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Showing posts sorted by date for query SURREALIST WOMEN. Sort by relevance Show all posts

Sunday, March 09, 2025

Culture

All-female exhibition aims to restore women’s voices in art history

Poitiers – French artist Eugénie Dubreuil has collected more than 500 works by female artists, beginning in 1999. Last year she donated her collection to the Sainte-Croix Museum in Poitiers, which is now putting them on display in an exhibition that aims to restore the forgotten voices of women in art.


02:59
The "La Musée" exhibition at the Sainte-Croix Museum in Poitiers, western France.
© Ville de Poitiers



By :Isabelle Martinetti
Issued on: 08/03/2025 -
RFI

"Women artists have long been marginalised in art history courses and by museums and galleries," Manon Lecaplainn, director of the Sainte-Croix Museum, told RFI. "For decades, art history has been written without women. Why should our exclusively female exhibition be shocking?"

"Our aim is not to exclude men from art history," she explains. "The goal is to make people think."


Eugénie Dubreuil en mariée (1990) by Danièle Lazard. © Musées de Poitiers, Ch. Vignaud

The Sainte-Croix Museum has been known in France for its proactive policy of promoting women artists since the 1980s.

In this new exhibition, Lecaplain and her co-curator Camille Belvèze are showcasing nearly 300 works from the 18th century to the present day, divided into three sections: the collection of Eugénie Dubreuil, the hierarchy of genres in art history, and the social role of the museum.


Spotlight on Africa: celebrating female empowerment for Women's History Month

This exhibition is the first step in a five-year project to promote Dubreuil's collection – entitled La Musée – and relies on a financial grant of €150,000.

"Why not an initiative like this on a larger scale in France, Europe, the world?" asks Dubreuil.

The "La Musée" exhibition showcases 300 works by female artists, thank to a donation made by Eugénie Dubreuil in 2024. © Ville de Poitiers

La Musée runs until 18 May, 2025 at the Sainte-Croix Museum in Poitiers.


Tuesday, November 19, 2024

Notes on Fighting Trumpism

To mobilize the abandoned working class, we need to revive the idea of solidarity.
November 18, 2024
Source: Boston Review


I am baffled, as I was in 2016, as to why so many liberals are still shocked by Trump’s victory—and why, in their efforts to dissect what happened, they can’t get beyond their incredulity that so many people would blindly back a venal, mendacious fascist peddling racism, misogyny, xenophobia, ableism, and so forth, while cloaking his anti-labor, anti-earth, pro-corporate agenda behind a veil of white nationalism and authoritarian promises that “Trump will fix it.”

We don’t need to waste time trying to parse the differences between the last three elections. In all three, he won—and lost—with historic vote tallies. The message has been clear since 2016, when Trump, despite losing the popular vote to Hilary Clinton, still won the electoral college with nearly sixty-three million votes, just three million fewer than what Obama got in 2012. Trump lost in 2020, but received seventy-four million votes, the second-largest total in U.S. history. For an incumbent presiding disastrously over the start of the Covid pandemic, that astounding number of votes should have told us something. And if we were honest, we would acknowledge that Joe Biden owes most of his victory to the uprisings against police violence that momentarily shifted public opinion toward greater awareness of racial injustice and delivered Democrats an unearned historic turnout. Even though the Biden campaign aggressively distanced itself from Black Lives Matter and demands to defund the police, it benefited from the sentiment that racial injustice ought to be addressed and liberals were best suited to address it.

I’m less interested in conducting a postmortem of this election than trying to understand how to build a movement.

Yet in all three elections, white men and women still overwhelmingly went for Trump. (Despite the hope that this time, the issue of abortion would drive a majority of white women to vote for Harris, 53 percent of them voted for Trump, only 2 percent down from 2020.) The vaunted demographic shift in the 2024 electorate wasn’t all that significant. True, Trump attracted more Black men this time, but about 77 percent of Black men voted for Harris, so the shocking headline, “Why did Black men vote for Trump?” is misdirected. Yes, Latino support for Trump increased, but that demographic needs to be disaggregated; it is an extremely diverse population with different political histories, national origins, and the like. And we should not be shocked that many working-class men, especially working-class men of color, did not vote for Harris. Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor is right to point to the condescension of the Democrats for implying that sexism alone explains why a small portion of Black men and Latinos flipped toward Trump, when homelessness, hunger, rent, personal debt, and overall insecurity are on the rise. The Democrats, she explained on Democracy Now, failed “to capture what is actually happening on the ground—that is measured not just by the historic low unemployment that Biden and Harris have talked about or by the historic low rates of poverty.”

The Democratic Party lost—again—because it turned its back on working people, choosing instead to pivot to the right: recruiting Liz and Dick Cheney, quoting former Trump chief of staff John Kelly, and boasting of how many Republican endorsements Harris had rather than about her plans to lift thirty-eight million Americans out of poverty. The campaign touted the strength of the economy under Biden, but failed to address the fact that the benefits did not seem to trickle down to large swaths of the working class. Instead, millions of workers improved their situation the old-fashioned way: through strikes and collective bargaining. The UAW, UPS, longshore and warehouse workers, health care workers, machinists at Boeing, baristas at Starbucks, and others won significant gains. For some, Biden’s public support for unions secured his place as the most pro-labor president since F.D.R. Perhaps, but the bar isn’t that high. He campaigned on raising the federal minimum wage from $7.25 to $15.00, but, once taking office, quietly tabled the issue in a compromise with Republicans, choosing instead to issue an executive order raising the wage for federal contractors.

It is true that the Uncommitted movement, and the antiwar protest vote more broadly, lacked the raw numbers to change the election’s outcome. But it is not an exaggeration to argue that the Biden-Harris administration’s unqualified support for Israel cost the Democrats the election as much as did their abandonment of the working class. In fact, the two issues are related. The administration could have used the $18 billion in military aid it gave to Israel for its Gaza operations during its first year alone and redirected it toward the needs of struggling working people. $18 billion is about one quarter of the Department of Housing and Urban Development’s annual budget and 16 percent of the budget for the federal Supplemental Assistance Nutrition Program. They could have cut even more from the military budget, which for fiscal year 2024 stood at slightly more than $824 billion. Moreover, tens of thousands of Palestinian lives would have been spared, much of Gaza’s land and infrastructure would have been spared irreversible damage, and the escalation of regional war in Lebanon and Iran would not have happened—the consequences of which remain to be seen for the federal budget.

Workers improved their situation the old-fashioned way: through strikes and collective bargaining.

Of course, detractors will say that the Israel lobby, especially AIPAC, would not allow it. But the Democrats’ fealty to Israel is not a product of fear, nor is it simply a matter of cold electoral calculus. It is an orientation grounded in ideology. Only ideology can explain why the Biden-Harris administration did not direct UN representative Linda Thomas-Greenfield to stop providing cover for Israel’s criminal slaughter and support the Security Council’s resolution calling for an immediate ceasefire. And only ideology can explain why the administration and Congress has not abided by its own laws—notably the Arms Export Control Act and the Foreign Assistance Act, which prohibits the use of U.S. weapons in occupied territories and the transfer of weapons or aid to a country “which engages in a consistent pattern of gross violations of internationally recognized human rights”—and stopped propping up Israel’s military.

