'I dream of a liberated Druze land': One activist's national aspirations - interview

Druze activist Khalifa Khalifa dreams of a friendly Druze autonomy in southern Syria as a response to the Assad regime’s deadly campaign.

By OHAD MERLIN

JULY 19, 2024 
JERUSALEM POST

"THE DRUZE saw themselves as part and parcel of the Syrian state, until the war began.' A Druze girl takes part in a rally over then-US president Donald Trump's support for Israeli soverignty over the Golan Heights, in Majdal Shams near the ceasefire line between Israel and Syria

.(photo credit: AMMAR AWAD/REUTERS)

First I just want to thank you very much,” opened Khalifa Khalifa. “In the shadow of the events in Gaza and the war with Hezbollah, it is difficult to draw attention to something that is far from the eye and far from the heart, and no one seems to care, so this has great meaning for me.”

Khalifa defines himself as “an Israeli Druze who worries and cares for my Druze brothers in Syria.” He is a researcher of the Middle East, an activist raising awareness for the situation of the Druze in Syria, and the owner of a podcast named The Rebellion of the Caliphs. “When I started my podcast, I never thought there would be a real rebellion going on in Syria,” he added thoughtfully.

Khalifa referred to the ongoing events in Jabal Al-Druze, or Druze Mountain, a predominantly Druze region in the Suwayda governorate of southern Syria, where the local Druze population, numbering several hundreds of thousands, is sounding its voice ever so loudly against the Bashar Assad regime.


Khalifa explained that, during the civil war in Syria, which has been taking place for the last decade, the regime has been targeting the Druze population in the area, allegedly for its refusal to take part in the war.

“The Druze of Syria voted with their feet not to take part in what is happening Syria, and they saw it as foreign intervention in the state’s affairs,” explained Khalifa, referring to the involvement of Hezbollah and Iran.

DURING THE civil war in Syria, which has been taking place for the last decade, the Assad regime has been targeting the Druze population, allegedly for its refusal to take part in the war. (credit: AMMAR AWAD/REUTERS)

“The Syrian regime did not like this,” the Druze activist continued. “The Druze are only about 3%-4% of the general population in Syria. They saw themselves as part and parcel of the Syrian state, until the war began. They were very integrated: officers in the army, in intelligence, in all aspects of life. Most of them are farmers who just want to live in peace.

“But then the war started, and they refused to take part. The regime began applying all kinds of terror tactics against the Druze population. They assassinated Druze leaders who came out against the war, such as Waheed Bal’ous in 2015. The Druze saw this war as an immoral factor, certainly with the Iranian occupation and the intervention of Hezbollah.”

Khalifa added that since the Druze live in such a wide area and the regime was busy fighting its own wars, Assad resorted to a tactic of de facto ethnic cleansing. “This involved economic strangulation, land dispossession. The regime just sits on the main arteries of life, puts up barriers at the entrance and exit of the villages, kidnaps people indiscriminately. Druze who made their way from Suwayda to Damascus found themselves in interrogation cellars and underwent torture.”

According to Khalifa, tens of thousands have fled the Suwayda region because life has become too difficult in the Druze homeland. “They are also getting poorer. The richest ones there, with high socioeconomic status, make $400-$450 a month.”

Khalifa elaborated that in early August last year, the Druze started to organize recurring nonviolent demonstrations, openly calling for the removal of Assad, an end to the war, and the establishment of a new Syria. This explicit call to oust a political leader is a rare occurrence for the ethno-religious group, known for its almost religious-like allegiance to the local political leadership regardless of where they are.

“Unfortunately, the world does not pay attention to this. Everyone is understandably drowning in the October 7 events, but there is a very extreme escalation of the violence applied against the Druze demonstrators by the Assad regime. In the last month, Assad’s army has been sending agents with the aim of sowing chaos and stirring war. The Druze just demonstrate and chant, not threatening anyone, but Assad’s men come and shoot them from behind to try and sow terror and fear.”

ISRAEL HAS the world’s third-largest Druze population, after Syria and Lebanon. Here, Druze gather to contact their relatives on the Syrian side of the border from the Israeli Golan Heights. (credit: AMMAR AWAD/REUTERS)

Help from unexpected friends

Not much coverage has been given to what Khalifa regards as “the Syrian Druze version of October 7, just a few years ago.

“On July 25, 2018, a group of ISIS radicals infiltrated some of the Druze villages in Suwayda, committing horrors and atrocities very much like those of October 7,” he said. “Watching the Hamas massacre after knowing what ensued in Suwayda was absolutely shocking. They [ISIS] infiltrated homes, kidnapped, murdered. There was a horrific video circulating of the beheading of a 17-year-old Druze girl.”

Other acts committed by the Islamic State terrorists included suicide bombings and the kidnapping of women and children, with casualties reaching over 200, according to some sources, most of them innocent civilians.

Khalifa holds that these horrific attacks happened with the silent blessing of the Assad regime, as another form of retaliation against what it viewed as “disloyal” Druze population. “Assad allowed them a safe passage to Jabal Al-Druze and allowed them to ‘slaughter the infidels.’ We’re sure of that.”

