under which the executive branch can obtain and consolidate voter information. Congress may also provide additional resources and guidance to state and local election officials.


  • About the author: Jimmy Balser, Legislative Attorney

Cheaper, Alternative U.S. Health Plans Are Having A Moment, But Critics Urge Caution – Analysis


May 27, 2026 
KFF Health News
By Sarah Kwon

When Melanie Miller saw that her health insurance premium payment was set to nearly triple to $914 a month this year, she stopped shopping on the Affordable Care Act marketplace.

The 59-year-old retired teacher, who recently moved from Ohio to Michigan, now pays $341 a month for a pair of plans, one that covers routine and urgent care and another that pays fixed amounts for hospital stays. Neither meets federal standards for comprehensive coverage.

Though she practices yoga and is healthy, Miller said she still feels “vulnerable.” If she lands in the hospital, her plan pays a flat $2,000, a fraction of the $30,000 price tag of an average hospital stay.


“I don’t gamble. But I may as well,” she said. “This is gambling.”

Congress’ decision late last year not to extend enhanced marketplace tax credits has boosted the appeal of alternatives to comprehensive insurance — plans like Miller’s, which have lower premiums but don’t meet ACA standards for coverage or consumer protections. Unlike plans sold on the exchanges, these options — some sold by major insurers, others by small companies or nonprofits — can deny claims with few or no legal rights for consumers to appeal. The plans are not required to cover “essential health benefits,” such as preventive care, and can impose annual or lifetime caps on benefits.

There is debate over whether these options help or harm patients. Consumer advocates dismiss them as “junk insurance,” while proponents say restricting alternatives to pricey marketplace plans risks driving up the number of uninsured. Some states, including Kansas and Florida, and the federal government itself have eased regulations on such plans or created incentives to join them, while other states, including California and Massachusetts, have tried to deter enrollment in alternative insurance. Those regulatory guardrails, however, are now being stress-tested as premiums blow out household budgets.

Alternative insurance takes many forms, including short-term policies, which were designed to bridge temporary gaps in coverage and often exclude preexisting conditions, and fixed-indemnity plans, which pay a flat rate per service regardless of how high costs go and are intended for supplemental use. Arrangements in which people pool their money to cover one another’s bills, including faith-based “healthcare sharing ministries,” also provide a cheaper alternative to the marketplace options. Because they are not considered insurance under federal or state law, they are not legally bound to pay for even eligible medical bills.

Enrollment data for alternative plans is mostly confidential, but several indicators point to shifts in the market. Recent estimates suggest marketplace enrollment declined about 20%from 2025, and a KFF survey of people on the exchanges last year found that 5% switched to private, nonmarketplace individual coverage, including plans that don’t comply with the ACA. Covered California, the state’s marketplace, plans to survey former enrollees to find out where they went.

Insurance industry insiders also report that, amid the expiration of subsidies, alternative plans are making a marketing push. Colorado insurance broker Samantha Albritton said that before ACA open enrollment, she saw more marketing from fixed-indemnity plans than in previous years. One healthcare sharing plan, Zion HealthShare, had more than 75,000 members in February — a 50% increase since last June, it said in a statement.

Critics of these alternative plans say the major issues occur when people use them as primary insurance and don’t realize the coverage is inadequate until they need it most. “Humans have bodies that can fail them,” said Amy Killelea, an assistant research professor at Georgetown University’s Center on Health Insurance Reforms.

To avoid a $553 monthly premium hike this year, retired teacher Melanie Miller replaced her Affordable Care Act coverage with two alternative plans, one that covers preventive services and another that pays fixed amounts for hospital care. She considers her limited hospital coverage a calculated risk given her good health but is now weighing whether to drop the preventive care policy, given her struggles to find in-network providers in her area. “I have not had a good experience with it,” she said.


Killelea and other health insurance experts say that the fine print on these plans can be difficult to parse and that enrollees don’t have the protections of traditional insurance to fall back on. A 2023 peer-reviewed study found that after reading a summary of a sample short-term policy’s benefits and a disclosure that the plan was not ACA-compliant, only half of participants understood that prescription drugs were not covered.

When Jade Ramsey was 24, she declined insurance from her employer due to the cost of the premiums. After experiencing fatigue and unexplained bruising, she sought low-cost coverage from Southern Guaranty Insurance Company through a policy similar to a fixed-indemnity plan.