While candidate Trump had encouraged Netanyahu to “finish the job” in Gaza, don’t be surprised if President Trump “negotiates” a swift ceasefire agreement. (Reagan pulled a similar stunt when he secured the return of U.S. hostages from Iran on the same day he was sworn into office.) Such a deal would prove Trump’s campaign mantra that only he can fix it, strengthen his ties with his ruling-class friends in the Gulf countries, and permit the Likud Party and its rabid settler supporters to annex Gaza, in whole or in part, and continue its illegal population transfer under the guise of “reconstruction.” After all, the Biden-Harris administration and the Democrats have already done all the work of “finishing the job.” Gaza is virtually uninhabitable. Once we factor in disease, starvation, inadequate medical care for the wounded, and the numbers under the rubble, the actual death toll will be many times higher than the official count. And with nearly three-quarters of the casualties women and children, the U.S.-Israel alliance will have succeeded, long before Trump takes power, in temporarily neutralizing what Israeli politicians call the Palestinian “demographic threat.”

The 2024 election indicates a rightward shift across the county. We see it in the Senate races, right-wing control of state legislatures (though here, gerrymandering played a major role), and in some of the successful state ballot measures, with the exception of abortion. But part of this shift can be explained by voter suppression, a general opposition to incumbents, and working-class disaffection expressed in low turnout. I also contend that one of the main reasons why such a large proportion of the working class voted for Trump has to do with what we old Marxists call class consciousness. Marx made a distinction between a class “in itself” and a class “for itself.” The former signals status, one’s relationship to means—of production, of survival, of living. The latter signals solidarity—to think like a class, to recognize that all working people, regardless of color, gender, ability, nationality, citizenship status, religion, are your comrades. When the idea of solidarity has been under relentless assault for decades, it is impossible for the class to recognize its shared interests or stand up for others with whom they may not have identical interests.

The Democratic Party lost—again—because it turned its back on working people.

So I’m less interested in conducting a postmortem of this election and tweaking the Democrats’ tactics than trying to understand how to build a movement—not in reaction to Trump, but toward workers’ power, a just economy, reproductive justice, queer and trans liberation, and ending racism and patriarchy and war—in Palestine, Sudan, Congo, Haiti, and elsewhere, in our streets masquerading as a war on crime, on our borders masquerading as security, and on the earth driven by the five centuries of colonial and capitalist extraction. We have to revive the idea of solidarity, and this requires a revived class politics: not a politics that evades the racism and misogyny that pervades American life but one that confronts it directly. It is a mistake to think that white working-class support for Trump is reducible to racism and misogyny or “false consciousness” substituting for the injuries of class. As I wrote back in 2016, we cannot afford to dismiss


the white working class’s very real economic grievances. It is not a matter of disaffection versus  racism or sexism versus  fear. Rather, racism, class anxieties, and prevailing gender ideologies operate together, inseparably. . . . White working-class men understand their plight through a racial and gendered lens. For women and people of color to hold positions of privilege or power over  them is simply unnatural and can only be explained by an act of unfairness—for example, affirmative action.”

There have always been efforts to build worker solidarity, in culture and in practice. We see it in some elements of the labor movement, such as UNITE-HERE, progressive elements in SEIU, National Nurses United, United All Workers for Democracy, Southern Worker Power, Black Workers for Justice, and Change to Win. Leading these efforts has been the tenacious but much embattled Working Families Party (WFP) and its sister organization, Working Families Power. Their most recent survey found that growing working-class support for Trump and the MAGA Republicans does not mean working people are more conservative than wealthier Americans. Instead, it concluded, working people are “uniformly to the left of the middle and upper classes” when it comes to economic policies promoting fairness, equity, and distribution. On other issues such as immigration, education, and crime and policing, their findings are mixed and, not surprisingly, differentiated by race, gender, and political orientation. Most importantly, the WFP understands that the chief source of disaffection has been the neoliberal assault on labor and the severe weakening of workers’ political and economic power. Over the last five decades we’ve witnessed massive social disinvestment: the erosion of the welfare state, living-wage jobs, collective bargaining rights, union membership, government investment in education, accessible and affordable housing, health care, and food, and basic democracy. In some states, Emergency Financial Managers have replaced elected governments, overseeing the privatization of public assets, corporate tax abatements, and cuts in employee pension funds in order to “balance” city budgets. At the same time, we have seen an exponential growth in income inequality, corporate profits, prisons, and well-funded conservative think tanks and lobbying groups whose dominance in the legislative arena has significantly weakened union rights, environmental and consumer protection, occupational safety, and the social safety net.

And the neoliberal assault is also ideological; it is an attack on the very concept of solidarity, of labor as a community with shared interests. David Harvey, Ruth Wilson Gilmore, David McNally, Nancy Fraser, Wendy Brown and many others have all compellingly articulated this challenge. In response to the 1970s strike wave and the global slump that opened the door for the neoliberal turn, the Thatcherite mantra that “there is no such thing as society; there are individual men and women” took hold. For decades unions have been disparaged as the real enemy of progress, their opponents insisting that they take dues from hardworking Americans, pay union bosses bloated salaries, kill jobs with their demand for high wages, and undermine businesses and government budgets with excessive pension packages. Remember Mitt Romney’s presidential campaign talking points: workers are the “takers,” capitalists are the “makers” who should decide what to pay workers. Neoliberal ideology insists that any attempt to promote equality, tolerance, and inclusion is a form of coercion over the individual and undermines freedom and choice. Such regulatory or redistributive actions, especially on the part of government, would amount to social engineering and therefore threaten liberty, competition, and natural market forces.

The idea of solidarity has been under relentless assault for decades.

Generations have grown up learning that the world is a market, and we are individual entrepreneurs. Any aid or support from the state makes us dependent and unworthy. Personal responsibility and family values replace the very idea of the “social,” that is to say, a nation obligated to provide for those in need. Life is governed by market principles: the idea that if we make the right investment, become more responsible for ourselves, and enhance our productivity—if we build up our human capital—we can become more competitive and, possibly, become a billionaire. Mix neoliberal logic with (white) populism and Christian nationalism and you get what Wendy Brown calls “authoritarian freedom”: a freedom that posits exclusion, patriarchy, tradition, and nepotism as legitimate challenges to those dangerous, destabilizing demands of inclusion, autonomy, equal rights, secularism, and the very principle of equality. Such a toxic blend did not come out of nowhere, she insists: it was born out of the stagnation of the entire working class under neoliberal policies.

That diagnosis points toward an obvious cure. If we are going to ever defeat Trumpism, modern fascism, and wage a viable challenge to gendered racial capitalism, we must revive the old IWW slogan, “An injury to one is an injury to all.” Putting that into practice means thinking beyond nation, organizing to resist mass deportation rather than vote for the party promoting it. It means seeing every racist, sexist, homophobic, and transphobic act, every brutal beating and killing of unarmed Black people by police, every denial of healthcare for the most vulnerable, as an attack on the class. It means standing up for struggling workers around the world, from Palestine to the Congo to Haiti. It means fighting for the social wage, not just higher pay and better working conditions but a reinvestment in public institutions—hospitals, housing, education, tuition-free college, libraries, parks. It means worker power and worker democracy. And if history is any guide, this cannot be accomplished through the Democratic Party. Trying to move the Democrats to the left has never worked. We need to build up independent, class-conscious, multiracial organizations such as the Working Families Party, the Poor People’s Campaign, and their allies, not simply to enter the electoral arena but to effectively exercise the power to dispel ruling class lies about how our economy and society actually work. The only way out of this mess is learning to think like a class. It’s all of us or none.