“The Druze are strong fighters, so they managed to repel the terrorists, but they paid a heavy price. Several young people were kidnapped, and Islamic State demanded a ransom; perhaps that, too, was Assad’s dowry,” Khalifa added.

Then, the Druze in Syria encountered aid from an unexpected direction. “The Druze in Israel stood by their brethren’s side and gathered some money. Our religious leadership was especially involved. For the Syrian Druze this was a significant gesture. There are merely 130,000 Druze in Israel in comparison to hundreds of thousands in Syria. But despite this, we managed to raise money and support them. So, the Druze in Syria felt for the first time the power of Jewish-Druze alliance.”

Khalifa explained that this aid from their Israeli brethren was very significant for the Syrian Druze. “Since then, we see a desire and a longing to meet the Israeli Druze. Perhaps it’s parallel to the way Jews in Israel look at Jews abroad, as both long lost family and benefactors who donate and help.”
The Druze-Jewish alliance

Khalifa described how these times led him to mull over the question of the essence of the Jewish-Druze alliance.

“For many outside of Israel, the general idea is that the Druze in Israel chose to tie their fate with the State of Israel because they deemed Israel to be strong or for their own interests. Walid Jumblatt, a Lebanese Druze leader, sounded this exact idea in an interview he gave not too long ago.

“But anyone who lives here knows that this description just doesn’t hold water – it just doesn’t grasp the essence of life here!

“We saw it best on October 7, how the Druze sacrificed their lives with their Jewish counterparts to save people’s lives and fight against Hamas in Gaza. If their perception of our alliance was true, we would have never had people like Lt.-Col. Salman Habka, who fell on October 7 after having mobilized his forces to fight the Hamas terrorists in the [Super]nova [music] festival, despite living hundreds of kilometers away.

“I came across a book titled The Idea of ​​the Druze State by Shawki Amran,” continued Khalifa. “It begins by dedicating the book to the Druze community and proceeds to open with a quote from the Jewish traveler Benjamin of Tudela from the 12th century where he tells about a nation called ‘the Druzian’ who live in the mountains and crevices of the rocks, and who are loved by the Jews and cannot be fought with or defeated. I had chills – this goes back a thousand years!”

Khalifa explained that he perceived much positive sentiment toward Israel from his Syrian counterparts, as well as a strong desire to receive recognition and help.

“I told a Druze friend of mine how good it is to live in Israel with Jews and to fight together, and all his responses were very sympathetic to Israel. I told him that some Druze in the Golan are not willing to vote in the Israeli elections, do not want a local council, raise Assad’s flag, and go to demonstrations. He told me: ‘Tell these dishonorable men to come and live here in Suwayda; I would gladly switch places with them.’”
Who can we talk to?

Khalifa described how he was looking for a way to reconcile between Israelis and their neighbors, but October 7 made him change his perspective as for the identity of those neighbors.

“Us Druze, we’re in a constant identity crisis, as if we lived between divorced parents – Israelis and the Palestinians – and we only want them to reconcile and connect,” he added ironically. “But then October 7 occurred, which for me was Holocaust-like. Just like in Nazi Germany, many of the atrocities were committed by those who one might deem ‘ordinary people’: teachers, traders, UNRWA staff, fishermen. As soon as the border was breached, they carried out all of these atrocities. It reminded me of Hanna Arendt’s ‘banality of evil’ [Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil]. So who can we even speak to?

“It is clear to me that this is not a matter of leaders,” Khalifa continued. The Hamas movement sits on a very deep foundation. Even a year into the suffering in Gaza, there is no anarchy; they still stand behind Hamas. [There were] 100,000-150,000 salary recipients from Hamas – this is half of the population that was educated in the Hamas education system. They sit in mosques, in the media, in schools – this is the Muslim Brotherhood’s method of working.

“So, surely there is nothing to talk about with Gazans right now. That is a lost generation, perhaps two, and their moral compass is so miscalibrated that they still see Hamas as representing ‘moderate Islam.’

“What I wanted to do is reach people whose minds could be changed – not the children of the Hamas summer camps,” he explained.

Khalifa describes that this led him to the realization that he should reach out to the Druze in Syria.

“I started in Gaza but somehow ended up in Suwayda,” he said.
A new alliance

Khalifa started talking to Druze organizations around the world and realized that the Syrian Druze situation is not discussed enough.

“My Syrian Druze friend goes to his workplace with a Kalashnikov because tensions are very high. Just yesterday there were shootings and an escalation by the regime.

“The most immediate connection is the connection between Israel and the Druze in Syria. Sure, not everything is rosy, and it’s not like tomorrow the Druze will raise the Israeli flag, but we do see that for an entire year they haven’t been protesting with any Palestinian flags, and even broke all kinds of Assad family monuments adorned with Palestinian flags.

“So, all of this is pointing in the direction of normalization with Israel. They need very basic things, such as to break the economic blockade imposed on them by the Assad regime.”

