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Saturday, April 12, 2025

UK Covid VIP lane: Arrest made in fraud investigation
“No clarity, no transparency, and no meaningful engagement”

8 April, 2025 


The Good Law Project has revealed that Karen Brost, the director of Luxe Lifestyle – a firm that bagged a £25.7m PPE contract when it had no employees and thousands of pounds of debts – has been arrested on suspicion of fraud and interviewed under caution by HMRC, and her husband, Tim Whyte, is also being investigated in connection with the offence.



An arrest has been made amid ongoing investigations into people who made millions during the Covid pandemic through the Tories’ unlawful VIP lane used to award contracts.

The Good Law Project has revealed that Karen Brost, the director of Luxe Lifestyle – a firm that bagged a £25.7m PPE contract when it had no employees and thousands of pounds of debts – has been arrested on suspicion of fraud and interviewed under caution by HMRC, and her husband, Tim Whyte, is also being investigated in connection with the offence.

In 2022, the High Court ruled that the Government’s operation of a fast-track VIP lane for awarding lucrative PPE contracts to those with political connections was unlawful. The ‘VIP lane’ saw companies fast-tracked for consideration in lucrative contracts at the start of the pandemic if they were referred by MPs, ministers and government officials.

The Good Law Project reports: “Luxe Lifestyle won the contract after the Tory activist Mark Higton contacted the former trade minister Greg Hands about the firm’s offer to provide PPE. Higton was chair of one of Greg Hands’s local constituency parties at the time.

“Good Law Project understands from an HMRC document that it suspects Luxe Lifestyle made a profit in excess of £5m on the transaction. Much of the PPE supplied as part of this £25.7m deal was deemed unsuitable for use by the NHS.

“When contacted by Good Law Project, HMRC said that it could neither confirm nor deny investigations and did not comment on identifiable taxpayers.”

Lawyers for Brost say that she denied the allegations and offences in interview and was released without charge and is not subject to bail.

Lawyers for Whyte said that he is unable to offer any comment until the HMRC investigation has finished, but that the PPE supplied by Luxe Lifestyle was delivered to the specification required by the Department of Health and Social Care and was used by the NHS.

Basit Mahmood is editor of Left Foot Forward


“No clarity, no transparency, and no meaningful engagement”

April 11, 2025

Is the Government on the verge of a betrayal over its long-promised Hillsborough Law? asks Matt Fowler.

As Covid-19 Bereaved Families for Justice UK, we are adding our voices to a simple but urgent demand: the Hillsborough Law must be passed in full. No compromises. No half-measures. No more promises broken.

We know what it’s like to be lied to, to be left in the dark, and to be forced to fight for the truth while grieving for our loved ones. During the pandemic, we watched decisions being taken behind closed doors while we were told everything was under control. We watched responsibility passed from one department to another. We heard reassurances that turned out to be false. We were lied to over and over again. And when we asked questions, we met silence, deflection or spin.

The culture we encountered wasn’t new. It’s the same culture that’s shaped the long struggles faced by the Hillsborough families, the survivors of Grenfell, the victims of the Post Office Horizon scandal, and those who lost loved ones to the infected blood scandal, to name just a few cases. In every one of those cases, there was a moment when the state or an institution could have chosen to be honest. And in every one of those cases, it decided not to be.

That’s why we’re part of the fight for a real, undiluted Hillsborough Law. The law, originally introduced to Parliament in 2017, would establish a legal duty of candour on public authorities and officials, forcing them to tell the truth and to assist investigations and inquiries. It would guarantee equal legal representation for bereaved families, who are so often left trying to crowdfund legal costs while state bodies have teams of publicly funded lawyers. It would introduce sanctions for those who lie or obstruct the process.

Every part of this matters. We’ve seen how delay, deflection and denial damage families, destroy trust and prevent change. We’ve watched ministers make statements about rebuilding public confidence while refusing to tell the public the truth. We’ve heard countless apologies and promises that ‘lessons will be learned’, without concrete action actually being taken. The Hillsborough Law would change that.

The Government promised to introduce the legislation before the next Hillsborough anniversary. Not only will that promise be broken, but we are being kept in the dark about what the Government intends to do with the legislation, full stop. There has been no clarity, no transparency, and no meaningful engagement with the families who have most at stake.

We are deeply concerned that when the Bill comes, it will be a watered-down version that drops the legal duty of candour, quietly removes the commitment to equal funding, or makes oversight optional. That would not be the Hillsborough Law. That would be a betrayal, dressed up as progress.

We will not accept a law that keeps things as they are. We will not accept a gesture in place of justice. If this law is passed without the core commitments that make it meaningful, it will not protect future families. It will not change the system that failed us. It will just allow the same failures to happen again.

The fact is that the system isn’t broken; it’s working exactly as designed, to protect institutions and wear families down. The Hillsborough Law is not a symbolic fix. It’s a practical one. That’s the law we need. One that forces honesty. One that gives the victims of state injustice a fair chance. One that ensures change actually happens. Anything less is a failure and yet another betrayal of the Hillsborough families at the hands of Government.

Many Members of Parliament now on the Government benches stood shoulders to shoulder with the Hillsborough Families in Opposition and promised that passing this Bill would be one of the first things they would do in Government. Those Members of Parliament must now ask themselves whether they can look their constituents in the eye if they vote for a gutted version of this law.

If they do, then it will not just be a betrayal of the Hillsborough families. It will be a betrayal of all the victims, survivors and families of those injustices with which we are so familiar. A decision to abandon those victims of state injustice would be an unforgivable betrayal.

Matt Fowler, who lost his father to Covid in 2020, is Co-Founder of Covid-19 Bereaved Families for Justice UK.

Image: Hillsborough Memorial, Crosby Library https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Hillsborough_Memorial,_Crosby_Library.jpg. Source: Walk to Thornton, Merseyside (45. Author: Rept0n1x., licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 2.0 Generic license.

Thursday, March 06, 2025

London’s Housing Crisis: The Boroughs That Are Building – and Those That Are Failing Us

4 March, 2025



London is in the grip of a housing emergency



London is in the grip of a housing emergency. Rents are soaring, homeownership is a distant dream for most, and the number of families trapped in temporary accommodation has reached unprecedented levels. Yet while some boroughs are stepping up to meet this crisis, others—including Wandsworth and Westminster—are actively making it worse.