Robin D. G. Kelley
is Gary B. Nash Professor of American History at UCLA and a contributing editor at Boston Review. His many books include Freedom Dreams: The Black Radical Imagination.  Kelley has described himself as a Marxist surrealist feminist.

Labor’s Resurgence Can Continue Despite Trump
November 19, 2024
Source: Jacobin

Image by Kire1975, public domain

Does Trump’s reelection mean that the US labor resurgence is over? Not necessarily.

It’s true that the new administration is preparing major attacks against workers and the labor movement. And many union leaders will assume that the most we can hope for over the next four years is to survive through purely defensive struggles.

But unions are actually still well-positioned to continue their organizing and bargaining momentum. Here are seven positive factors that should ward off despair — and that should encourage unions to invest more, not less, in organizing the unorganized:

1. The economic forces fueling Trumpism also favor labor’s continued resurgence. After the pandemic laid bare the fundamental unfairness of our economic system, workers responded with a burst of union organizing and the most significant strike activity in decades. The same underlying economic forces — chronic economic insecurity and inequality — helped propel Trumpism to a narrow victory in the 2024 elections. But Trump’s actual policies will inevitably exacerbate economic inequality, undermining the Republican Party’s hollow populist rhetoric.

Stepping into the breach of Trump’s fake populism, unions remain workers’ best tool to provide a real solution to economic insecurity. And projected low unemployment will continue to provide a fertile economic environment for new organizing. As long as we remain in a tight labor market, employers will have less power to threaten employees who dare to unionize their workplaces and workers will have more bargaining leverage against employers, increasing the chances of successful — and headline-grabbing — strikes.

2. Unions can still grow under Republican administrations. It’s certainly true that the organizing terrain will be significantly harder under Trump and a hostile National Labor Relations Board (NLRB). But it’s still possible to fight and win even in these conditions.

It’s worth remembering that US labor’s current uptick began with the statewide teachers’ strikes that swept across red states in 2018 during Trump’s first term. And NLRB data show that putting major resources toward new organizing can go a long way in counterbalancing the negative impact of an adverse political context.

Unions organized significantly more workers under George W. Bush’s administration than under Barack Obama. Why? The main reason is that the labor movement in the early 2000s was still in the midst of a relatively well-resourced push to organize the unorganized, whereas by the time Obama took office, labor had mostly thrown in the towel on external organizing, hoping instead to be saved from above by lobbying establishment Democrats to pass national labor law reform. Labor can grow over the coming years if it starts putting serious resources toward this goal.

3. Labor has huge financial assets at its disposal. According to the latest data from the Department of Labor, unions hold $42 billion in financial assets and only $6.4 billion in debt. These assets — the vast majority of which are liquid assets — can help defend against the coming political attack and be deployed in aggressive organizing drives and strikes. Unions have the financial cushion to go on the offensive while simultaneously defending themselves from regulatory and legislative attacks.

4. Unions remain popular and trusted. According to a September 2024 Gallup poll, 70 percent of Americans approve of labor unions, the highest support since the 1950s — even 49 percent of Republicans these days support unions. Overall, Americans trust organized labor far more than the president, Congress, big business, and the media.

When workers have the opportunity to vote for a union at their workplace, unions win 77 percent of those elections. The American public also supports strikes. According to a poll by YouGov in August, 55 percent of Americans believe that going on strike is an effective strategy for workers to get what they want from management, compared to 23 percent who say no. Similarly, 50 percent of Americans believe it is unacceptable to scab, while only 26 percent say it is acceptable. Strong public support for labor continues to provide fertile ground for a union advance.

5. Organized labor is reforming. The bad news: most union officials remain risk-averse and their failure to seriously pivot toward organizing new members — despite exceptionally favorable conditions since 2020 — helped pave the way for Trump’s inroads among working people. The good news: the “troublemakers” wing of the labor movement is larger than ever, as seen in the dramatic growth of Labor Notes, the election of militants to head a growing number of local and national unions, and the emergence of much-needed rank-and-file reform movements in unions like the United Food and Commercial Workers.

Most notably, a reformed United Auto Workers (UAW) led by Shawn Fain is going full steam ahead with its push to organize the auto industry across the South — an effort that will soon get a big boost when unionized Volkswagen workers finalize their first contract. Rank-and-file activists across the country can continue to point to the UAW, as well as other fighting unions, as an example that their unions should be emulating.

6. Young worker activism is not going away. Most of the labor upsurge since 2020 has been driven forward by Gen Z and millennial workers radicalized by economic inequality, Bernie Sanders, and racial justice struggles. And contrary to what some have suggested, the 2024 election did not register a major shift to the Right among young people, but rather a sharp drop in young Democratic turnout.

7. The (latent) power of unions to disrupt the political and economic system is high. Despite declines in union membership and density (the percentage of the workforce in a union), union members still have significant representation in critical sectors of the economy.

Labor’s existing power provides a base for beating back the worst of Trump’s attacks and expanding union representation to nonunion workers in the semiorganized sectors. In addition, coordinated strikes or labor unrest in any of these sectors would significantly disrupt the functioning of the economy or public services, providing a potent tool for workers and unions. While logistically and legally difficult, workers and their unions have the power to shut down critical sectors of the economy if they so choose — an approach that could repolarize the country around class lines instead of Republican-fueled scapegoating.

8. Republicans may overplay their hand, creating new openings for labor. A scorched-earth legislative, regulatory, and judicial attack on labor law may create unintended opportunities. For example, if the Supreme Court follows Elon Musk’s bidding by throwing out the National Labor Relations Act — the primary law governing private sector organizing — states would have the power to enact union-friendly labor laws and legal restrictions on strikes and boycotts could be loosened. As Jennifer Abruzzo, the NLRB’s general counsel, told Bloomberg, if the federal government steps away from protecting the right to organize, “I think workers are going to take matters into their own hands.”


Conclusion

Labor’s decades-long tendency to defensively hunker down is one of the major factors that has led our movement — and the country — into crisis. Turning things around will depend on pivoting to a new approach.

The strongest case for labor to scale up ambitious organizing efforts and disruptive strike action is not just that it’s possible, but that it’s necessary. Without increased initiatives to expand our base and to polarize the country around our issues, union density is sure to keep dropping. Organized labor’s last islands of strength — from K-12 public education and the federal government to UPS and Midwest auto — will become extremely vulnerable to attack. And unions will be forced to fight entirely on the political terrain chosen by Republicans, who will paint them as a narrow interest group of privileged employees beholden to “union bosses,” Democratic leaders, and “woke” ideology.

Sometimes going on the offense is also the best form of defense. The best way to expose Trump’s faux populism is by waging large-scale workplace battles that force all politicians to show which side they’re on.

Nobody has a crystal ball about what lays ahead, nor should anybody underestimate the importance of defending our movement — and all working people — against Trump’s looming attacks. But it’s not factually or tactically justified to dismiss the potential for labor advance over the next four years.

Conditions overall remain favorable for labor growth, despite Trump’s reelection. Political contexts matter, but so do factors like the economy, high public support for unions, labor’s deep financial pockets, the growth of union reform efforts, labor’s continued disruptive capacity, and the spread of young worker activism. Rebuilding a powerful labor movement remains our best bet to defeat Trumpism, reverse rampant inequalities, and transform American politics. Now is not the time for retreat.