Khalifa now mediates meetings between Druze all over the world with the aim of ultimately establishing a global council that will represent Druze aspirations in front of the entire world.

“I’m also part of a ‘normalization center’ currently being established with the help of some friends who think like me and are trying to create alliances between the Jews and other ethnic minorities of the region who are tired of the endless war cycles,” he added.

“We’re trying to reach out to Druze, Maronites, Kurds, Ahwazi Arabs in Iran, Sunnis from the Deraa district in Syria, who have a relatively sympathetic attitude towards Israel, even Bedouin in the Negev who refused to grant refuge to Hamas’s Nukhba militants and handed them over to the police,” Khalifa retold excitedly.

“We should stop seeing the Middle East in one color and realize that we have many potential allies. For many in the moderate Sunni countries, the biggest enemy is not Iran but the extremists at home.”

Khalifa holds on to the aspiration of a Druze autonomy in southern Syria. “The Druze have a flag, they are a nation, with symbols and a culture, and why not also national aspirations?

“I dream that, not many years from now, we will be able to go to hotels in Suwayda and look out over Damascus from a liberated Druze land, managed by its rightful owners.

“If the enemy of my enemy is my friend, in the Druze case, my brother’s brother is a friend,” he concluded.

Khalifa’s channels can be found at: https://youtube.com/@khalifa_shrugged or Khalifashrugged.com

 

As Druze fight alongside Jewish soldiers, Israel looks back on controversial Nation-State Law

For many Druze, an Arabic-speaking minority in Israel, the bill was seen as an insult and ignorant of the role the Druze have played in Israel’s military history. 

Mourners gather around the flag draped coffin of Druze Israeli Lieutenant Colonel Salman Habaka in the village of Yanuh Jat, northern Israel, Friday, Nov. 3, 2023. Habaka was killed during a ground operation in the Gaza Strip. (AP Photo/Ariel Schalit)

December 11, 2023

By 

David I. Klein

(RNS) — As thousands of Israelis gathered in Tel Aviv Nov. 24 to celebrate the return of the first batch of hostages freed amid Israel’s ceasefire agreement with Hamas, the crowd broke into applause at the sight of a group of men, sheikhs in long, flowing robes and white turbans.

These were not leaders of Israel’s Arab Muslim minority but of the Druze — adherents to a syncretic religion native to the Levant that broke from Shia Islam in the 11th century and holds reverence for not only Muhammad, Jesus and figures of the Hebrew Bible such as Jethro, but also for Greek philosophers like Pythagoras and Plato as prophets.

Today, the Druze community is estimated at 800,000 spread over Syria, Lebanon, Jordan and Israel. The vast majority of Druze live in southwest Syria, followed by Lebanon and then Israel, which is home to around 150,000. 

In the more than 50 days since war broke out between Israel and Hamas in the Gaza Strip, Israel’s Druze minority joined their Jewish countrymen in participating in the war. Of the 104 IDF soldiers who died in combat since the war began, at least six have been Druze, say community members. 

“In this war, the Druze view themselves as proud Israelis,” Anan Kheir, a lawyer and community activist from the majority-Druze village of Peki’in in northern Israel, told Religion News Service. “We don’t see any difference between the Druze soldier and the Jewish soldier.”

“If you go all over our towns, you will see the Israeli flags at each corner,” Adi Hassan, a Druze man from Daliat al-Carmel, Israel’s largest Druze community, told RNS, adding, “I can tell you that we are more patriotic than the Jews themselves.” 

Druze communities have also dived into volunteer efforts to support the hundreds of Israelis displaced from the country’s south. In Daliat al-Carmel, according to the Jerusalem Post, a center was set up where Druze, as native Arabic speakers, combed through videos shared by Hamas and on Palestinian media since Oct. 7 to aid Israeli intelligence in locating hostages and identifying the perpetrators of the attack. 

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RELATED:  Feeling sidelined, Israel’s Druze protest Jewish nation bill

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Despite their patriotism, many Druze feel their place in Israel has been overlooked — a concern that has grown since the passage of the controversial Nation-State Law five years ago.

An Israeli man from the Druze community participates in a rally against Israel’s Jewish Nation bill in Tel Aviv, on Aug. 4, 2018. Thousands of members of Israel’s Druze minority and their Jewish supporters packed a central Tel Aviv square to rally against a contentious new law that critics say sidelines Israel’s non-Jewish citizens. (AP Photo/Sebastian Scheiner)

That law, many Druze feel, cut them out of Israel’s national identity. 

“Now is the time for the government and the Knesset to initiate a change to the Nation-State Law and repair the historical distortion regarding the Druze community while anchoring the community and its rights in legislation,” Sheikh Muwafaq Tarif, the spiritual leader of the Israeli Druze community, said in a letter sent last month to Israel Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and opposition leader Yair Lapid. 

“Let us fix the Nation-State Law at this moment to make it clear that in life and in death, we are equal,” Lapid said in response to the letter. 

The Nation-State Law, which amended Israel’s basic laws — the closest thing the country has to a constitution — codified Jewish symbols, such as the Star of David and menorah, as Israel’s national symbols, Hebrew as its national language and Jewish festivals as its national holidays. 

