Philippines
From Flood Fund Plunder to Environmental Plunder – On the Moral, Political, and Ecological Crises Shaping the Philippines
Thursday 8 January 2026, by Filipino Fourth Internationalists
Almost six months ago, Philippine President Ferdinand R. Marcos, Jr. was compelled to launch his anti-corruption campaign amidst the continuous heavy rainfall in July and the devastation caused by super typhoons Tino and Uwan. These events exposed weak and ghost flood control projects, as well as collusion among public works personnel, political figures, and contractors. Yet, six months later, with no major results, two commissioners of the Independent Commission for Infrastructure (ICI), which he had created to address the issue, have already resigned.
In recent developments, President Marcos signed the General Appropriation Act for 2026 (6.793 Trillion), which includes unprogrammed appropriations (242.5 billion pesos)—A.K.A perks—and 4 billion pesos in confidential funds for the Office of the President.
Can we really rely on the corrupt individuals and entrenched political dynasties who have built this system to punish themselves and fix the mess they created?
The Philippines is caught in a self reinforcing three fold crisis.
First, the state set aside roughly ₱1.9 trillion for flood control projects between 2021 and 2025, yet investigations show that ₱700 billion–₱1.4 trillion disappears each year or ₱3.5 trillion in 5 years through congressional insertions, rigged contracts, and the opaque Confidential & Intelligence Funds (CIF).
Second, dynastic families dominate both the legislature and local governments—most provincial governors and a majority of district representatives belong to political clans—creating a powerful nexus that diverts public money into private hands.
Third, rampant environmental destruction—deforestation, illegal mining, unregulated logging, and the conversion of critical lands for agribusiness and tourism—erodes the natural flood buffers that could mitigate disasters. Greenpeace Philippines estimates that ₱1.089 trillion of climate tagged spending has been siphoned, branding the perpetrators “climate criminals.”
Nationwide protests sparked by the “Baha sa Luneta” and the “Trillion Peso March” on September 21 and November 30, 2025 respectively have been met with harassment, red tagging, and judicial warrants against student leaders.
The above-mentioned crises have not shown signs of reaching resolution. In fact, the government in action has intensified the crises which morphed into other forms because people’s oppositions have continued to launch all kinds of activities except efforts of uniting themselves.
The anti corruption movement remains fragmented: progressive “Resign All” groups such as Partido Lakas ng Masa (PLM) demand the complete removal of the current leadership, while “Oust All” factions like BAYAN and NUPL push for coordinated impeachment or recall procedures. The broader Trillion Peso March coalition—comprising civil society organizations, labor unions, student groups, and faith based entities—frames the struggle as a nationwide demand for accountability, transparent budgeting, and swift prosecution of corrupt officials and contractors.
In the current situation where each faction speaks a different narrative and language, the ruling elite continue to enjoy and manipulate the system with impunity.
Easier said than done, the only realistic path forward is principled unity: a coalition of democratic forces based on agreed basis of unity and focused on concrete, non ideological actions—swift prosecutions, truly independent oversight, abolition of the CIF, and a genuine anti dynasty law. Such a coalition must create upscaling of consciousness of the broadest possible section of the populations and break the feedback loop of debt driven fiscal capture, environmental plunder, and geopolitical exploitation while advancing democratic reforms aligned to the totality of transforming the Philippine economic and political system. Such movement should have an all of peoples and sectors approach based and strengthen in small victories for concrete unified action.
The systematic hijack
Investigations by the Senate and Malacañang confirm that the ₱1.9 trillion flood control budget has been systematically hijacked. Between July 2022 and May 2025 the government allocated ₱545.64 billion to 9,855 projects, yet more than 6,000 of those projects (worth over ₱350 billion) lack any description of the structures being built.