Chris Bohner is a union researcher and activist.

Tuesday, October 15, 2024

 

Surrealist Manifesto

2024 marks the 100th anniversary of the formal announcement of surrealism in the Surrealist Manifesto written by French poet, André Breton. It gathers strength today as it combines with anarchism to shout: ALL POWER TO THE IMAGINATION!

by 

Fifth Estate # 415, Summer 2024

a review of
Surrealism and the Anarchist Imagination by Ron Sakolsky. Eberhardt Press, 2023

“Contrary to prevalent misdefinitions, surrealism is not an aesthetic doctrine, nor a philosophical system, nor a mere literary or artistic school. It is an unrelenting revolt against a civilization that reduces all human aspirations to market values, religious impostures, universal boredom, and misery.”

—Franklin Rosemont, André Breton and the First Principles of Surrealism

Surrealism and the Anarchist Imagination is Ron Sakolsky’s most recent book in a string of texts exploring different aspects of the fertile crossroads of surrealism and anarchism. It contains fifteen pieces, ranging from poems and collective manifestos to longer essays.

These pieces argue passionately that it is precisely at the crossroads of these two currents that surrealists and anarchists are at our rebellious best. For that insight alone it is a very valuable book. Early on, the surrealists described themselves as “specialists in revolt”, and it is the spirit of total refusal that has kept surrealism a vital force for more than 100 years. The surrealist slogan, “All Power to the Imagination,” rang out in Paris during the revolutionary events of May 1968 and is still ringing today.

Throughout the book Sakolsky gives examples of the intersecting of anarchist and surrealist currents. From the anarchist/feminist/surrealist publication The Debutante to the visual art of Maurice Spira; from anarchist involvement in indigenous land defence to Hakim Bey’s concept of the Temporary Autonomous Zone, which was influenced by and critical of surrealism.

In Undoing Reality, Sakolsky examines the surrealist concept of miserabilism and his related concept of mutual acquiescence. It is crucial for us to reject miserabilism: “a way of life rooted in the rigid assumptions of a status quo finality that constitutes ‘reality.'” Sakolsky points to John Clark (and his surrealist alter-ego Max Cafard) as seeking “to subvert such realist thinking by examining the miserabilist basis of the ubiquitous popular culture meme of ‘It is what it is!'”

Clark argues, “From the viewpoint of dialectical thinking, the crucial challenge is to see the ways in which things are not what they are. It always is what it isn’t and isn’t what it is. Getting trapped in the world of ‘it is what it is’—what I call Isisism—is the royal road to delusion, disaster, and domination. The right road to illumination and liberation is what I call Isisntism.”The essay ponders the “question of why we are willing to surrender our individual and collective autonomy to the repressive demands of ‘reality’.” Equally important, it examines what tools anarchism and surrealism can provide us to resist and overturn this “absence of the will to revolt.”

Free Jazz: Imagining the Sound of Surrealist Revolution is the longest essay in the book and a tour de force of radical scholarship. It provides all the facts that you need, but suffused with rebellious energy. Surrealists value free jazz because “as a musical form of insurrection, free jazz improvisation is a convivial creative practice that fully embodies the surrealist search for a revolution of the mind (which pointedly includes a critique of the dreariness of the commonsensical in favor of an explosion of the insurgent imagination) and is emblematic of the flowering of its libertarian aspirations for society as a whole.”

Sakolsky points to these aspirations as having a “particularly powerful resonance with the Black Liberation movement.” Archie Shepp is an example given of a free jazz musician dedicated to Black Liberation who also had a strong connection to surrealism, but he isn’t the only one. There is a long list of prominent figures within free jazz who have had short or long term connections with surrealism.

Joseph Jarman and Henry Threadgill were participants in the 1976 International Surrealist Exhibition in Chicago and both composed pieces specially for the exhibition. Doug Ewart’s Sun Song Ensemble performed there as well. Pianist Cecil Taylor was in attendance at the exhibition and also contributed to Arsenal: Surrealist Subversion, the international journal of the Chicago Surrealist Group. William Parker, who played with Taylor for more than a decade, is quoted in the piece as saying, “black surrealism is a vision that has come to me most of my life.” Sakolsky invokes the potent mixture of radical political vision and the visionary power of the human imagination present in free jazz. “In combination, these improvisational acts can provide the sparks that ignite the powder keg of surrealist revolution.”

Opening the Floodgates of the Utopian Imagination: Charles Fourier and the Surrealist Quest for an Emancipatory Mythology is another of the long essays in the book. It discusses the work of 19th century Utopian Socialist Charles Fourier who has been a figure of fascination for surrealists and anarchists alike. Sakolsky explores the history of surrealist engagement with Fourier starting at the very beginning of the Paris Surrealist group in the 1920s.

Fourier’s refusal to be limited by political realism infuriated his later critics Marx and Engels but has endeared him to anti-authoritarians. Fourier dreamed so wildly that he imagined the political equality of women and coined the term feminism. He imagined a world of passional attraction and refused to be limited by the tyranny of what is (deemed) possible.

The essay also discusses the rejection by progressive movements of mythology, which French philosopher George Bataille saw as one of the factors that led to the spread of fascism. The lack of any emancipatory myth left a vacuum for the fascist nightmare. Recent translations into English of Bataille’s journal Aciphale, as well as public lectures that he gave around the same time, have provided more detail of his thoughts on this subject. Sakolsky argues that Fourier could provide at least parts of an emancipatory myth for anarchists and surrealists. It is very heady stuff and a fascinating discussion.

The third long essay in the book is Chance Encounters at the Crossroads of Anarchy and Surrealism: A Personal Remembrance of Peter Lamborn Wilson A.K.A. Hakim Bey. It is a remembrance of Sakolsky’s 35 year long friendship with Wilson. As the title implies, it provides details about Wilson’s engagement with and critique of surrealism, and how Wilson’s critiques encouraged Sakolsky’s own explorations of the crossroads of surrealism and anarchy.

It is a touching tribute to Wilson, a long-time anarchist comrade of Sakolsky’s, not to mention prolific author and contributor to Fifth Estate.

The shorter pieces in the book have a lot to offer too. A Spark in Search of a Powder Keg: An International Surrealist Declaration is a strong reminder that the surrealist movement is vibrant, not a dead historical art avant garde. It provides a glimpse of the internationalism of surrealism. There are signatories from the US and Canada, Central and South America, North Africa and the Middle East, Australia, and all over Europe. It highlights the surrealist spirit of total refusal in opposition to Canadian pipeline projects and the violence of the police. The declaration is a strong voice for solidarity with Indigenous land defence and radical environmentalism.

It is well known that André Breton and many of the French surrealists had an interest in and affinity with West Coast Indigenous art. The declaration states: “as surrealists we honor our historical affinity with the Kwakwaka’wakw Peace Dance headdress that for so long had occupied a place of reverence in Breton’s study during his lifetime before being ceremoniously returned to Alert Bay on Cormorant Island by his daughter, Aube Elleouet, in keeping with her father’s wishes.”

The authors also draw connections to outrage and resistance in response to the police murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis which occurred during the period that signatures were being gathered for the declaration. A postscript points out that it “was only fitting that in solidarity with the uprisings about police brutality kicked off by George Floyd’s execution/lynching at the hands of the police, anti-racism protesters in the United States would take direct action by beheading or bringing down statues of Christopher Columbus, genocidal symbol of the colonial expropriation of Native American lands.”