The bill also downgraded Arabic from an official language of the state to one of just a “special status” and, most controversially, codified that the right to national self-determination in Israel belonged to Jews and Jews alone. 

For many Druze, an Arabic-speaking minority in Israel, the bill was seen as an insult and ignorant of the role the Druze had played in Israel’s military history. 

“We are very frustrated about this,” Hassan said. “We feel that we are equals. We do our duties, serve in the army, pay taxes, be good citizens and follow the laws

“This law was no more than a declarative law, there was no content to it,” Hassan added. “I don’t think the lives of Druze in Israel changed from before and after, but it gave a sore feeling. Suddenly you feel that you are not equal, and this is the main issue.”

Unlike Arabic-speaking Christians and Muslims in Israel, who still largely identify as Palestinian and are exempt from military service, Druze have fiercely adopted Israeli identity and not only serve in the IDF — under a mandatory conscription law like Jewish Israelis — they do so at higher rates than Jews, especially in combat units and the officer corps.

Yet the law treats them as second-class citizens, said Kheir.

“We’re integrated in the Israeli community, we’re a proud part of Israel, we have soldiers who lost their lives. So where are we in this?” he added. 

Druze faith leaders tour Kibbutz Kfar Azza with their Muslim, Jewish and Christian counterparts ahead of an interfaith joint prayer near the Israel-Gaza border, Wednesday, Nov. 29, 2023. (AP Photo/Maya Alleruzzo)

The Nation-State Law is not the only issue Israel’s Druze have with the government. Many feel that Druze communities, mostly in Israel’s north in the area around Mount Carmel, have not received equal funding for education or infrastructure projects.

“Over the years, successive Israeli governments have treated the Druze with respect only when Druze soldiers have fallen in battle and/or on Memorial Day,” Amal Asad, an Israeli Druze and former IDF general, wrote in an op-ed in Haaretz earlier this week. “Right now, the absurdity is that equality between Druze and Jews exists in only two places: in the army and in the cemeteries

“A Druze pilot or Druze commander of an elite military unit or Druze ambassador or Druze high-tech developer is not going to say ‘thank you’ for getting an electricity hookup or a paved road,” Asad added.

Tarif’s letter has sparked a response from Israeli lawmakers. 

“The Druze people are a valuable community,” Netanyahu acknowledged after the letter went public, according to the Jerusalem Post. “They fight and they die. We will give them everything they are due. We will find the way to do it. It’s essential.”

Lawmakers in Netanyahu’s Likud party have floated a bill to add another basic law — which would clarify the position of the Druze community, though what exactly it would entail has not yet been revealed. Other Knesset members noted that such a law should include the Bedouin community who also serve in the IDF.

For many Druze, though, that was not seen as enough. 

“If you want to solve a problem, you need to address the problem itself,” Kheir said. “The problem is called the Nation-State Law, so what I think needs to be done is amending the Nation-State Law.”

Hassan, however, is hopeful that the realities of the current war will be enough to spark a change in attitude.

“I have no doubt that our leadership and the government will find the solution because it’s something that is important for both sides. Both sides really do want to cancel this feeling of frustration among our people,” he said. “I think that the Jews in Israel really appreciate what we are doing and, when speaking, you can see that they really admire the Druze strength, patriotism and solidarity.” 

Horror at deaths of 12 children unites Druze across borders. But Mideast's wars tear at their bonds

KAREEM CHEHAYEB and MELANIE LIDMAN
Sat, August 3, 2024 













Alma's father, Ayman Fakhr al-Din, shows one her favourite soccer jerseys, as he stands in his daughter's room at the town of Majdal Shams, in the Israeli-annexed Golan Heights, Thursday, Aug. 1, 2024. (AP Photo/Leo Correa)

FARDIS, Lebanon (AP) — Alma Ayman Fakhr al-Din, a lively 11-year-old who loved basketball and learning languages, was playing on a soccer field a week ago in Majdal Shams, a Druze town in the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights, when the rocket hit.

Running to the site, her father Ayman pleaded with emergency workers for information about his daughter. “Suddenly I went to the corner, I saw such a tiny girl in a bag,” he said. He recognized her shoes, her hand. “I understood that that’s it, nothing is left, she’s gone.” She was among 12 children and teens killed.

The shocking bloodshed unified the Druze across the region in grief – and laid bare the complex identity of the small, insular religious minority, whose members are spread across Israel, the Golan Heights, Lebanon and Syria.


Who are the Druze?

The Druze religious sect began as a 10th-century offshoot of Ismailism, a branch of Shiite Islam. Outsiders are not allowed to convert, and most religious practices are shrouded in secrecy. There are just one million Druze – more than half of them in Syria, around 250,000 in Lebanon, 115,000 in Israel and 25,000 in the Golan Heights, which Israel captured from Syria in the 1967 Mideast War and annexed in 1981.