Approximately ₱100 billion—about 20 % of the total—was funneled to just fifteen contractors, many linked to the Marcos and Duterte families during 2016-2022, they used to call themselves Uniteam; a single firm tied to the Duterte camp alone received ₱3.5 billion between 2022 and 2024. Investigations further exposed bigger chunks link to the Malacanang and its closest allies.
These figures reveal a budget hijacking architecture rather than isolated embezzlement, with annual losses dwarfing the entire 2025 education budget of 1.055 trillion pesos and rivaling the Department of Public Works and Highways’ yearly allocation, leaving the state without the resources needed for genuine disaster risk reduction and basic social services.
How hijacking is done?
Dynastic entrenchment creates a closed patronage loop that intertwines campaign financing, contract awards, and legislative priorities, shielding corrupt networks from electoral punishment. Hence, the cycles of corruption have continued to thrive from one administration to the other.
Congressional insertions—such as the ₱142 billion added to the 2025 General Appropriations Act—bypass normal committee scrutiny, turning the national budget into a private cash flow mechanism for allied and preferred contractors.
The contractor legislator nexus sees firms linked to powerful families secure hundreds of projects worth tens of billions of pesos, often delivering “ghost projects” like a flagged ₱279 million contract in Bulacan, generating revenue that has financial further political campaigns of the proponent politicians.
Finally, the unaudited Customer Information File (CIF) acts as a secret channel for kickbacks, allegedly offering a 60 % rebate for corrupt actors. Together, these pillars create a self reinforcing system: dynastic politicians allocate funds to loyal contractors; contractors deliver substandard or phantom work; the proceeds fund additional campaigns, cementing the dynasty’s grip on power and perpetuating the cycles of corruption.
Environmental plunder and corruption
The flood control crisis cannot be separated from a broader pattern of ecological destruction. Nationwide deforestation, illegal mining, unregulated logging, and the conversion of critical watersheds for agribusiness and tourism strip away natural flood buffers, degrade soil stability, and increase river sedimentation, making engineered flood control works both more necessary and more prone to failure.
Corrupt flood control projects are estimated to cost the nation ₱42.3 billion–₱118.5 billion per year (2023 2025). Greenpeace Philippines argues that this theft cripples the ability of millions to survive escalating climate threats, labeling the perpetrators “climate criminals.” The loss of ecosystem services—carbon sequestration, water regulation, biodiversity habitat—has a multiplier effect, deepening poverty, fueling migration, and intensifying food crisis and social unrest. At the same time, sovereign debt has surged from ₱12.8 trillion (June 2022) to ₱16.1 trillion (Nov 2024), with projections exceeding ₱17.4 trillion by the end of 2025. Rising debt squeezes fiscal space for genuine climate resilient investments, pushing policymakers toward quick fix, corruption prone infrastructure projects and perpetuating a vicious cycle of debt, environmental degradation, and graft.
The geopolitical dynamics: US-China proxies
Domestically, the rivalry between the Marcos and Duterte families has become a local manifestation of the broader U.S.–China strategic competition.
The Duterte camp cultivates close ties with China, exemplified almost giving away West Philippine Sea by the Philippine Offshore Gaming Operations (POGO) sector and Chinese linked advisers such as Michael Yang. Conversely, the Marcos administration reaffirms a strong alliance with the United States, expanding the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA), defending the West Philippine Sea against Chinese claims, and invoking historic U.S. support since the formed declaration of country’s independence.
This geopolitical tug of war turns the Philippines’ internal power struggle into a venue where the United States and China vie for influence, shaping policy choices on infrastructure financing, security cooperation, and diplomatic posture ahead of the 2028 presidential elections.
Opposition to this entrenched system has splintered into three distinct currents.
“Resign All” groups call for the complete removal of President Bongbong Marcos Jr., Vice President Sara Duterte, and all senior legislators who oversaw the budget insertions.
“Oust All” advocates push for a coordinated parliamentary ouster—impeachment, recall, or no confidence vote—targeting every elected official implicated in the flood fund and environmental scandals while preserving constitutional continuity.