Uncovering the Surrealist Roots of Détournement is an excellent short examination of what the Situationists termed detournement, the subversive appropriation of popular imagery, usually a comic combined with radical text, and its roots in surrealist practice. The piece is accompanied by an example of contemporary anarcho-surrealist detournement, a collaboration between Sakolsky and John Richardson. The same image and 20 others, along with an introduction by Sakolsky can be found in their recently co-authored book Surrealist Détournement, published by Dark Windows Press.

Surrealism and the Anarchist Imagination benefits from a beautiful printing job by Eberhardt press and full color art throughout by Rikki Ducornet, Maurice Spira, Zigzag, Peter Lamborn Wilson, Sheila Knopper and many others, which contributes greatly to the effect of the book. Surrealist visual art is a powerful aid to help fire the anarchist imagination.

David Tighe is an anarchist, mail artist, and zine maker living in Alberta, Canada.


Newsletter | vol. 32 | no. 4 | 15 October 2024

André Breton: the deluxe edition of Magic Art

Dear Eugene

In celebration of the centenary of the publication of the First Manifesto of Surrealism on 15th October 1924, we are delighted to announce the deluxe edition of André Breton's Magic Art is now available to pre-order.  

 
Inspired by the work of the surrealist bookbinder Paul Bonet (left, Second Manifeste du surréalisme, 1930), our full morocco deluxe is signed by André Breton's daughter, Aube Elléouët Breton. It is limited to 88 copies and is presented in a silk box, with a supplementary volume, Magic Art Redux.


 
PRE-ORDER DISCOUNT

We have just a few weeks left of the special pre-order price for the standard hardback issue, and with advance sales over the last few weeks the edition is currently 30% sold. Full detail can be found below.


SHIPPING DATES

Standard Hardback Edition: 04 November 2024
Special limited 'Jappard' Edition: 02 January 2025
Deluxe signed 'Enigma' Edition: late January 2025

 
Click here for further details




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Sunday, July 14, 2024

 The Theme of the Quest: Gilgamesh and Enkidu as Prototypes for Hemingway’s Robert Jordan, Frederic Henry, and Santiago

 

 JULY 12, 2024


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On a Fall, 1964 windy day, and while my family was living in a second-story  Beirut, Lebanon, seaside apartment, I watched and was mesmerized by Spencer Tracy’s performance in Hemingway’s The Old Man and the Sea. By the time Santiago, the old fisherman, began his struggle with the Marlin and the ensuing Hollywood-made nautical storm and unbeknownst to us, the back balcony door overlooking the Mediterranean Sea blew wide open.  Spellbound and distracted by the movie’s storm and Santiago’s struggle, we were unaware that the wide-open door ushered in an actual Mediterranean wind storm and blended it with its Hollywood counterpart.

Talk about adding tantalizing sensory responses of the visual and auditory types;  that experience left an indelible impact on me.

Within a day I heid me to the United States News Agency quarters to check out and read The Old Man and the Sea. Ironically, some 25 years later the same agency would commission me to write four articles on Dr. Michael Shadid, the father of Cooperative medicine in America.

I would revisit Hemingway in Graduate school and noted a thematic progression in his works. In the 1980s Joseph Campbell graced us  with his presence and brilliant mind in Terrel More, the old English Department’s  hunting grounds which is now a parking lot.  Campbell and Carl Jung would set me on the road to delving into mythology and archetypal patterns, and served as a roadmap for a more serious study of the theme of the Quest, a theme I encountered while teaching the Illiad, Odessey and the Epic of Gilgamesh, to name but a few literary works.

In 2001 I was invited to present a lecture to a packed auditorium at Boading University, an engineering university in the  People’s Republic of China. After the lecture and a relentless  Q & A session, some 70 students begged for more. Seated on the floor in front of the riser, the first question went like this: “Professo Alaby [sic.], in Enest [sic.] Hemingway novel The Old Man and the Sea, what did Santiago accomplish?”  Astounded at this future engineer’s question, I would articulate, albeit in abbreviated form, the theme of the quest in Hemmingway’s novels.

Bingo! I had to get over my procrastination about visiting, researching, and writing about the archetypal theme which is the subject of this essay.

It was not until the late hours of  December 5, 2013 that my procrastination ended. On December 6, 2013, I was scheduled for a 6 am bypass surgery. Always the optimist, at 10 pm the night before, December 5, 2013, I sent an abstract and a narrative  to the program chair of  the 16th Biennial Hemingway conference to be held in June  2014, in Venice, Italy, a city whose charm captivated authors, artists, musicians and one of Ernest Hemingway’s favorite cities, and a city about which I’d previously written and photographed. I proposed to present a a paper on the theme of the Quest in Gilgamesh and Heminway’s works.

10 days later the invitation showed up on my computer screen.

I was back in the classroom for the 2014 Spring semester, and in early February 2014 I was instructed to pack 41 years of research, proposal and other writings and publications, photography, 10 years of AEGIS documentation, consulting, correspondence, sculpture and carving tools, including over 3,500 books, and move out of my office. Moses Provine was to be renovated and no alternative office space was provided.  Two VPs did not respond to my plea to find me suitable quarters, and a dean with three vacant offices in his building informed me “I am not sure my faculty will welcome you.” Thrown under the bus by the powers that be, I presented my case to President Horne. His response was: “Let’s pray about it.” His prayer went nowhere. That is typical Baptist response to solving problems. And on the first day of Spring vacation 2014, 3,000 books were evicted to the OBU library and the other 500 to the Arkadelphia High School. All the rest of my professional life, 41 years of it, were evicted and hauled off to a garage, a  basement, and other storage space. No construction began on Moses Provive until the Middle of May 15.

Having been forced to leave my native Palestine, and having been a persona non grata for the first 31 years of my life, this egregiously shabby, and callous disregard for a man recovering from a quintuple bypass surgery was my lowest point at an institution I hold dear to my heart. That was, in the metaphorical sense, my “belly of the whale experience.”

And I resolved not to be either defined by it or to deter me from my quest, namely, to pour all my intellectual, physical,  and emotional faculties into producing a decent paper.

And in May 2014 the indifatigable Johnny wink volunteered to be an audience of one to listen and critique my paper.

Thus it was that, accompanied with my bride of 44 years, along with over 400 participants from 28 countries, we attended receptions, lectures and forums on myriad Hemingway topics, including site trips to Folsata di Piave, where, at age 18, ambulance driver Hemingway was injured, a visit to the Ivanich hunting lodge where Hemingway went duck hunting as well as the Ivanich estate whose main structure was bombed by the allies during WW II. An entire day was spent on the Island of Torcello, a Hemingray favorite haunt, where poetry, readings, and a semi formal event was held. La Belle Femme and I and I managed to attend a Vivaldi concert in Venice’s 16th century concert hall.