Separated by borders, each part of the Druze community has taken different paths, always with an eye on preserving their existence among larger powers. Druze in Lebanon and Syria adopted Arab nationalism, including support for the Palestinian cause. In Israel, Druze are highly regarded for their loyalty to the state and their military service, with many entering elite combat units, including fighting in Gaza. In the Golan, the Druze navigate their historically Syrian identity while living under Israeli occupation.

The communities have always kept up connections and tried to maintain civility over their differences. That, however, has been strained by 10 months of war in Gaza. Now after the Majdal Shams strike, many Druze fear even worse divisions if the region tips into all-out regional war.

“Our children”

After the attack, a string of Israeli politicians rushed to Majdal Shams to show solidarity with the grieving families and emphasize the strong connection between Israel and the Druze.

“These children are our children, they are the children of all of us,” Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said, visiting the soccer field.

Netanyahu’s presence also sparked angry protests by some residents who accused officials of exploiting the tragedy for political purposes.

Many Druze in the Israeli-held part of the Golan have kept their allegiance to Syria. About 20% have taken Israeli citizenship, said Yusri Hazran of Jerusalem's Hebrew University, who is Druze and researches minorities in the Middle East.

In the past 15 years, that trend has increased, said Hazran, as Israel has more strongly integrated the Golan, whose 1981 annexation is not widely recognized.

Meanwhile, Israel’s Druze community, centered in the north of the country, tends to tout with pride their Israeli identity. Around 80% of the male Druze population enlists in the military, higher than the around 70% of Israeli Jews, according to official statistics. Ten Druze soldiers have been killed in the war in the Gaza Strip, a large proportion given their community’s size.

Sheikh Moafaq Tarif, the spiritual leader of the Druze in Israel, said he wasn’t surprised by the wave of national compassion. “During the time of mourning, everyone is talking about support,” he said.

He hoped support would continue after the tragedy has faded from headlines.

“There’s so much that’s needed to fix here.” He pointed to the significant discrimination Druze faced in Israel. A third of Druze homes are not connected to electricity, he said. The community was furious over a 2018 Israeli law that defined the country as a Jewish state and made no mention of its minorities.

In the Golan, some still see their bond lying with neighboring Arab countries.

Hail Abu Jabal, an 84-year-old Druze activist in Majdal Shams, was detained by Israel in the past over his opposition to its rule.

Before European powers divided up the Mideast in the early 20th century, “this region was one region. The Druze were spread out in one country,” he said. “There is a kinship relationship, there is a marriage relationship, and there is a relationship of belonging."

Divided by borders

In the southern Lebanese village of Fardis, near the Israeli border, rocket fire echoed, part of the nearly daily exchanges between Israel and Hezbollah going on for months. From the home of Wissam Sliqa, charred trees were visible on the otherwise verdant mountains, signs of recent Israeli strikes.

Israel is “once again trying to plant the seeds of discord,” said Sliqa, the religious affairs adviser for Lebanon’s top Druze religious leader.

He urged Israeli Druze not to join the war in Gaza or the increasingly volatile confrontation across the Lebanese-Israeli border.

Druze of Syria and Lebanon tend to avoid criticizing their brethren in Israel. Though more are publicly encouraging Druze to refuse to serve in the Israeli military, they withhold judgment on those who do.

“They are behaving how they see is suitable to them,” Sliqa acknowledged. “We don’t dictate to them, and they don’t dictate to us.”

While most of Lebanon’s Druze live in the country's central mountains, Druze-majority villages are also scattered around the south next to Muslim and Christian neighbors.

Lebanese and Syrian Druze have historically been drawn to Arab nationalist movements. Many point to their role in Arab resistance to European colonial rule a century ago and their strong support for Palestinians today.

“The Druze never considered themselves an ethnic minority at all, but a part of the Arab and Islamic majority in the region,” said Lebanese Druze legislator Wael Abou Faour.

Walid Jumblatt, arguably the region's most powerful Druze figure, once led forces fighting alongside Palestinian factions against Israeli troops and their allies in Lebanon. He now leads the Druze in Lebanon’s volatile sectarian power-sharing politics, where his community’s power goes well beyond its size.

Last month, he and Tarif, Israel's Druze leader, engaged in a startlingly scathing exchange of open letters, airing differences over the Israel-Hamas war.

Jumblatt criticized Druze soldiers fighting in Gaza. Tarif in turn said his community was happy having the rights and duties of “citizens of a democratic state.” Jumblatt shot back denouncing Tarif for meeting with Netanyahu, calling the Israeli military offensive in Gaza “an aggression against humanity.”

“He lives in Lebanon, and he’s saying his opinion,” Tarif told The Associated Press. “We are Israelis, and we are proud.”

Despite differences, the various Druze communities maintain close ties and support each other on humanitarian issues, he said.

In the southern Lebanese town of Hasbaya, Sheikh Amin Khair, a Druze farmer, pointed to a cluster of trees and shrubs by his pear and pomegranate groves. In 1982, Druze fighters fired rockets at Israel from there, he said proudly. That year was the start of Israel's 18-year occupation of south Lebanon.