The Trillion Peso March movement, a broad cross sector coalition, emphasizes nationwide accountability without prescribing a specific procedural route; its platform demands swift prosecution of corrupt contractors and legislators, transparent, itemized budgeting for all flood control and climate related expenditures, and the creation of an independent watchdog body with real enforcement powers.
Because each camp speaks a different strategic language, that justified their own narrative, the overall anti corruption effort lacks a unified rallying point, allowing the elite to exploit divisions and continue plundering public resources.
A viable way forward is principled unity, which means uniting democratic forces around non ideological, actionable goals that all factions can endorse without sacrificing core values. Groups can actually find common ground while simultaneously unleashing the truth and consolidating their power.
Campaigns and possible steps which can help unify are:
Immediate and genuine prosecution: accelerate criminal cases against the fifteen favored contractors, the Duterte linked firm that received ₱3.5 billion, and any legislators identified in COA and DOJ investigations; establish an Independent Flood Control Oversight Commission outside the DPWH and congressional committees, granting it subpoena power and a mandate to audit all flood control contracts since 2015.
Anti dynasty reform: pass legislation banning immediate family members from holding simultaneous elective offices, create a transparent candidate disclosure registry that publishes financial and relational information online, and pursue a constitutional amendment—through a citizen initiated process—that permanently embeds anti dynasty provisions.
Environmental restoration and climate justice investment: freeze the assets of implicated contractors and redirect the recovered ≈ ₱1 trillion to a National Ecosystem Restoration Trust overseen by an independent civil society board; fund reforestation, watershed rehabilitation, responsible, green and sustainable livelihood generation, and community managed climate resilience projects; make nature based solutions a mandatory component of all flood control budgeting; and create an Independent Commission for Infrastructure Law to vet large scale projects for environmental compliance and anti corruption safeguards.
These steps satisfy the moral and political demands for accountability, provide a concrete, law based pathway for reform (appeasing civic groups), and deny either external power bloc a foothold in domestic politics. By channeling recovered funds into ecosystem restoration, the plan directly tackles the climate justice dimension and breaks the debt corruption feedback loop.
In conclusion, the Philippines stands at a crossroads where systemic corruption, environmental plunder, and great power rivalry intersect to threaten democratic governance and human survival. The ₱1.9 trillion flood fund plunder is the most visible symptom of a deeper architecture: dynastic capture of the budget, a contractor legislator nexus, and unaudited discretionary funds.
Fragmented opposition cannot dismantle this architecture. Principled unity—centered on swift prosecutions, independent oversight, anti dynasty legislation, and ecosystem restoration—offers a realistic, non ideological pathway that respects the rule of law, neutralizes external geopolitical manipulation, and restores fiscal space for genuine resilience, while consolidating cells or collectives and communities of people’s power.
Only by transcending factionalism, sectarianism and collectively demanding accountability, as articulated by the Trillion Peso March Movement’s nationwide call, can the Filipino people turn moral outrage into lasting institutional change and upscaling it into substantial and structural transformation. The stakes extend beyond politics; they encompass the nation’s democratic soul, its climate future, and the lives of the most vulnerable citizens.
The time for principled united action is urgent!
The year 2026 is the continuity of more daring and concrete democratic and unifying campaigns.
January 5, 2026
Attached documentsfrom-flood-fund-plunder-to-environmental-plunder-on-the_a9354.pdf (PDF - 900.5 KiB)
Extraction PDF [->article9354]
Philippines
Women and girls fear for their safety in the Philippines, as earthquake aftershocks continue to rock Northern Cebu
After Typhoon Tino (Kalmaegi): Mourn and Rage for Accountability and demand for ecological transformation
Manifesto for an Ecosocialist Revolution: Possible consequences in the Philippines
Introduction to the Manifesto for an Ecosocialist Revolution: Work Less, Live Better
Social revolts and environmental issues in South Asia
Filipino Fourth Internationalists
From Flood Fund Plunder to Environmental Plunder – On the Moral, Political, and Ecological Crises Shaping the Philippines
Thursday 8 January 2026, by Filipino Fourth Internationalists
Almost six months ago, Philippine President Ferdinand R. Marcos, Jr. was compelled to launch his anti-corruption campaign amidst the continuous heavy rainfall in July and the devastation caused by super typhoons Tino and Uwan. These events exposed weak and ghost flood control projects, as well as collusion among public works personnel, political figures, and contractors. Yet, six months later, with no major results, two commissioners of the Independent Commission for Infrastructure (ICI), which he had created to address the issue, have already resigned.