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In Gilgamesh, the ancient Mesopotamian epic poem, the protagonist, Gilgamesh, and his alter ego, Enkidu, undertake a lengthy journey, encounter numerous  challenges, and experience heroic adventures. After Enkidu’s death, Gilgamesh continues the quest in search of immortality. As an archetypal  motif, the quest, as portrayed through the harrowing experiences of the God-king and his unsullied travelling companion, ends in Gilgamesh’s realization that he could not achieve immortality. Enkidu’s death propels Gilgamesh to continue his journey and to be tested repeatedly. At end of the journey, the hero discovers his mortality, gains wisdom, and becomes the better for it. Taken collectively, Ernest Hemingway’s protagonists Robert Jordan, Frederic Henry, and Santiago, in For Whom the Bell Tolls,    A Farewell to Arms, and the Old Man and the Sea, respectively, embark on similar self-discovery quests. While Jordan and Henry’s quests Parallel Gilgamesh’s journey up till Enkidu’s premature death, Santiago’s ordeal and triumph parallel Gilgamesh’s solo journey in the second half of the epic and the supreme challenges these heroes confronted on their final quests. The purpose of this paper is to compare the theme of the quest in the aforementioned works and to attempt to draw parallels in the archetypal patterns as they unfold in each composition.

Unfortunately time does not allow me to present the detailed analysis I would like to have presented and, as a result, I will highlight the salient points.

I would also like to state the following: I am not suggesting that Ernest Hemingway was either familiar with or influenced by this ancient Mesopotamian myth, a myth that preceded Homer’s Iliad, the cornerstone of Western literature, by at least 1500 years. And, while Gilgamesh’s plot-line follows a perfectly developed linear archetypal pattern employing the theme of the Quest as an essential idea  to its plot, theme,  and characterization, in their entirety, Hemingway’s three works are a perfectly executed literary triptych in which this archetypal theme is progressively and prominently drawn out.

In his monumental work on mythology, Joseph Campbell highlighted the following: No matter the culture or time frame in which a myth exists, there is a set pattern, a mold, if you wish, of events/experiences/phases/junctures undertaken by the hero. Campbell refers to these interlocked junctures as the “Structure of the Mono-Myth” in which the sequential events are methodically conjoined in a linear structure. Each event serves as a thematic and transitional building block that is intertwined with its subsequent plot line, hence setting the stage for the succeeding set of events in a thematically interlacing fashion. These junctures are as follows:

First: The hero exists in an ordinary world.

Second: The hero is called to undertake a journey – at first with some reluctance.

Third:  The journey takes the hero to a different world.

Fourth: At first the hero refuses, but the refusal may spell trouble.

Fifth: The acceptance of a Call.

Sixth:  The journey challenges and tests the endurance and strength of the hero, both mental and physical.

Seventh: Supernatural forces appear.

Eighth: The hero needs a helper to fulfill the quest.

Ninth: Each hero is tested in the form of trials and ordeals. Sometimes this is referred to as the Belly of the Whale experience that induces a final separation from a previous personality trait.

Tenth:  There is a reward after the testing and the overcoming of the ordeal, and the hero exhibits a willingness to undergo change.

Eleventh: The hero grows as a result of the challenges. At the end there is an atonement, a lesson to be learned, a sort of apotheosis as a result of an arduous journey that tempers the hero.

Yet other ingredients are the following: Villains exist. Mentors/guides exist to provide guiding principles. A herald brings the call to adventure. The hero encounters guardians, or gatekeepers, who direct him, as well as tricksters who cause mischief, and possibly a woman as temptress, a kind of femme fatale.

By drawing on Jung’s analysis of the mono-myth archetypes, the Quest can be summarized thusly:  “A hero ventures forth from the world of common day into a region of super-natural wonder: fabulous forces are then encountered and a decisive history is won: the hero comes back from this mysterious adventure with power to bestow boons on his fellow man.”

To reiterate, in their structure, The Epic of Gilgamesh, For Whom The Bell Tolls, A Farewell to Arms, and The Old Man and the Sea adhere to the construct of the mono-myth.

An ancient Mesopotamian epic poem, The Epic of Gilgamesh is amongst the earliest known works of literary fiction and is believed to have originated in a series of Sumerian legends about a mythological hero-king named Gilgamesh. Gilgamesh might have been a real 27th century BC ruler of the Early Dynastic II Period.  Scholars believe that early versions of the poem appeared in an oral tradition sometime during the second millennium BC during the period of the Third Dynasty of UR.  With the invention of cuneiform by the Sumerians, the poem was committed to clay tablets and was composed in a series of somewhat loosely connected narratives, more like independently arranged dramatic acts. Sometime in the second millennium BC the Akkadians collated the tablets in a more complete structure under the title He Who Saw the Deep /// Sha Naqba imuru  (Unknown Mysteries) or Surpassing All other Kings ///  Shutur eli Sharri. Most scholars agree that the text, in its current form, was edited sometime between 1300 and 1000 BC. Discovered in 1849 in the library of Ashurbanipal, the  12 existing clay tablets, written in Babylonian, a dialect of the Akkadian language,  are today accepted as the most complete and definitive text.

The Mesopotamian gods create Gilgamesh to rule over the city of Uruk. This god-king is endowed with physical beauty and brute prowess, two qualities that became the root of  his vanity. He engages in numerous unwarranted wars that kill the young men, he despoils the maidens, and takes women from their husbands and lovers. Hearing the citizens’ complaints, the gods create Enkidu as a counterbalance. Because Enkidu  is endowed with human form yet by nature he was half human and half animal, he lived in perfect harmony amongst the animals, hunting with them and eating uncooked food. He is, in effect, the king-protector of wild game, ruling above them as Gilgamesh ruled over men. Realizing that Enkidu has the necessary qualities to neutralize Gilgamesh, a hunter arranges for a prostitute to spend seven days with Enkindu; she seduces him and schools him in all the arts of sumptuous sensuous pleasures. This indulgence transforms him into a civilized, urban citizen.

When Gilgamesh and Enkidu first meet they lock themselves in a robust adversarial fight, a contest barely won by Gilgamesh. This encounter ends in an amicable embrace and seems to highlight the conflict between the civilized and wild worlds, a recurring theme in both Mesopotamian civilization and in numerous Hemingway works. In his quest for immortality, Gilgamesh and his new-found companion slay Humbaba in the hopes of gaining immortality. Their victory is short-lived, for prior to his death Humbaba invokes curses and pleads with Enlil, the god of wind and storm, who, by denying the duo Humbaba’s seven splendors, renders this a hollow victory.

Because Gilgamesh rejects Ishtar’s sexual advances, she sends the Bull of Heaven to exact revenge on the people of Uruk. The protagonists  are therefore forced to destroy this beast, an act for which Ishtar exacts a heavy price. The Goddess of War, Love, Fertility and Sex,  Ishtar would settle for nothing less than Enkidu’s death, an event whose tectonic tremors awaken Gilgamesh and force him to confront his own mortality for the first time. This turning into self induces a call for the final and most challenging quest Gilgamesh has to assume.

Gilgamesh sets out on a perilous journey in search of  Utnapishtim and his wife, the only humans, who, having survived the Great Flood, were the sole living beings to be granted immortality. After overcoming a series of challenging Herculean-style obstacles, Gilgamesh embarks on a perilous voyage to Utnapishtim’s island and is about to undertake the most challenging quest. Namely, he had to persist in remaining awake for six days and seven nights, and he had to seek and hold onto an aquatic plant. He fails both tests — first by his inability to stay awake,  and second, by losing the plant to a serpent. Having been tested in numerous ways and having undertaken arduous journeys,  Gilgamesh’s final Belly of the Whale experiences render him into a wise hero-king fully attuned to his mortality and fully fit and committed to ruling Uruk.