But rather than criticizing Druze in the Israeli army, Khair said he would rather speak positively of voices among Israeli Druze that have backed the Palestinian cause.

He recited a verse by writer Samih al-Qassam, an Israeli Druze and an Arab nationalist: “And until my last heartbeat … I will resist.”

Small white coffins

After the Majdal Shams strike, the Druze community’s tensions risk being pulled even more tightly if a full-fledged war erupts.

Israel accused Hezbollah of being behind the strike, saying the rocket type and trajectory point clearly to the Iranian-backed group. The Lebanese militant group offered a rare denial.

Lebanon’s Jumblatt is often politically at odds with Hezbollah, but this week he echoed its denial and accused Israel of fueling divisions by accusing the group.

On Tuesday, an Israeli airstrike killed a top Hezbollah commander in Beirut in retaliation. The next day, a blast in the Iranian capital killed Hamas' political chief Ismail Haniyeh. Iran has accused Israel of being behind the attack and vowed retaliation.

As the region awaits Hezbollah and Iran’s response, many Druze are pleading to stop the bloodshed.

“We reject shedding even a single drop of blood under the pretext of avenging our children,” the Golan Heights Druze religious committee said in a statement on Monday.

Hundreds of Syrian Druze who gathered in the nearby Syrian town of Quneitra to hold a memorial service for the children blamed Israel for the deaths.

Across Majdal Shams, there was raw pain as the community buried 12 small white coffins in the span of 24 hours.

“No one wins in war, there’s only losing,” said Majdal Shams resident Bhaa Brik.

___

Lidman reported from Tel Aviv, Israel. Associated Press reporters Alon Bernstein and Leo Correa contributed to this report from Majdal Shams, Golan Heights.

Israeli police clash with Druze protesters in the Golan Heights. The rare violence leaves 20 injured

Associated Press
Wed, June 21, 2023

JERUSALEM (AP) — Israeli police on Wednesday fired tear gas, sponge-tipped bullets and a water canon during mass demonstrations by Druze Arabs in the Golan Heights — a rare burst of violence in the normally quiet area. At least 20 people were reported injured.

Thousands of Druze residents of the Golan took part in the demonstrations against the construction of massive wind turbines. The windswept area is an ideal spot for the turbines, but residents fear damage to their properties and landowners have said they did not understand the agreements they signed with a local power company, according to Israeli media.

Israeli police said a large crowd attempted to storm a police position in the town of Masade, throwing stones, fireworks, setting tires on fire, vandalizing police cars, blocking roads and even shooting live fire into the air.

A video released by police showed the crowd pelting riot police with objects.

The video showed Israeli riot police, accompanied by a large armored vehicle equipped with a water canon, marching through the streets, firing tear gas. The sound of rapid gunfire is heard in the background.

Israel’s Ziv Hospital reported 20 injuries — including 12 members of the police with light wounds and eight civilians, four of whom were in serious condition.

Israel captured the Golan, a strategic plateau overlooking northern Israel, from Syria in the 1967 Mideast war. It subsequently annexed the area in a move that was recognized by former President Donald Trump. But most of the international community considers the area to be occupied territory.

While Druze leaders still profess allegiance to Syria, relations with Israel are normally good. The Golan is a popular vacation destination for Israelis and is filled with hotels and restaurants, and most residents speak Hebrew fluently. Violent clashes with Israeli authorities are rare.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's office said he met with a Druze spiritual leader on Wednesday afternoon as officials tried to defuse the situation.

“I view with great severity and concern what is happening at the moment on the Golan Heights,” he said.

Israeli police in riot gear stand near Druze protesters as thousands took part in the demonstrations against the construction of massive wind turbines in the Golan Heights,, Wednesday, June 21, 2023. Israeli police fired tear gas, sponge-tipped bullets and a water canon during the mass demonstrations by Druze Arabs — a rare burst of violence in the normally quiet area. **ISRAEL OUT**

LA REVUE GAUCHE - Left Comment: Search results for DRUZE 

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The Druze, also known as the "Sons of Grace," are a secretive, tightly-knit religious sect whose origins can be traced to Egypt a thousand years ago.

 

Fighting for Israel does not shield Druze from marginalisation, demolition orders

While Israel’s Druze minority serves in the military and fights and dies for the country, many of them say their communities are marginalised and deprived of public investment.

Thursday 23/11/2023

A woman walks past a mural depicting Lebanese Druze politician Walid Jumblatt (bottom, R) and Syrian Druze nationalist leader Sultan al-Atrash, in the predominantly Druze city of Beit Jann, Israel. AFP

Beit Jann, Israel

In black robes, white moustaches and traditional hats, Druze religious elders stood before the coffin of Israeli soldier Adi Malik Harb, killed fighting Hamas militants in Gaza.

But while Israel’s Druze minority serve in the military and fight and die for the country, many of them say their communities are marginalised and deprived of public investment while families are fined crippling sums for building homes due to selective enforcement of planning rules.

Around 150,000 Druze, Arab adherents of an esoteric offshoot of Shia Islam, live in Israel. Most identify as Israelis and the men, not women, are conscripted into the military, many serving in combat units.