In recent developments, President Marcos signed the General Appropriation Act for 2026 (6.793 Trillion), which includes unprogrammed appropriations (242.5 billion pesos)—A.K.A perks—and 4 billion pesos in confidential funds for the Office of the President.
Can we really rely on the corrupt individuals and entrenched political dynasties who have built this system to punish themselves and fix the mess they created?
The Philippines is caught in a self reinforcing three fold crisis.
First, the state set aside roughly ₱1.9 trillion for flood control projects between 2021 and 2025, yet investigations show that ₱700 billion–₱1.4 trillion disappears each year or ₱3.5 trillion in 5 years through congressional insertions, rigged contracts, and the opaque Confidential & Intelligence Funds (CIF).
Second, dynastic families dominate both the legislature and local governments—most provincial governors and a majority of district representatives belong to political clans—creating a powerful nexus that diverts public money into private hands.
Third, rampant environmental destruction—deforestation, illegal mining, unregulated logging, and the conversion of critical lands for agribusiness and tourism—erodes the natural flood buffers that could mitigate disasters. Greenpeace Philippines estimates that ₱1.089 trillion of climate tagged spending has been siphoned, branding the perpetrators “climate criminals.”
Nationwide protests sparked by the “Baha sa Luneta” and the “Trillion Peso March” on September 21 and November 30, 2025 respectively have been met with harassment, red tagging, and judicial warrants against student leaders.
The above-mentioned crises have not shown signs of reaching resolution. In fact, the government in action has intensified the crises which morphed into other forms because people’s oppositions have continued to launch all kinds of activities except efforts of uniting themselves.
The anti corruption movement remains fragmented: progressive “Resign All” groups such as Partido Lakas ng Masa (PLM) demand the complete removal of the current leadership, while “Oust All” factions like BAYAN and NUPL push for coordinated impeachment or recall procedures. The broader Trillion Peso March coalition—comprising civil society organizations, labor unions, student groups, and faith based entities—frames the struggle as a nationwide demand for accountability, transparent budgeting, and swift prosecution of corrupt officials and contractors.
In the current situation where each faction speaks a different narrative and language, the ruling elite continue to enjoy and manipulate the system with impunity.
Easier said than done, the only realistic path forward is principled unity: a coalition of democratic forces based on agreed basis of unity and focused on concrete, non ideological actions—swift prosecutions, truly independent oversight, abolition of the CIF, and a genuine anti dynasty law. Such a coalition must create upscaling of consciousness of the broadest possible section of the populations and break the feedback loop of debt driven fiscal capture, environmental plunder, and geopolitical exploitation while advancing democratic reforms aligned to the totality of transforming the Philippine economic and political system. Such movement should have an all of peoples and sectors approach based and strengthen in small victories for concrete unified action.
The systematic hijack
Investigations by the Senate and Malacañang confirm that the ₱1.9 trillion flood control budget has been systematically hijacked. Between July 2022 and May 2025 the government allocated ₱545.64 billion to 9,855 projects, yet more than 6,000 of those projects (worth over ₱350 billion) lack any description of the structures being built.