The latest London Planning Committee Report 2025 lays bare the stark reality. Boroughs like Ealing (5,391 homes approved), Brent (3,266), and Greenwich (2,226) are doing their part, consenting large numbers of new homes. Meanwhile, Westminster (39 homes approved) and Wandsworth (181 homes approved, while rejecting 440) have effectively ground to a halt.

This is not just an issue of bureaucratic delay or financial challenges—this is a political failure. These councils have a responsibility to provide homes for their residents, yet they are deliberately obstructing development. This obstructionism has dire consequences: rising homelessness, unaffordable rents, and businesses struggling to retain workers.

It is time for serious reform. If boroughs refuse to approve the homes London desperately needs, the government must act. New proposals—including flexible zoning, brownfield planning passports, and density bonuses—offer a clear way forward. London can solve its housing crisis, but only if we take decisive action now.

The Good: Boroughs Leading the Way on Housing

Despite a challenging economic climate, some boroughs have recognised the urgency of the crisis and have prioritised new development.

Ealing has once again proven to be a leader in housing delivery, approving 5,391 homes in 2024—158% of its London Plan target.

Brent (3,266 homes, 106% of target) and Greenwich (2,226 homes, 86% of target) have also performed well, ensuring that new homes are being built where they are needed most.

The City of London (439 homes approved, 258% of its target) has shown that even traditionally commercial areas can play a key role in addressing housing shortages.

These boroughs are proof that large-scale development is possible when councils prioritise the public good over political expediency. They are embracing investment, cutting through red tape, and recognising that a functioning housing market is essential for London’s long-term success.

The Bad: Boroughs Blocking Development and Worsening the Crisis

While some boroughs are making real progress, others continue to obstruct housing at every turn.

Kensington & Chelsea, Islington, and Havering failed to deliver, consenting fewer than 100 homes each. But the worst offender is Wandsworth, having refused more homes (440) than it approved (181). Shockingly, 220 affordable homes were among those rejected—more than the total number of homes it approved. This comes as it takes further steps to increase tax on development through consultation on 50 per cent affordable housing on new schemes. While 13,000 households were on one of the Council’s Housing Waiting Lists, the authorities attitude to development has come under intense scrutiny.

An example of this has been Wandsworth’s refusal of a 50 per cent affordable housing scheme refused last year on the Springfield Hospital site. More recently, the council leader has opposed a 38-storey tower that has subsequently been reduced in height following public opposition from high profile figures such as Mick Jagger. It is argued this approach is deterring housebuilders and developers from bringing sites forward given their anti-development approach.

In a motion submitted to Wandsworth back in July 2021 prior to taking the council, Councillor Dikerdem (now Cabinet Member for Housing) and Councillor Hogg (now Leader) submitted a motion that “should be considered as a matter of urgency” titled “Tackling the Housing Crisis in Wandsworth”. The motion lamented “foreign” investors, the Government’s “slow action” post-Grenfell, and highlighting how the “housing crisis is pricing out local families” that is “fuelling homelessness”. It called on the then Conservative-run council to lobby Government to “drop unhelpful changes to planning rules” that the motion described as a ‘Developers Charter’. The motion also stated Government “should move more quickly” to resolve the “fire safety crisis”.

These views would remain out of kilter with the incumbent Labour government, who has since taken up changes to planning rules that seeks to ‘Get Britain Building’. Not to mention the fact that fire safety, at the time, appeared high up the then Labour oppositions agenda.

But fast forward almost three and a half years and a Labour incumbent later, it would appear Wandsworth council have received an appalling C3 grade grading following a planned inspection by the Regulator for Social Housing. It found “serious failings in the landlord delivering the outcomes of consumer standards” and that “significant improvement is needed”.

The judgement came in relation to fire safety and electrical testing, which were only occurring when properties became vacant. It was found to “not have up to date information on the condition of most of its homes”. This related to 1,800 fire safety remedial actions more than 12 months overdue. Only 6.5% of the councils 17,000 homes had been surveyed in the past 10 years, with the last survey being conducted in 2012. To note, the judgement states none of the actions were categorised as high risk by the London Borough of Wandsworth. While one-third failed to meet “no severity or best practice”. It also more worryingly stated following inspection the regulator found “limited evidence of oversight of health and safety performance by councillors or tenants”. It remains to be seen how with such damning failings and lack of oversight the Cabinet member responsible can remain in post.

Westminster, however, performed even worse when it comes to total overall planning consents, approving a dismal 39 homes in the entire year—less than 1% of its housing target. Recently having refused a second application in Baltic Wharf, Paddington relating to a student accommodation proposal. The refusal will only compound issues in the short-term for the wider housing market as students inevitably are left with fewer purpose-built options to choose from.

Yet in contrast to Wandsworth, the Labour-run administration in Westminster received commendation for its achievements in housing services. Receiving a commendable C1 judgement following its inspection from the Regulator.

The inspection found “effective examples of how it learns lessons when issues arise and puts plans in place to remedy and minimise recurrence, including tackling root causes”. It also has an “accurate record of the condition of its homes including physical surveys which encompass the Housing Health and Safety Rating System and has a process in place to keep this information up to date”. Before adding that the council is “working towards having a full up to date stock condition survey for all its homes by July 2025” and “was able to demonstrate that it uses a variety of supplementary data sources to enable a comprehensive understanding of the condition of its homes”.

It becomes the first Local Authority in London to achieve this rating, of which only a handful of services have achieved in the country. Following taking control of the council, Leader Cllr Adam Hug, and Cabinet Member for Housing Services Cllr Liza Begum, undertook a “deep-dive into housing” through the Future of Westminster Commission. This was in order to understand the key challenges faced by local residents before introducing a “Housing Improvement Programme”, focused on improving repairs, complaints, and support for the councils most vulnerable residents.

Notwithstanding the above, many of these boroughs are not simply “failing” to approve homes; they are actively blocking development. Whether due to local political pressure, outdated planning policies, or simple inertia, their inaction is directly contributing to London’s affordability crisis.

When boroughs refuse to build, the consequences are severe.

Higher rents: With demand massively outstripping supply, private rents in London have surged by double digits over the past year.

Longer social housing waiting lists: More than 1 million Londoners are currently waiting for social housing, yet Wandsworth and Westminster have turned down projects that would help address this crisis. The latter has seen the local Labour Party oppose a Berkeley Homes scheme on Paddington Green comprising of 38 per cent affordable rent in the past. Westminster Council have adopted pernicious policies that aim to make it a “retrofit-first” city, which have added further taxes on development at a time when viability has faced significant challenges already.