Published in 1940, the title for For Whom the Bell Tolls is appropriated from John Donne’s Meditation XVII and is set in the late 1930’s during the Spanish civil war. Hemingway drew on his experiences as a reporter for the North American Newspaper Alliance.  Robert Jordan, the novel’s protagonist, pursues his quest by answering the call to travel to Spain to fight alongside the Republicans. He is affiliated with the International Brigade that is opposed to Francisco Franco’s Fascist regime.

Taking leave from his college position (as a Spanish Professor) and because of his expertise in dynamite and demolition, Jordan is tasked with the demolition of a bridge that is believed to be of strategic significance. Because of his linguistic fluency and his cultural sensitivity to the mores of the mountain people, he is able to gain the trust of a band of gypsies. Looming in his subconscious mind is his father’s suicide, a tragic event that rocked his world and left an indelible mark on him.  In a series of flashbacks Jordan relives this tragedy and, by utilizing the 3rd person omniscient narrative technique, Hemingway’s plot, set in the Guadarrama Mountain range not far from Segovia, morphs into reflective reminiscences and   fast-paced unraveling events. The actions are compressed and funneled  into a last  week of May , 1939,  time- frame, and are  condensed into four days and five nights.  The plot unravels itself in interlacing thought sequences where past experiences serve as transitional devices in an interconnected sequence of evolving events.

Pilar, the old Gypsy woman, is Jordan’s main helper, and it is her very committed, tough and steadfast character and ruggedness that serve as the glue that holds the rag-tag band of Republicans together. Like Jordan, she possesses an enduring mental and physical strength that is the catalyst that keeps her husband at bay and the force upon which Maria and the rest of the characters draw. As Jordan goes through upheavals, especially after Pablo absconds with the dynamite, it is Pilar who remains steadfast. She supervises most of the activities, including the acquisition of food stuffs and the preparation of meals, coordinating the daily chores, and serving as a cheerleader when things appear bleak.

Because she was relegated to performing the menial tasks of cooking and cleaning, Jordan’s initial impression of Maria is lukewarm. However, as he begins to engage with her in a series of dialogues and after he learns that her parents were brutally butchered in a barbaric ritual and her subsequently being subjected to a heinous and humiliating violation of her body and soul, Jordan is drawn to her emotionally and physically.

Like Enkidu, Jordan’s  sexual encounters and the deep feelings he developed for Maria are life-changing experiences. He finds a new lust for life and does his best to protect Maria. And even though the destruction of the bridge did not have the expected military outcome in the final scene, Jordan, now maimed by a tank explosion and trapped under his horse,  felt that by saving Maria he performed his duty.

In 1918 Hemingway joined the Italian Red Cross as an ambulance driver. On July 8, 1918, he was struck by mortar, and subsequently  shipped to a Milan hospital for recovery. There he met nurse Agnes Von Kurowsky, and fell in love with her. Drawing on his personal experience, Hemingway’s  A Farewell to Arms was published in 1929. The primary theme is war and its enervating impact on human beings.  Tenente, or Mr. Henry (as he is initially introduced), the novel’s protagonist, narrates the events in the form of reminiscent personal episodes. Frederic Henry’s initial quest was to lend support to the allied forces in the role of an ambulance driver for the Red Cross, the events for which were based on WWI battles occurring sometime between1916-1918.  Henry is initially detached from the unfolding events on the battlefields and performs his duties perfunctorily and in a conscious aloofness that disengages him from the chaos and brutality. The consumption of alcohol in great quantities and card games with the garrulous Rinaldi, the  Italian surgeon/roommate and others help dull,  ameliorate, and divert attention from the permeating carnage. These discussions serve as a means of glossing over the pervasive carnage.  After he is wounded and while convalescing from a battle wound in a Milan hospital, Henry meets English nurse Catherine Barkley, a Voluntary Aid Detachment British Red Cross nurse, and immediately falls in love with her.

While Henry’s passionate love for Catherine dulls his idealism and commitment to his duties and initiates a distancing from the humdrum of military campaigns, Catherine’s initial flirtations with him are merely a coping mechanism to help her overcome the death of her fiancé. However, what initially start out as flirtatious overtures and a distraction for Catherine soon turn into a deep attachment.  The couple soon finds solace in each other’s company and become physically and emotionally devoted to each other: she as a refuge from grief, and he to distance himself from the terrible slaughter. The prevailing ambivalence about the war begins to set in when Henry was forced to return to the front after his three-month period of convalescence. And he begins to seriously question the big lie about Le Gloire de Guerre.

 And just as Gilgamesh is forced to bid farewell to Enkidu and Jordan is forced to bid farewell to Maria, Henry, after a brief period of physical, mental, and emotional healing in Switzerland,   is forced to bid farewell to Catherine soon after she delivers their stillborn baby and hemorrhages to death.

And just like the Gilgamesh narrative,  death is a major theme in these works.  The theme of death, the fear of wars and butchery, and the loss of innocence are common themes threaded more overtly in   For Whom the Bell Tolls, and most tellingly in A Farewell to Arms.

In the latter, as the title suggests, all romantic conceptions of war are destroyed, and Hemingway sensitizes us to how modern arms, designed especially for mass murder, dispel any notion that wars are noble. Jordan and Henry lose their idealism about the respective causes for which they ideally signed up, and become cynical and suspicious of the call to arms. In For Whom, the account of an orgy of savagery and brutality in Pablo’s town explicitly  exposes the futility of war – people lose their humanity and their innocence.  And in  A Farewell, Henry opines the following in a series of interspersed  statements:  “Still nobody was whipping any one on the Western front. Perhaps wars weren’t won any more. Maybe they went forever. Maybe it was another Hundred Year’s War …. I don’t believe in victory anymore… abstract words such as glory, honor, courage, or hallow were obscene beside the concrete names of villages, the number of roads, the names of rivers, the numbers of regiments and the dates … But it was not my show.”  On the other hand and because of his resignation to his quest of destroying the bridge, Jordan and his comrades were ready to do “as all good men should.” That is, die and sacrifice. And as Jordan lay in wait for the final coup de grace, he choose not to commit suicide like his father: “You have to be awfully occupied with yourself to do a thing like that,”  he observes. Jordan’s refusal to commit suicide elevates and gives nobility to his life; by accepting his fate, he becomes a true tragic hero.

Like Gilgamesh and (to a lessor extent)  Jordan,  Frederic Henry acts impulsively. He becomes so detached from reality and kills, execution style, an Italian engineer, for refusing to help free the vehicle from the mire. To free himself from the burden of this moral transgression and to run away from a devolving spiral of violence, Henry’s quest turns into a flight for survival,  a deep yearning for Catherine, and the deep aspiration that he would soon find her.  Thus, what started out as merely a quest “to do good” as an ambulance driver, became a quest and a hijra for survival, and Catherine was the traveling companion and the magnetic north needle that drew him, both literally and figuratively, to a safe haven in Switzerland. While Catherine’s coquetry turned into real love, Henry’s  loyalty to a human cause turns into loyalty for Catherine. Much like the expressionistic Edward Munch and Ernst Kirchner canvases, the relationships between Gilgamesh and Enkidu, Jordan and Maria, Henry and Catherine blend the real and the illusionary worlds. Love and war, love and passion, love and hate, resignation and acceptance, forbearance  and impatience, sickness and health, denial and acquiescence, fear and flight, mind and heart, impulse vs. composure,  wounding and healing, life and death, trepidation and hope, yearning and finding love and losing it in the blink of an eye,  physical, emotional and mental anguish and the analgesic and corrective  antidotes  are all cast in settings of ominous brutality in which the main characters attempt to distance themselves from seemingly legitimized  senseless behavior .  Some examples of the Belly of the Whale experience are Enkidu’s regret at having participated in the senseless killing of the Beast, Humbaba.  Enkidu and Gilgamesh are deaf to reality and mortality and do not listen to advice or morality.  So too,  early in the novel Jordan is told by Pilar, “Pablo’s woman,”  “thou art a miracle of deafness – it is not that thou art stupid. Thou art simply deaf. One who is deaf cannot hear music. Neither can he hear the radio. So he might say, never having heard them, that such things do not exist.” And just as Gilgamesh has to finally accept his mortality, in the final scene, Jordan, realizing that he will ultimately lose his life, accepts his mortality and opts out of suicide.