Approximately ₱100 billion—about 20 % of the total—was funneled to just fifteen contractors, many linked to the Marcos and Duterte families during 2016-2022, they used to call themselves Uniteam; a single firm tied to the Duterte camp alone received ₱3.5 billion between 2022 and 2024. Investigations further exposed bigger chunks link to the Malacanang and its closest allies.
These figures reveal a budget hijacking architecture rather than isolated embezzlement, with annual losses dwarfing the entire 2025 education budget of 1.055 trillion pesos and rivaling the Department of Public Works and Highways’ yearly allocation, leaving the state without the resources needed for genuine disaster risk reduction and basic social services.
How hijacking is done?
Dynastic entrenchment creates a closed patronage loop that intertwines campaign financing, contract awards, and legislative priorities, shielding corrupt networks from electoral punishment. Hence, the cycles of corruption have continued to thrive from one administration to the other.
Congressional insertions—such as the ₱142 billion added to the 2025 General Appropriations Act—bypass normal committee scrutiny, turning the national budget into a private cash flow mechanism for allied and preferred contractors.
The contractor legislator nexus sees firms linked to powerful families secure hundreds of projects worth tens of billions of pesos, often delivering “ghost projects” like a flagged ₱279 million contract in Bulacan, generating revenue that has financial further political campaigns of the proponent politicians.
Finally, the unaudited Customer Information File (CIF) acts as a secret channel for kickbacks, allegedly offering a 60 % rebate for corrupt actors. Together, these pillars create a self reinforcing system: dynastic politicians allocate funds to loyal contractors; contractors deliver substandard or phantom work; the proceeds fund additional campaigns, cementing the dynasty’s grip on power and perpetuating the cycles of corruption.
Environmental plunder and corruption
The flood control crisis cannot be separated from a broader pattern of ecological destruction. Nationwide deforestation, illegal mining, unregulated logging, and the conversion of critical watersheds for agribusiness and tourism strip away natural flood buffers, degrade soil stability, and increase river sedimentation, making engineered flood control works both more necessary and more prone to failure.
Corrupt flood control projects are estimated to cost the nation ₱42.3 billion–₱118.5 billion per year (2023 2025). Greenpeace Philippines argues that this theft cripples the ability of millions to survive escalating climate threats, labeling the perpetrators “climate criminals.” The loss of ecosystem services—carbon sequestration, water regulation, biodiversity habitat—has a multiplier effect, deepening poverty, fueling migration, and intensifying food crisis and social unrest. At the same time, sovereign debt has surged from ₱12.8 trillion (June 2022) to ₱16.1 trillion (Nov 2024), with projections exceeding ₱17.4 trillion by the end of 2025. Rising debt squeezes fiscal space for genuine climate resilient investments, pushing policymakers toward quick fix, corruption prone infrastructure projects and perpetuating a vicious cycle of debt, environmental degradation, and graft.
The geopolitical dynamics: US-China proxies
Domestically, the rivalry between the Marcos and Duterte families has become a local manifestation of the broader U.S.–China strategic competition.
The Duterte camp cultivates close ties with China, exemplified almost giving away West Philippine Sea by the Philippine Offshore Gaming Operations (POGO) sector and Chinese linked advisers such as Michael Yang. Conversely, the Marcos administration reaffirms a strong alliance with the United States, expanding the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA), defending the West Philippine Sea against Chinese claims, and invoking historic U.S. support since the formed declaration of country’s independence.
This geopolitical tug of war turns the Philippines’ internal power struggle into a venue where the United States and China vie for influence, shaping policy choices on infrastructure financing, security cooperation, and diplomatic posture ahead of the 2028 presidential elections.
Opposition to this entrenched system has splintered into three distinct currents.
“Resign All” groups call for the complete removal of President Bongbong Marcos Jr., Vice President Sara Duterte, and all senior legislators who oversaw the budget insertions.
“Oust All” advocates push for a coordinated parliamentary ouster—impeachment, recall, or no confidence vote—targeting every elected official implicated in the flood fund and environmental scandals while preserving constitutional continuity.