More homelessness: London councils are now spending £4 million per day on temporary accommodation, a 68% increase from the previous year.

This is not just bad governance—it is a betrayal of the people who live and work in these boroughs.

The Solution: Serious Reform, Not Empty Promises

To tackle this crisis, fundamental changes are needed to London’s planning system. The current model gives boroughs too much discretion to block development, and the result is a fragmented, dysfunctional housing market.

New research provides clear policy solutions that would unlock thousands of homes and create a fairer, more predictable system:

1. Implement a Flexible Zoning System

A report from Centre for Cities written by Anthony Breach argues that the UK’s discretionary planning system is one of the primary causes of its housing shortage. Unlike other countries with rules-based zoning, England’s system allows councils to block developments even when they meet policy requirements.

The government should introduce a flexible zoning system, where developments that comply with clear, pre-set rules automatically receive approval.

A national planning framework should replace local policies that vary wildly between boroughs.

Local discretion should be dramatically reduced, ensuring that planning officers—not politically motivated councillors—make final decisions.

This system has worked in New Zealand, Canada, and Australia, and would allow London to rapidly increase housing supply while reducing uncertainty for developers.

2. Fast-Track Brownfield Development with Density Bonuses

London has huge amounts of underutilised brownfield land, yet slow planning processes mean much of it remains undeveloped. The Brownfield Planning Passports proposal would fast-track approvals, removing the bureaucratic delays that hold up development.

Pre-approved planning permissions should be granted for brownfield sites, allowing developments to proceed without lengthy applications.

Growth Delivery Zones should be established, prioritising housing and investment in high-need areas.

Planning should be simplified to allow urban infill development without unnecessary restrictions.

Additionally, many housing projects stall because affordable housing requirements make them financially unviable. Rather than forcing developers to reduce the number of homes built, London should adopt density bonuses—a model used successfully in the United States.

Developers should be allowed to build taller and denser projects in exchange for higher affordable housing contributions.

Growth Zones should be designated in areas with high housing demand, where planning restrictions are eased to encourage development.

The Mayor of London should have stronger powers to approve projects in underperforming boroughs.

The 2012 Olympic Park transformation in Stratford showed what is possible when planning bureaucracy is streamlined. The same approach must now be applied city-wide.

3. Reform Local Planning Committees

London’s planning system is deeply politicised, with councillors often rejecting developments against professional advice. The Planning Reform Working Paper proposes reducing this discretion by moving towards a more objective, rules-based system.

Planning officers—not councillors—should have the final say on developments that meet zoning requirements.

Public consultation should be rebalanced, ensuring that pro-housing voices are heard just as much as objectors.

Councils that fail to meet housing targets should lose planning powers.

Too often, local planning decisions are driven by vocal anti-housing activists, rather than the needs of the broader community. This must change and include representative surveys, as recommended by Leeds Building Society and Public First, in particular when conducting local plan consultation.

Final Thoughts: The Time for Action Is Now

London’s housing crisis is a political choice. Some boroughs—Ealing, Brent, and Greenwich—have chosen to build the homes the city needs. Others—Westminster, Wandsworth, and Kensington & Chelsea—have chosen to block progress.

The question now is simple: will London finally fix its broken housing system, or will a handful of obstructionist councils continue to sabotage its future?

The choice is clear. If these boroughs refuse to do their job, the government must take action. London cannot afford more excuses. We must build—and we must do it now.


Christopher Worrall is a housing columnist for LFF. He is on the Executive Committee of the Labour Housing Group, Co-Host of the Priced Out Podcast, and Chair of the Local Government and Housing Member Policy Group of the Fabian Society.

Thursday, February 20, 2025

Congo, Jazz & the CIA: Oscar-Nominated “Soundtrack to a Coup d’Etat” Revisits Lumumba Assassination
February 18, 2025
Source: Democracy Now!

The Oscar-nominated documentary Soundtrack to a Coup d’Etat recounts the events leading up to Black American jazz musicians Abbey Lincoln and Max Roach’s 1961 protest at the United Nations of the CIA-backed killing of Congolese leader Patrice Lumumba. The first prime minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Lumumba was an icon of the pan-African and anti-colonial movements. He was tortured and killed shortly after the formation of the first government of independent Congo following a military coup supported by Belgium, the United States and powerful mining interests. Soundtrack to a Coup d’Etat’s Belgian director Johan Grimonprez explains that Lumumba’s assassination was “the ground zero of how the West was about to deal with the riches of the African continent.”




How the West Destroyed Congo’s Hopes for Independence

In 1960, Patrice Lumumba became the prime minister of newly independent Congo. His close ally Andrée Blouin describes how Belgium and the US conspired to oust Lumumba and impose Mobutu’s kleptocratic dictatorship on the Congolese people.
February 17, 2025
Source: Jacobin


Portrait of Patrice Lumumba | Image by Gary Stevens/Flickr

Andrée Blouin (1921–1986) was a central figure in the struggles for decolonization that swept Africa in the 1950s and ’60s, nicknamed “the Black Pasionaria.” Born under French colonial rule in what is now the Central African Republic, she became active in the independence struggles of several African countries. In this extract from her memoir, My Country, Africa, now available from Verso Books, she discusses the challenges faced by Patrice Lumumba, Congo’s first prime minister, for whom she worked before he was overthrown in a US-backed military coup and later murdered.

The burden that Patrice Lumumba, prime minister of the Republic of the Congo, assumed was an awesome one. On his young, slim shoulders — he was then thirty-four years old — rested the heavy weight of a country of six provinces containing 14 million souls speaking three principal languages — Lingala, Swahili, and Kikongo — and an uncounted number of dialects.

He inherited a scene set for disaster. Government officials and businesspeople were resigning. People in the professions were leaving en masse. The Belgians had not trained replacements. There were few people in any field who were capable of taking responsibility. The workforce was made up only of copying clerks, blue-collar workers, and laborers. The most basic services began to go to pieces. As the Belgians had hoped.