The Druze community is concentrated in 16 villages in northern Israel, among them Beit Jann, where Harb’s funeral took place on Sunday.

“Don’t Adi’s friends and acquaintances deserve to work and raise a home in Beit Jann without interference, without worrying about orders and fines?” the Druze religious leader Sheikh Mowafaq Tarif said at the funeral.

At least six Druze soldiers were among the 390 Israeli soldiers killed since the start of the war between Israel and Hamas on October 7.

That has renewed debate around the contentious Nation State law which in 2018 enshrined Israel’s primary status as a state for Jews, legislation that Druze and other Arab citizens, find denigrating.

·    Demolition orders

Activists say that after decades of underinvestment Druze villagers have to contend with poor electricity networks, sewage systems and roads.

Residents are rarely granted permits to build houses, and according to Salah Abu Rukun, one of the leaders of a months-long Druze protest against demolition orders, around two-third of Druze homes in Israel were built without proper permits in recent decades, leaving them under constant threat of demolition orders or huge fines.

The Druze are “left with very limited private lands that cannot provide for the continued existence of the Druze community with its character and its villages”, he said.

Increased enforcement since a 2017 law to deter unregulated construction in recent years had become “insufferable”, he added.

Nisreen Abu Asale, a lawyer from Beit Jann, said residents were left with no choice but to live in houses without permits.

“We don’t want to leave our community, culture or religion,” she said, adding that urban planning had not moved on for decades.

“We’re living on the needs from 20 or 30 years ago.”

In practice, houses are rarely demolished, but financial penalties are enforced rigorously.

Ashraf Halabi, a basketball trainer at Haifa’s Technion University is paying off around 600,000 shekels (more than $160,000) in fines for building his home and a swimming pool, where he has held swimming classes for local youth, on his land on the outskirts of Beit Jann.

“Who needs to demolish the building, they are destroying our wallets, destroying the bank account,” he told AFP.

“We have mobilisation orders and we have demolition orders. These are the two things we excel at, unfortunately,” he added.

·    “Racist and inconsiderate”

Selective enforcement of the planning laws is indicative of the increased marginalisation of non-Jewish minorities in Israel under right-wing governments in recent years, activists say.

In 2018, parliament passed the “Nation-State law” which declared that only Jews had a “right to national self determination in the State of Israel” and downgraded Arabic from an official language to one with a “special status”.

The Druze vociferously opposed the Nation-State Law. Beit Jann Mayor Radi Najam calls it a “racist, unequal and inconsiderate of anyone who isn’t Jewish”.

But the law has come under increasing scrutiny as Druze fight and die in the war.

Interior Minister Moshe Arbel last week appointed a Druze attorney to advise on the issue of planning and housing in Druze communities. On Monday, a Knesset committee green-lit 1,000 new housing units in the Druze village of Daliat al-Carmel.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Saturday that the Druze were “a precious community. They are fighting, they are falling in combat” and pledged to “give them everything they deserve”.

Majdi Hatib runs a restaurant and therapeutic horse farm outside Beit Jann, and says he served four months in prison for non-payment of building fines.

A former combat soldier, he provides an Iron Dome missile battery detachment near his land with food and showers.

“Whether it’s deliberate discrimination or not doesn’t matter to me,” he said. “Just as I fought for my country, and I love my country, I will fight for my rights.”

His house was built decades ago by his father, without a permit, and his adult son lives under the same roof.

“Whom will he wait for?” he asked. “For God? The Messiah? For them to come and solve our problems?”

Druze pop star seeks to bridge Palestinian and Israeli divide

"Yalla, yalla, raise your hands!" Israeli Druze singer Mike Sharif shouts in Arabic to the Palestinian crowd swaying to a Hebrew hit at a wedding in the occupied West Bank.

 

© JALAA MAREY Israeli Druze singer Mike Sharif

AFP 1 day ago

The scene, all the more unusual as it took place in Yatta, a Palestinian village near Hebron and site of frequent friction with the Israeli army and Jewish settlers, created a buzz on social networks and local media.

"I had prepared three hours of performance in Arabic only. After half an hour, everyone -- the families of the bride and groom, the guests -- asked me to sing in Hebrew," Sharif, interviewed in the northern Israeli Druze town of Daliat al-Carmel, told AFP.

The Druze, an Arabic-speaking minority offshoot of Shiite Islam, number around 140,000 in Israel and the occupied Golan Heights.

Nicknamed "the Druze prodigy" after winning a TV competition aged 12, Sharif -- now in his 40s -- rose to fame with his Mizrahi (Eastern) pop songs in the 1990s in Israel, but also in the West Bank, Gaza and Arab countries.

"I have always belonged to everyone," says the self-proclaimed "ambassador of peace" between Israelis and Palestinians.

- 'Hebrew in Hebron, Arabic in Tel Aviv'-

From the inception of Mizrahi pop, influenced by the Jewish cultures of the Middle East and North Africa, reciprocal influences were established with the music of neighbouring Arab territories.