When the novel opens, Jordan’s accomplishments are not heroic. Yet as he lay immobilized and in wait of the inevitable, call it the belly of the whale moment,  Jordan’s  pensees reflechissantes finale  afford him the opportunity to take stock of his vitae brevis and he realizes that his life, his quest if you wish, could be summed up thusly: He has finally developed an absolute brotherhood with people, especially Maria, and not the cause. Hemingway likens this “absolute brotherhood,”   to an “integration into the world.”  In this triumphant moment Jordan is metaphorically drafting his final curriculum vitae, his final will and testament, if you wish. His thoughts reflect an awareness that he’s accounting for posterity. As he crosses the t’s and dots the i’s he attains his moment of apotheosis with stoic fortitude .  He notes “that the gypsies see something, feel something.”  Finally assured that “Pilar will take care of [Maria],”  he tells himself to “Stay with what you believe now. Don’t get cynical. The time is too short and you have just sent her away. Each does what he can. You can do nothing for yourself but perhaps you can do something for another. Well, we had all our luck in four days. Not four days. It was afternoon when I first got there and it will not be noon today. That makes not quite three days and three nights. Keep it accurate, he said, quite accurate. I think you better get down now, he thought. You better get fixed around some way where you will be useful instead of leaning against this tree like a tramp. You have had much luck. There are many worse things than this. Everyone has to do this, one day or another. You are not afraid of it once you know you have to do it, are you? No, he said truly.”

In 1936 Hemingway wrote a piece for Esquire in which he described the arduous attempt of a Cuban fisherman, tugged into the sweeping deep sea waters, to haul in a giant marlin he had snagged. After great effort, delirious, and  disoriented, the fisherman sails into the harbor with the gigantic skeletal, wasted-away, shark-scarfed-down marlin. Based on this narrative, Hemingway published his opus The Old Man and the Sea in 1952 for which he won the Pulitzer Prize for Fiction, a bittersweet award that was followed by the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1954.

Hemingway introduces us to Santiago, the novella’s protagonist thusly:  “He was an old man who fished alone in a skiff. … The old man was thin and gaunt with deep wrinkles in the back of his neck. The brown blotches of the benevolent skin cancer the sun brings from it reflection on the tropic sea were on his cheeks. The blotches ran well down the sides of his face and his hands had the deep-creased scars from handling heavy fish on the cords. But none of the scars were fresh. They were as old as erosions in a fishless desert.”

Santiago, a seasoned and aged Cuban fisherman, has had a streak of bad luck; self-doubt sets in, and he begins to feel that he is losing his touch.  For 84 consecutive days Santiago has returned from his fishing trips empty handed. The serious misgivings that set in shook his world. “Age is my alarm clock, … why do old men wake so early? Is it to have one longer day?” he reflects to himself. Yet Hemingway tells us that “Everything about him was old except his eyes and they were the same color as the sea and cheerful and undefeated.”  Santiago’s final triumph, his crowning heroic quest, begins on day 85 when he ventures into the deep waters and pushes the nautical limits of his tiny skiff. He soon encounters an assortment of aquatic life and diverse birds with which he develops affinities. Santiago tells us: “My choice [is] to go there to find him beyond all people. Beyond all people of the world.”  Soon an inordinately powerful  tug on his line awakens him from his reflective reveries and he realizes that this was no ordinary tautness. So strong was the pulsating reverberation transmitted through the fishing line that Santiago realizes that this was no commonplace rush. Rather, this was an “aortic spasm of epic proportions, a heartbeat like none he had experienced before.” Santiago reflects the following: “Now we are joined together and have been since noon. And no one to help either one of us.”  Realizing that this was no run-of-the-mill  skirmish, Santiago musters all of his mental and physical faculties and begins to draw on a reservoir of a life-time of experiences. In an uncompromising, methodical, and stoic manner tempered by years of struggles and experiences, the protracted duel becomes a struggle in which Santiago, and, by extension, the heroic quest, transmute into a danse macabre.  “Fish,” Santiago tells the invisible larger than life supernatural force, “Fish, you are going to have to die anyway. Do you have to kill me too?” Several pages later, Hemingway states the following: “Besides, he thought, everything kills everything else in some way. Fishing kills me exactly as it keeps me alive. The boy keeps me alive, he thought, I must not deceive myself too much.” And later, much like Gilgamesh, Jordan, and Henry’s self-introspection,  Santiago poses the following question: “You violated your luck when you went too far.”  To cross the finish line on this solo quest the hero is pitted against the marlin and the scavenging sharks, against nature (the sea, the waves, the rain, the sun, the wind), against exposure and death, and, by extension, against the doubters, and it tests the limits of his emotional, physical, and mental endurance.

Much like Enkidu’s regret at having killed the beast, Santiago, as previously cited, begins to wish he had not snagged the marlin. And, like Enkidu, Santiago was close to the natural world. “He was very fond of flying fish as they were his principal friends on the ocean. He was sorry for the birds, especially the small delicate dark terns that were always flying … Why did they make birds so delicate and fine as those sea swallows … She [the ocean] is kind and very beautiful … when shark livers had brought money .. they spoke of el mar [as] masculine. … But the old man always thought of her as feminine. .. The moon affects her [the ocean] as it does a woman, he thought.”

In each of these works the bell rings for the protagonists. The heroes venture out into their respective worlds and are called to push the limits of human endurance by  searching for meaning and affirmation.  While life can be destroyed, the human spirit and soul cannot be defeated. The belly of the whale experience for each of the protagonists is a transformative experience.  Gilgamesh is the better and wiser for his tribulations and travails. Jordan accepts the fact that he must die so that others may live. While Henry’s farewell to arms in the military sense allows him to reflect on the futility of war by escaping into a lover’s arms, we are left with the pangs of a surrealist solitude, that numbing pathos that portends a bleak future.  And even though Santiago had, by hauling in a mere skeletal carcass, lost the battle, it is because of his indefatigable and tireless efforts against herculean odds that he won the war. His unwavering and resolute steadfastness and his heroic perserverence leave an enduring legacy, an apotheosis,  that will live through the fidelity and idealism of Monolin, his young apprentice.

My experience writing this paper was a metaphorical Belly of the Whale experience, and it was just what Dr. James Holloway, my cardiologist, ordered.

Raouf J. Halaby is a Professor Emeritus of English and Art. He is a writer, photographer, sculptor, an avid gardener, and a peace activist. halabys7181@outlook.com