In Léopoldville, on the eve of independence, out of a population of 350,000, there were at least 100,000 unemployed. This number was to swell “miraculously” at the proclamation of independence, and the people demanded “work and a good salary, at once.” How was the new government to wave a magic wand and, within two days after the proclamation, find a solution for the catastrophe that the Belgians had been preparing for eighty years?
Mortal Wounds

Before June 30, the Congo was already mortally wounded. First there had been the divisive personal and political rivalries, then the tribal conflicts, and then the demonstrations of the unemployed. Finally, on July 5, it was the army’s turn to add to the country’s calamities. The Congolese soldiers refused to obey any longer the commands of their Belgian officers. They mutinied.

The chief source of their fury was the rule that the highest rank that a Congolese could hold in the army at that time, after fifteen years of service, was sergeant, or first sergeant. A few months earlier, at the Belgians’ Round Table, Patrice Lumumba had raised the “serious problem” of the Africanization of the army’s upper echelons.The burden that Patrice Lumumba, prime minister of the Republic of the Congo, assumed was an awesome one.

A Belgian, General [Émile] Janssens, in particular, was detested by his Congolese troops. Scornfully, he had announced that he had “thrown out independence.” “That,” he said, was “for the civilized.”

With a ferocity that accurately reflected what they’d learned from the Belgians, the army went into revolt. Congolese blood was spilled as the men turned against their officers. The Belgians’ reprisals greatly resembled techniques of the Nazis, by whom they had been trained. Lumumba tried to halt the riots, making personal appeals to each side for calm and reason.

The ship of state was listing dangerously as bad news continued to pile up everywhere. On July 4, I was in Conakry [in Guinea] when I received the prime minister’s telegram asking me to return to the Congo. On July 8, I was back in Leo with my friends.
Lighting the Power Keg

At the airport, the Belgian police were still on duty. When I arrived, the man who examined my passport said to me in an aggressive tone, “You’ve been expelled from the Congo. You can’t come back.”

Georges Grenfell, a minister of state and member of Lumumba’s MNC [Congolese National Movement], was beside me. He had been sent to Ghana to take part in the festivities there for the proclamation of the republic. We sat together on the plane after he boarded at Accra, and now he interceded for me.The ship of state was listing dangerously as bad news continued to pile up everywhere.

“Are you still trying to make the law here? Where do you think you are, in Belgium? This is the independent Republic of the Congo. In-de-pen-dent, you understand? Yes, this woman was expelled, but the new government of the Congo has brought her back. Does that displease you? Hand me the phone.”

The Belgian police officer hesitated, marking time. “Whom do you wish to phone?” “The prime minister, Patrice Lumumba.” “And your name?” “State minister Grenfell.” The police officer was perplexed. “Has no one come to meet you?” “Perhaps they did. But the plane was eight hours late, you know.”

He let us pass. We took the aviation company’s car and arrived at Leo just at curfew. Lumumba received me with open arms and these words: “You’re eight days late! Have you heard the news?”

“That the army revolted? Yes, I heard it in Dakar. From Modibo Keïta. Tell me . . . what happened?”

“It was General Janssens’s statement that lit the powder keg. The men just couldn’t bear it any longer. They had been working for starvation wages as it was. The idea that they would continue to be commanded by the Belgian officers was simply intolerable.”

“And at this time!”

“The men had been taught to shoot. Even their own brothers. And they had arms and ammunition. So they took their revenge wherever they could find it. On the Congolese population as well as on the Europeans. The revolt spread through the city blindly, like a disease. It has been terrible.”

“And now? How are things now?”

“As of today, they are a little better. I spent the day talking to the soldiers, with [Congolese president Joseph] Kasavubu. We managed to calm them. Camp Leopold has been quiet ever since.”
Defying Fate

Patrice seemed exhausted. Still, he had the courage to laugh as he spoke to me, that laugh that was the trademark of his hope and idealism. In spite of everything, he laughed, to defy fate.

“And you?” he asked me. “What news have you?” “In Guinea I saw President Sékou Touré, and [Kwame] Nkrumah. I asked them to give us technical help.”

The news of the revolt was frightening. But the Belgian press made it even worse than it was, aggravating the situation so as to justify the Belgians’ sending parachutists to establish order. The first act of these Belgian troops was to disarm the Congolese soldiers. This happened on the very evening that Moïse Tshombe announced the secession of Katanga. It was a reconquest, pure and simple.

In Léopoldville, the Belgian paras, in combat clothes, took control everywhere. Machine guns were stationed at the crossroads. Radio-controlled jeeps blocked the major boulevards. N’djili Airport was surrounded by the paras to assure the evacuation of the Europeans who, baggage in hand, were fleeing for Belgium.

There was a fantastic traffic on the beach too, where boats were rented by whites fleeing to Brazzaville, to [Congo-Brazzaville leader Fulbert] Youlou’s great profit. The panic in this exodus was terrible to behold. Hundreds of cars were abandoned in the streets, giving a terribly sad appearance to this city, which was armed like a fortress.

If the Congolese mistreated the Belgians, it was often to try to keep them from leaving the Congo. They did not want the whites to go. Throughout the country, there was the revolting spectacle of violence and woes of every kind.The word ‘macaque’ (a species of monkey) was used as an epithet for blacks by the Europeans, even by the children.

Hate breeds hate. The word “macaque” (a species of monkey) was used as an epithet for blacks by the Europeans, even by the children. And the Congolese thought that the word “Falamand,” a corruption of “Flamand” (Flemish), said with terrible scorn, was the supreme insult.

At N’djili Airport there were incidents between the blacks who worked there and the Europeans who were fleeing. Several Congolese were killed. General Janssens declared, “This will teach a lesson to those who were lucky enough to escape our bullets. If they don’t shut up, we are ready to begin the sport again.”
Katanga’s Secession

The Assembly of Deputies tried to find a means of regaining control of the country, but found itself paralyzed. With the secession of Katanga, the Belgians’ plan for keeping control of their economic interests in the Congo moved ahead with diabolic success.

The idea of Katanga as a separate republic was really like a vulgar caricature of a ministate in an operetta. The Belgians were quite serious about it, however, as they saw in the secession a means of escaping the nationalization of Katanga’s rich mines. It would also, the Belgians believed, draw other provinces with tribal aspirations into secession after it.

Thus Belgium would officially let go of the Congo, whose enormous needs and continued indebtedness, aggravated by the flight of capital and the repatriation of the gold and credit reserves, had put it in the red for a long time. But it would keep the prize, Katanga, and through its secession [Belgium] hoped also to gain later the other two useful provinces of Kasai and Kivu.With the secession of Katanga, the Belgians’ plan for keeping control of their economic interests in the Congo moved ahead with diabolic success.