Two weeks after enrolling, Ramsey, who lives in Arizona, was unable to walk. An emergency room visit led to a six-day hospital stay and a $143,823 bill in 2021. She was diagnosed with acute lymphoblastic leukemia. Her insurer denied coverage for this and other bills, labeling the cancer a preexisting condition and offering no other recourse after rejecting her appeal, she said.

Those bills landed in collections, and her credit score nose-dived. Ramsey said she once visited the ER with chest pain she attributed to the stress of the six-figure debt. She eventually qualified for Medicaid, and her credit score has since recovered even though she never paid off the debt. She said collection agencies still call, but she ignores them.

Southern Guaranty Insurance Company did not respond to requests for comment.

Proponents of alternative insurance argue that stifling these more affordable options will just increase the ranks of those without any coverage.

“People should be able to spend their own money financing healthcare the way that works best for them,” said Brian Blase, president of Paragon Health Institute, an influential conservative think tank. Paragon pushed for ending the enhanced marketplace tax credits, arguing they fueled improper enrollment by heightening incentives for unscrupulous brokers to sign people up without their knowledge.

Robert Godfrey of Clearwater, Florida, appreciates having choices. When Godfrey’s monthly premium payment was slated to jump from $879 to around $1,250 this year, the 64-year-old hair salon owner switched to a $320-a-month membership with Zion HealthShare. Rarely needing medical care, Godfrey viewed the shift to a cheaper plan as a pragmatic choice. “Thank God I’m healthy,” he said.

Robert Godfrey, a hair salon owner, says he doesn’t need healthcare beyond preventive services and has never hit his deductible. So last year, when the expiration of enhanced federal subsidies was going to push his marketplace premium payment up 40% — to around $1,250 a month — he walked away. He called it an “outrageous increase.” Just months away from becoming eligible for Medicare, Godfrey opted for a cheaper alternative: a $320-a-month healthcare sharing plan. These arrangements, in which members pool their funds to cover one another’s medical costs, aren’t legally obligated to pay for expenses.

The Trump administration has relaxed regulations on some alternative plans. Last year, federal agencies stopped enforcing Biden-era rules on how long short-term plans could last and how they could be marketed, then offered states a marginal advantage in the competition for a share of $50 billion in federal rural health funding if they followed suit.


In a statement, CMS spokesperson Christopher Krepich said the administration is focused on ensuring “access to affordable coverage options, strengthening competition, and reducing unnecessary regulatory burdens, while maintaining appropriate consumer protections.”

State oversight of alternative insurance is a patchwork. In much of the nation, these plans face few restrictions. Many states, including Florida, Arizona, and Indiana, have eased limits on short-term plans in the wake of the Trump administration’s moves, allowing them to be renewed for up to three years in total.

In Kansas, lawmakers overrode the governor’s veto to pass a bill in March providing a tax break for people who enroll in healthcare sharing ministries. In her veto, Democratic Gov. Laura Kelly warned that these ministries are unregulated, “which opens the door to all sorts of fraud and abuse.” Kansas House Speaker Daniel Hawkins countered in a news release that “House Republicans believe families should have more flexibility and more control over their healthcare decisions, not fewer options and higher costs.”

Oklahoma weighed a similar bill earlier this year, though it did not pass.

Not all states are friendly toward alternative plans. Over a dozen ban short-term policies or have rules restrictive enough to deter insurers from selling them. California and Massachusetts are among the states with the most stringent rules, banning short-term plans and requiring clear warnings to people considering a healthcare sharing ministry in certain circumstances. Both also tax adults who forgo comprehensive coverage, while subsidizing marketplace premiums to encourage enrollment.

Still, the higher premiums will test these guardrails, said Héctor Hernández-Delgado, a director at the National Health Law Program, which advocates for quality healthcare for low-income people. He worries that consumers lured by the plans’ low prices could “be worse off down the road,” saddled with burdensome medical debt.

Now in remission, Ramsey urges those considering cheaper insurance to do careful research. “Make sure it’s covering what you need to be covered,” she said. “It could be too good to be true.”

This article was published at KFF Health News is a national newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about health issues and is one of the core operating programs at KFF—an independent source of health policy research, polling, and journalism. Learn more about KFF.