The Trillion Peso March movement, a broad cross sector coalition, emphasizes nationwide accountability without prescribing a specific procedural route; its platform demands swift prosecution of corrupt contractors and legislators, transparent, itemized budgeting for all flood control and climate related expenditures, and the creation of an independent watchdog body with real enforcement powers.
Because each camp speaks a different strategic language, that justified their own narrative, the overall anti corruption effort lacks a unified rallying point, allowing the elite to exploit divisions and continue plundering public resources.
A viable way forward is principled unity, which means uniting democratic forces around non ideological, actionable goals that all factions can endorse without sacrificing core values. Groups can actually find common ground while simultaneously unleashing the truth and consolidating their power.
Campaigns and possible steps which can help unify are:
Immediate and genuine prosecution: accelerate criminal cases against the fifteen favored contractors, the Duterte linked firm that received ₱3.5 billion, and any legislators identified in COA and DOJ investigations; establish an Independent Flood Control Oversight Commission outside the DPWH and congressional committees, granting it subpoena power and a mandate to audit all flood control contracts since 2015.
Anti dynasty reform: pass legislation banning immediate family members from holding simultaneous elective offices, create a transparent candidate disclosure registry that publishes financial and relational information online, and pursue a constitutional amendment—through a citizen initiated process—that permanently embeds anti dynasty provisions.
Environmental restoration and climate justice investment: freeze the assets of implicated contractors and redirect the recovered ≈ ₱1 trillion to a National Ecosystem Restoration Trust overseen by an independent civil society board; fund reforestation, watershed rehabilitation, responsible, green and sustainable livelihood generation, and community managed climate resilience projects; make nature based solutions a mandatory component of all flood control budgeting; and create an Independent Commission for Infrastructure Law to vet large scale projects for environmental compliance and anti corruption safeguards.
These steps satisfy the moral and political demands for accountability, provide a concrete, law based pathway for reform (appeasing civic groups), and deny either external power bloc a foothold in domestic politics. By channeling recovered funds into ecosystem restoration, the plan directly tackles the climate justice dimension and breaks the debt corruption feedback loop.
In conclusion, the Philippines stands at a crossroads where systemic corruption, environmental plunder, and great power rivalry intersect to threaten democratic governance and human survival. The ₱1.9 trillion flood fund plunder is the most visible symptom of a deeper architecture: dynastic capture of the budget, a contractor legislator nexus, and unaudited discretionary funds.
Fragmented opposition cannot dismantle this architecture. Principled unity—centered on swift prosecutions, independent oversight, anti dynasty legislation, and ecosystem restoration—offers a realistic, non ideological pathway that respects the rule of law, neutralizes external geopolitical manipulation, and restores fiscal space for genuine resilience, while consolidating cells or collectives and communities of people’s power.
Only by transcending factionalism, sectarianism and collectively demanding accountability, as articulated by the Trillion Peso March Movement’s nationwide call, can the Filipino people turn moral outrage into lasting institutional change and upscaling it into substantial and structural transformation. The stakes extend beyond politics; they encompass the nation’s democratic soul, its climate future, and the lives of the most vulnerable citizens.
The time for principled united action is urgent!
The year 2026 is the continuity of more daring and concrete democratic and unifying campaigns.
January 5, 2026
Attached documentsfrom-flood-fund-plunder-to-environmental-plunder-on-the_a9354.pdf (PDF - 900.5 KiB)
Extraction PDF [->article9354]
Philippines
Women and girls fear for their safety in the Philippines, as earthquake aftershocks continue to rock Northern Cebu
After Typhoon Tino (Kalmaegi): Mourn and Rage for Accountability and demand for ecological transformation
Manifesto for an Ecosocialist Revolution: Possible consequences in the Philippines
Introduction to the Manifesto for an Ecosocialist Revolution: Work Less, Live Better
Social revolts and environmental issues in South Asia
Filipino Fourth Internationalists
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