I cannot speak of Katanga without mentioning its extraordinary reservoir of minerals, as yet hardly touched: gold, cobalt, chrome, platinum, pewter, industrial diamonds, diamonds for jewelry, manganese, nickel, rare metal, uranium, asbestos, lead, tungsten, and germanium. Above all, Katanga produced copper, about 350,000 tons a year, from a vein three hundred kilometers wide of the purest copper ever found.

The Congo was only in the fifteenth day of its sovereignty when the president, Kasavubu, and the prime minister, Lumumba, decided to make a tour through the country to calm the people and find a solution to the many problems that had hit the young nation so hard.

Tirelessly Lumumba mounted the platform, speaking to the people. Often he used demagogic language. It was the lesser of the evils. This was a race against the clock. He had to avert the ruin into which the country was plunging.

When the presidential plane returned to N’djili Airport near Léopoldville at the end of the tour, the Belgian ambassador refused to give Lumumba and the chief of state the honors of arrival, on the pretext that he wanted to avoid any provocation of disorder among the Belgian refugees who were waiting at the airport to leave. There was, in fact, a scandalous scene.

One of the Belgians pulled the prime minister’s beard and slapped him. “President of monkeys,” the European women screamed at the top of their voices. “We will come back.” “Bastard . . . murderer . . . son of a bitch . . .” Others spat in his face.

Lumumba remained dignified. He always was and always would be dignified. When I heard of this disgraceful event, I asked myself who the savages in this case were: Were they in the skins of the blacks, or the whites?

***

Lumumba’s victory was ephemeral, and he knew it. Soon after this, there was to appear in the halls of power the sinister figure chosen earlier by Belgium and the United States to replace him: Mobutu.

Like the secession of Katanga, carried out by Tshombe, the takeover of the Congo by Mobutu had been prepared at the Round Table. It was with the treachery of these two creatures that the Congo’s ruin was prepared.

Mobutu, an army sergeant and member of the MNC, was a minister without portfolio in Lumumba’s government. After the army’s revolt, Lumumba made him a colonel. His earlier activities, I learned later, had included being a spy for both the Belgian intelligence and the US Central Intelligence Agency.Like the secession of Katanga, carried out by Tshombe, the takeover of the Congo by Mobutu had been prepared at the Round Table.

It was not enough that Lumumba had the Belgian government and all its unscrupulous maneuvers to deal with. The young state, because of its riches and its evident weakness, also became the pawn of the two giants of politics, the East and the West. The echoes of the Cold War found a new sounding board in the Congo, this bastion of international trusts. Here, communism and capitalism faced one another like the rhinoceros and the elephant.

The fabulous Union Minière, it should be pointed out, was controlled by three groups of stockholders: the Belgian corporation, the special Board of Katanga, and an Anglo-American company, Oppenheim de Beers, through the intermediary of the Tanganyika Concession Ltd.

Firmly supported by his two principal backers and sure of the complicity of the United Nations, Mobutu carried off his coup d’état of September 14, after buying, with millions of francs, acquiescence to his rise to power. The theme of his right to the takeover, the hook with which he insured the cooperation of the West, was anti-communism. Because of him, many Congolese died, including its own best son. It is true that copper has the color of blood and mud.

The days that followed Mobutu’s seizing of power were like a modern apocalypse. The Congo was on the edge of madness. Kasavubu had at least pretended to conform to the constitutional laws drawn up by Belgian lawyers. Mobutu made no such pretenses. Democracy was completely overthrown and replaced by a military dictatorship.

The National Assembly was closed by Mobutu’s orders and rigorously guarded by soldiers. The last session of the assembly was the one in which Lumumba had been confirmed. The casques bleus prevented Lumumba from speaking to the people on the radio. [Justin] Bomboko, minister of foreign affairs, produced a crop of freshly milled young Congolese technocrats who acted as the “shock troops,” appearing everywhere to justify Mobutu’s takeover.

Bomboko was, at that moment, a man to be reckoned with. In a press conference the morning before the coup d’état, he announced the measures deemed necessary to prevent communist penetration in the Congo. These measures involved the expulsion of certain undesirable elements: the Ghanaian and Guinean contingents, the Egyptians, Félix Moumié, a Cameroon leader, and . . . Madame Blouin.
Lumumba’s Calvary

When the order for my expulsion was announced on the radio, my mother was stricken by a heart attack. She was hospitalized immediately.

I was supposed to leave the city within twenty-four hours, but Joséphine’s condition was so serious that I phoned Mobutu to tell him that I could not leave her in such a critical state. He informed me that an order for my arrest had been issued by the chief of state, Kasavubu, and sent to him for execution. But he would allow me another forty-eight hours.

[Antoine] Gizenga was arrested and placed in an underground prison twenty-five kilometers from Leo. Hearing of this, the Moupende warriors, the most fearsome in the Congo, prepared to liberate their chief. They sent warning telegrams to Mobutu: “If Gizenga is not released tomorrow, all the missionaries and Europeans of Kwilu will be killed.” Gizenga was released instead of being transferred, as planned, to Katanga, where he would of course have been put to death.Lumumba’s calvary began with Mobutu’s takeover. From then on, the conspiracies against him were carried on openly.

Lumumba’s calvary began with Mobutu’s takeover. From then on, the conspiracies against him were carried on openly. Each day, Kasavubu crossed the river to Brazzaville to consult with Youlou and the Belgian embassy there on decisions for the young republic.

Lumumba knew that his life was in the hands of Mobutu. Fearing Mobutu’s intentions, he put himself under the protection of the United Nations, which stationed guards around his residence. But Mobutu’s troops, with machine guns, also encircled the residence of Lumumba.

It was then that I remembered an appeal that Lumumba, heartbroken, had made on the radio, to the people one day:

My Congolese brothers! You’re selling your country for a glass of beer! A tragedy is engulfing our country, and the dancing continues at the Cité Congolaise. Léopoldville is a cheap cabaret where the people think only of their pleasures — dancing and beer.

The Congo was sinking, the Congo was dying, and the best of its children was soon to be assassinated. Still the Congo danced. Perhaps the heart was less festive, but the dancing did not stop. Before the curfew, around the crates of beer, the Congo danced. Cut off in his residence, Patrice Lumumba lived his last days with courage and daring.