Today, the popularity of artists like Israel's most popular singer Eyal Golan or the younger Eden Ben Zaken reaches well into Palestinian society.

At the same time, the big names in Arabic music -- Oum Kalsoum, Fairuz or Farid al-Atrash -- have long been popular among Israeli Jews.

To Sharif, this musical proximity should make it possible "to unite everyone" and contribute to ending conflicts.

"I sing in Hebrew in Hebron, in Arabic in Tel Aviv and Herzliya. I sing in both languages and everyone sings on both sides," he said.

"Music can contribute to peace. Politics does not bring people together this way."

His Yatta show, however, brought waves of criticism and even threats from both sides, with some Palestinians and Israelis calling him a "traitor" -- the former for singing in Hebrew in the West Bank, the latter for performing at a Palestinian marriage.

And after having said he wanted to be "the first Israeli singer to perform in the Gaza Strip", the territory controlled by Hamas Islamists that Israelis may not enter, he abandoned the idea "due to tensions", Sharif said.

- 'Emotional experience' -

Oded Erez, a popular music expert at Bar-Ilan university near Tel Aviv, links the notion of music as a bridge between Israelis and Palestinians to the "Oslo years" of the early 1990s following the signing of interim peace accords.

Jewish singers like Zehava Ben or Sarit Hadad performed songs by Umm Kulthum in Palestinian cities in Arabic, he recalled, but according to the musicologist, this phenomenon collapsed along with the political failure of the Oslo accords.

"This shared investment in shared music and style and sound is not a platform for political change or political reconciliation per se, you would need to politicise it explicitly, to mobilise it politically, for it to become that," he said of current cultural musical exchanges.

Today, the musical affinity between Palestinians and Israelis is reduced to the essential: "more physical and emotional than intellectual", he said.

The request of the Palestinian revellers at the Yatta wedding was "not a demand for Hebrew per se" but rather for Sharif's "hits" from the 80s and 90s, when "his music was circulating" and some songs entered the wedding "canon", Erez said.

The same goes for the title "The sound of gunpowder", written in 2018 in honour of a Palestinian armed gang leader from a refugee camp near Nablus in the West Bank that is played repeatedly at Israeli weddings, Erez said.

"When there is music, people disconnect from all the wars, from politics, from differences of opinion," Sharif said.

"They forget everything, they just focus on the music."

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HERESIOLOGY

Druze - Wikipedia

Druze (/ˈdruːz/;^[20] Arabic: درزي darzī or durzī, plural دروز durūz) are members of an Arabic-speaking esoteric ethnoreligious group^[21][22] originating in Western Asia. They practice Druzism, an Abrahamic,^[23][24] monotheistic, syncretic, and ethnic religion based on the teachings of Hamza ibn Ali ibn Ahmad and the sixth Fatimid caliph, al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah, and ancient Greek philosophers like Plato, Aristotle, Pythagoras, and Zeno of Citium.^[25][26] Adherents of the Druze religion are called The People of Monotheism (Al-Muwaḥḥidūn).^[27]

The Epistles of Wisdom is the foundational and central text of the Druze faith.^[28] The Druze faith incorporates elements of Isma'ilism,^[29] Christianity, Gnosticism, Neoplatonism,^[30][31] Zoroastrianism,^[32][33] Buddhism,^[34][35] Hinduism, Pythagoreanism,^[36][37] and other philosophies and beliefs, creating a distinct and secretive theology based on an esoteric interpretation of scripture, which emphasizes the role of the mind and truthfulness.^[27][37] Druze believe in theophany and reincarnation.^[38] Druze believe that at the end of the cycle of rebirth, which is achieved through successive reincarnations, the soul is united with the Cosmic Mind (al-ʻaql al-kullī).^[39]

Video clips from the archive of Israel Channel 2 Israeli News Company showing Israeli Druze men in traditional clothing. The flags shown are Druze flags.

Druze believe there were seven prophets at different periods in history: Adam, Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesus, Muhammad, and Muhammad ibn Isma'il ad-Darazi.^[40][41][42] Druze tradition also honors and reveres Salman the Persian,^[43] al-Khidr (who identify as Elijah and reborn as John the Baptist and Saint George),^[44] Job, Luke the Evangelist, and others as "mentors" and "prophets."^[45] They also have a special affinity with Shuaib, or Jethro.^[46]

Even though the faith originally developed out of Isma'ilism, Druze do not identify as Muslims.^[47] The Druze faith is one of the major religious groups in the Levant, with between 800,000 and a million adherents. They are found primarily in Lebanon, Syria, and Israel, with small communities in Jordan. They make up 5.5% of the population of Lebanon, 3% of Syria and 1.6% of Israel. The oldest and most densely-populated Druze communities exist in Mount Lebanon and in the south of Syria around Jabal al-Druze (literally the "Mountain of the Druze").^[48]

The Druze community played a critically important role in shaping the history of the Levant, where it continues to play a significant political role. As a religious minority in every country in which they are found, they have frequently experienced persecution by different Muslim regimes, including contemporary Islamic extremism.