Andrée Blouin
 (1921–1986) was a central figure in the struggles for decolonization that swept Africa in the 1950s and ’60s.

Thursday, February 06, 2025

UK's Grenfell Tower to be demolished after 2017 disaster

The UK government has decided to demolish Grenfell Tower, the site of Britain’s deadliest residential fire since World War II, sparking outrage among survivors.

The New Arab Staff & Agencies
06 February, 2025


London's Grenfell Tower was the scene of Britain's worst residential fire since World War II [Getty]


London's Grenfell Tower - scene of Britain's worst residential fire since World War II - is set to be demolished seven years after 72 people died in a blaze there, survivors and families of victims said Thursday.

Housing Secretary and Deputy Prime Minister Angela Rayner "announced her decision about Grenfell Tower to a room full of survivors and next of kin" Wednesday, Grenfell Next of Kin, which represents some families, said in a statement on X.

The decision comes more than seven years after an inferno destroyed the 24-storey block in west London, with the fire, which started in a faulty freezer, spreading rapidly due to highly combustible cladding fixed to the building's exterior.

Rayner will communicate "her decision on the future of the Grenfell Tower" to the bereaved and survivors before making an official announcement, a spokesperson for the housing ministry said.

"This is a deeply personal matter for all those affected, and the deputy prime minister is committed to keeping their voice at the heart of this."

Grenfell United, which represents some of the survivors and families, slammed the decision as "disgraceful" and said victims were ignored by the "short" consultation.

"Today's meeting showed just how upset bereaved and survivors are about not having their views heard or considered in this decision," Grenfell United said on X.

"Ignoring the voices of the bereaved on the future of our loved one's gravesite is disgraceful and unforgivable."

However, Grenfell Next of Kin said it was a "sensitive decision" which "came after a thorough engagement process" and was informed by "safety concerns" surrounding the structural integrity of the scaffolded remains of the building.
Related

Grenfell inquiry: Families of UK fire victims seek prosecutions


'Out of sight and mind'


Emma O'Connor, a survivor of the blaze, warned the demolition could put the disaster "out of sight and mind".

"To me, it just seems like if it's out of sight, it's definitely out of mind for the people that are actually responsible for the lack of respect to human beings," O'Connor told BBC radio.

"We understand that it's unsafe, but if it's out of sight it will definitely be out of mind."

An inquiry report last year found the 72 deaths were "all avoidable" and blamed the "systematic dishonesty" of building firms.

Since the inquiry and report, which also revealed decades-long government and regulatory failures, victims groups have criticised the government for failing to implement fire safety recommendations swiftly enough.


Families have also condemned the delay in bringing criminal charges against those blamed for the disaster in the inquiry.

The housing ministry spokesperson could not confirm to AFP any details of the decision or when it might be announced, after reports that it could come on Friday.

Tuesday, December 31, 2024

UK
LABOUR PARTY

A Year of Descent, Part Two

DECEMBER 29, 2024

Mike Phipps concludes his review of 2024.

July

The newly elected government’s honeymoon did not last long, either within the Party or the country. Within three weeks of the general election, seven left wing MPs were suspended from the parliamentary Party after voting against the government on the two-child benefit cap.

John McDonnell MP was joined in the rebellion by Apsana Begum MP, Richard Burgon MP, Ian Byrne MP, Imran Hussain MP, Rebecca Long-Bailey MP and Zarah Sultana MP. 42 other Labour MPs abstained.

 A few days later, Chancellor Rachel Reeves announced she was scrapping the cap on social care charges for older people and making big cuts to infrastructure projects, in an attempt to plug an apparently ‘unforeseen’ £22 bn hole in public spending inherited from the outgoing Conservative government.

But the biggest shock was the end of universal winter fuel payments to pensioners. An estimated 800,000 pensioners on low incomes would now be ineligible for the benefit. Applying for a means-tested benefit on a 50-page form already deters around 30% of pensioners eligible for pension credit from accessing it.

When the measure was forced through Parliament, half a dozen Labour MPs bravely voted against and there were dozens of abstentions. In the autumn, Labour Party Conference would also voice its opposition – all this against a backdrop of an average increase in energy bills by almost £150 after Ofgem raised the price cap by 10%.

August

The month of August saw far right riots sweep the country, the blowback from the long-standing demonisation of migrants by the previous Tory government – and a Labour Opposition that complained it was not being tough enough in dealing with ‘the problem’.

The mobilisation of thousands on the streets against the threat of fascism was not matched by any such response from the political elite. A few months later, seemingly oblivious to the use of reckless rhetoric, Keir Starmer  accused the previous government of running an “open borders” approach to immigration and announced a new crackdown.

September

The Enquiry into the Grenfell Tower fire disaster was finally published. Among the damning findings: the Government was warned 25 years before the disaster struck about the dangers of cladding, which fire tests had proved to be dangerous, but had ignored the risks; the privatisation of the Building Research Establishment, set up 100 years ago to help deliver quality standards for the construction industry,  became exposed to “unscrupulous product manufacturers.”; dangers were deliberately concealed by those who made and sold the cladding; Kensington Council showed “indifference”, with Grenfell’s refit poorly managed by contractors and the Council’s Tenant Management Organisation, leading to a breakdown in trust with residents, and showed a “persistent indifference” to fire safety.

“Grenfell is simply explained: firms chased profits, ministers sat on their hands, innocents paid with their lives,” wrote Peter Apps in the Guardian.

Meanwhile, political sleaze, one of the key factors that damaged the Conservatives, began to hit the new government. After days of criticism, Keir Starmer was forced to announce that he and senior colleagues would stop taking free gifts from wealthy donors.

Less noticed but more serious, was the revelation that Labour had received a £4 million donation from a Cayman Islands-registered hedge fund with shares worth hundreds of millions of pounds in fossil fuels, private health firms, arms manufacturers and asset managers.

October

One hundred days into his premiership, Keir Starmer’s approval ratings were in freefall, down 45 points since the general election, with only 18% of people surveyed approving of his government.

The removal of the independent-minded Sue Gray from the corridors of power by Keir Starmer’s factional staffers was the latest ‘bad look’ for a government trying desperately to control the narrative. John McDonnell MP tweeted: “We’re facing the potential of a war setting the Middle East alight, already thousands are being killed in Lebanon, and what is the focus of the boys around Keir Starmer’s office, carving up Sue Gray and grabbing her job and salary. Words fail me.”

More ‘tough decisions’ – or unnecessary unpopular choices – lay ahead. The government announced that the bus fare cap in England would rise from £2 to £3 at the end of 2024. Labour’s former Director of Policy Andrew Fisher slammed the decision as “Bad for people’s living standards. Bad for local businesses. Bad for the environment. And deeply unpopular too.” 

This was followed by Labour’s supposedly ground-breaking budget. Many at the time saw this as a missed opportunity and the subsequent flat-lining of the economy and absence of growth seemed to bear out this analysis.

November

The international picture too gave scant grounds for optimism in 2024. Israel’s genocidal war on the Palestinians was extended into Lebanon and Syria. The late withdrawal of an incoherent President Biden from the US presidential election and the failure of Kamala Harris to offer anything of substance to working class voters permitted the re-election of the extreme right Donald Trump.

As one analyst noted, “Kamala Harris didn’t have to start her campaign by distancing herself from her past support for Medicare for All. She didn’t have to answer the most obvious question of all time (how she would be different from the unpopular incumbent president) by saying that nothing came to mind. She didn’t have to end it by spending weeks bragging about being supported by a universally despised war criminal. [Dick Cheney]. And she didn’t have to hand a staggering victory to Donald Trump.”

The Russian onslaught against Ukraine ground on, with a change at the White House suggesting that the Ukrainians may be placed under increased pressure to make unacceptable concessions to its imperialist neighbour.

Among the slim rays of hope was the overthrow of the murderous Assad regime in Syria. However, the long absence of democratic pluralism in that country together with the agendas of Western powers, not least Turkey, must make one fearful for the future – particularly for the Kurds.

Back in the UK, one of the few half-radical members of the Cabinet, Transport Secretary Louise Haigh, was removed by Starmer’s factional enforcers on the spurious grounds of failing to reveal a minor conviction for fraud – accidentally reporting a mobile phone as stolen after she was  mugged, when it wasn’t – which Starmer knew about when he appointed her to the Shadow Cabinet. Many saw the sacking as a manoeuvre to replace her with someone who would be far more cautious on rail renationalisation.

December

The year ended with another spectacular but unnecessary own goal by the government. Six years after Labour MPs gave a standing ovation to a Waspi women protest in Parliament, Secretary of State Liz Kendall decided to deny compensation to up to 3.8 million women affected by changes in the women’s state pension age. The decision provoked a furious reaction. especially from Labour MPs.

Two days later, the water regulator Ofwat announced it was permitting huge hikes in water bills. Later it emerged that water companies had deliberately diverted funds earmarked for cleaning up environmental damage they had caused towards executive bonuses and shareholders’ dividends.

Conclusion

Entering office, Labour faced a threefold crisis in health, the climate emergency and  the cost of living. It is the latter which concerns most voters and on which the government is failing most miserably.

Small wonder that Labour is plummeting in the polls. Since July, Labour has lost a score of council by-election seats – and in recent weeks, the results have got shockingly worse. “No party has won such a huge parliamentary victory and seen their fortunes reverse as quickly,” noted one observer.

Top insider Simon Fletcher, who worked alongside Ed Miliband, Jermey Corbyn and Keir Starmer, noted on December  20th: “Last night in Dudley, Labour’s vote was down a massive 34.7 per cent in Brockmoor and Pensnett, pushing the party into third place behind a surging Reform – on 30.1 per cent – and the Tories who took the seat from Labour, up seven per cent to 35.4 per cent. And in Swale, Labour was down by over thirty points, smashed into third place behind Reform who took the seat from Labour with 33.9 per cent of the vote.”

Just six months after Labour won a landslide, he concluded, “there is now speculation that Labour’s poor performance may mean that Keir Starmer will not survive as Labour leader and prime minister into the next election.”

ITV pundit Robert Peston agreed: “Senior Labour figures and cabinet members are ‘talking openly’ about the prospect of Starmer not leading them into the next election.”

But the government’s woes are not fundamentally a problem with Keir Starmer’s personality. Owen Jones is completely right when he says that the government’s poor performance is not a personal failing of the Prime Minister so much as the collective bankruptcy of the narrow faction on which Keir Starmer has chosen to base himself.

If voters are dissatisfied with Labour, it’s because it has failed utterly to live up to its promise of change. Its failings on the two-child benefit limit, winter fuel payments and Waspi women are compounded by the absence of any strategy to help the 16m people living in poverty, to tackle corporate profiteering – since the pandemic, electricity and gas supply companies have increased their profit margins by 363% – or to challenge the corporate media discourse that demonises migrants, the disabled and the jobless and blames them for the country’s problems.

“In principle, Labour’s drift to the right can be checked by debate,” says Lord Prem Sikka, “but the leadership is authoritarian and has closed spaces for discussion.” With seven left wing MPs still without the whip, and internal Party bodies firmly under the domination of the leadership, it looks increasingly likely that the Party is losing the opportunity to rescue itself from the disaster it is facing.

Yet there is hope. As we have previously noted, “We can take heart from the fact that the conditions which produced the huge 2017 vote for Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour have not gone away – they have intensified. Radical ideas remain popular, precisely because of the magnitude of the crises.” Our task remains building the alliances that can promote and drive forward these ideas across the movement.

Mike Phipps’ book Don’t Stop Thinking About Tomorrow: The Labour Party after Jeremy Corbyn (OR Books, 2022) can be ordered here.

Image: https://www.flickr.com/photos/number10gov/54020189017/ Creator: Lauren Hurley / No 10 Downing St | Credit: Lauren Hurley / No 10 Downing St Copyright: Crown copyright. Licensed under the Open Government Licence Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 2.0 Generic CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 Deed

Monday, December 09, 2024


Grenfell: the avoidable tragedy

Alice Johnson, IBA Multimedia Journalist
INTERNATIONAL BAR ASSOCIATION
Monday 18 November 2024

The burnt out remains of the Grenfell apartment tower are seen in North Kensington, London, Britain, 18 June 2017. REUTERS/Neil Hall

Seven years on from the tragedy that saw 72 avoidable deaths, the judge-led inquiry has completed its reports. Global Insight assesses what went wrong, the lessons learnt and what needs to change.

Just before 1am on 14 June 2017, a fridge-freezer on the fourth floor of a 1950s-style council block in one of London’s wealthiest boroughs caught fire. Within minutes a blaze broke out through the kitchen window and ripped through the exterior of the building, quickly spreading into the homes of residents on higher floors. As a result, 72 people, including 18 children, died. The chair of a public inquiry into the disaster has since describe the deaths as ‘avoidable’.

The Grenfell Tower fire devastated a local community and left many unanswered questions. Theresa May, the then-prime minister, ordered a public inquiry into the disaster, led by retired Court of Appeal judge Sir Martin Moore-Bick, to examine its causes and the failings that turned a small flat fire into an inferno. Seven years after the UK government announced the inquiry its second and final report was published in September.

 

Whenever there’s a clash between corporate interest and public safety, governments have done everything they can to avoid their responsibilities to keep people safe

Grenfell United
Advocacy group for the families of victims

Grenfell United, an advocacy group made up of the families of victims and survivors of the fire, said in a statement that the report is ‘a significant chapter in the journey to truth, justice and change’ but that justice has not yet been delivered. ‘The inquiry report reveals that whenever there’s a clash between corporate interest and public safety, governments have done everything they can to avoid their responsibilities to keep people safe’, the group said. ‘The system isn’t broken, it was built this way.’

Seven years on, the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) is yet to make any charging decisions, and any trials are not expected until 2027.

Striking human rights impacts

The findings in the report are stark and raise serious human rights concerns that have already been identified in the events surrounding the fire. In 2019, the Equality and Human Rights Commission found – following a separate inquiry into the disaster – that the government and the Royal Borough of Kensington and Chelsea had violated the right to adequate housing and rights to life of residents, including by allowing Grenfell Tower to be wrapped in highly combustible materials and failing to make reasonable adjustments for the disabled and vulnerable groups, such as pregnant women and children, to escape in the event of an emergency. About 40 per cent of the building’s disabled or vulnerable residents died in the fire.

Human rights impacts do not explicitly feature in the limited scope Moore-Bick chose for the public inquiry, yet the report tells a story of decades of government indifference towards fire safety and a social housing system that ignored repeated complaints from residents about fire risks and ‘lost sight of the fact that the residents were people who depended on it for a safe and decent home and the privacy and dignity that a home should provide’.

REUTERS/Toby Melville

Person views dedications and messages on a wall of condolences near to the covered remains of Grenfell Tower, on the day of the publication of the second report of the UK public inquiry into the deadly 2017 Grenfell fire, in London, 4 September 2024. REUTERS/Toby Melville

Aoife Nolan, Professor of International Human Rights Law and Director of the University of Nottingham Human Rights Law Centre, says that despite the report not engaging with the language of human rights directly, breaches of the right to life, adequate housing and equality in the events surrounding the fire are obvious. ‘The human rights impacts are wide ranging […] you can take the report findings and map them straight on to a human rights framework and identify clear problems there’, she says.

In 2018 the then-UN Special Rapporteur on the right to adequate housing, Leilani Farha, visited the UK to meet the Grenfell community. She expressed concerns that the government may have breached international human rights standards on housing safety, and this could have been a factor in the outbreak of the fire. She asked the government to formally participate in the inquiry but was rejected.

Farha says it’s unfortunate that the UK government decided against using a human rights framework for the inquiry because it fits ‘squarely’ with understanding the events surrounding the fire and how to prevent similar horrors from occurring. ‘The final report is a thorough exposé of what happens when a system fails to take seriously the human right to housing’, she says.

Mark Stephens CBE, Co-Chair of the IBA Human Rights Institute, says that historically, public and commercial landlords haven’t thought about the human rights of residents when providing homes. He says the report may change behaviour but that the cost of raising standards will ultimately be passed down to the consumer.

In the report Moore-Bick describes the council’s immediate response to the fire as ‘muddled, slow’ with certain aspects demonstrating a ‘lack of respect for human decency and dignity’ with many feeling ‘abandoned by authority and utterly helpless’. Survivors and the bereaved weren’t told where to go on the night of the fire and many were placed in hotel rooms wholly unsuitable for them with no assurance about how long they could stay. A family of five was forced to stay in a room with only a double bed and some were distressingly placed on high floors.

Muslims could not access Halal food and people with particular social or religious needs suffered ‘a significant degree of discrimination’, Moore-Bick says. The inquiry, blaming time pressures, did not examine questions of potential discrimination in social housing policy, however. Despite submissions from lawyers acting for survivors and the bereaved stating that racism may have had a role in why a disproportionate amount of people who lived and therefore died in the Tower were from ethnic minority groups.

Imran Khan KC, who made such submissions, believes the inquiry let victims down by failing to examine whether prejudice towards race, class or disability caused residents to be placed in inadequate homes and impacted their treatment on the night of the fire. ‘When the inquiry started what we wanted them to look at is how it came to be that, in this rich country, this rich borough, there appeared to be a systemic problem in terms of discrimination’, he says.

 

The possibility of there being another Grenfell is there because there will be bad buildings, there will be people who will cut corners

Imran Khan KC

Khan believes that the inquiry missed a real opportunity to ensure a similar disaster to Grenfell never happens again. ‘The possibility of there being another Grenfell is there because there will be bad buildings, there will be people who will cut corners, and the people who will end up in the buildings will be people who are poorer and from different social backgrounds.’

Profit before people

The inquiry report paints a damning picture of a fraudulent and irresponsible construction industry, inadequately policed and enabled by a government that prioritised commercial interests over public safety. Moore-Bick says the companies that manufactured the deadly cladding and insulation used to refurbish Grenfell Tower before the fire engaged in ‘deliberate and sustained strategies to manipulate the testing process, misrepresent test data and mislead the market’.

Michael Mansfield KC, a human rights barrister who represents bereaved families affected by the fire, says that the anti-red tape agenda between 2010 and 2016 created an environment where corporate wrongdoing could flourish. ‘It was a situation in which respect of basic human rights were lost in a quagmire of profit before people’, he says.

Moore-Bick says in the report that decades before the Grenfell fire, the UK government had many opportunities to address the risks associated with combustible cladding. From 2010 onwards, wholesale deregulation – which aimed to boost economic growth – created an environment in which urgent fire safety matters were pushed aside. Moore-Bick says the government resisted repeated calls from the fire sector to amend inadequate building and fire safety rules while pushing a ‘one in, one out’ policy regarding regulations, later extended to ‘one in, three out’, to slash red tape for businesses.

Moore-Bick found that three manufacturing companies – Arconic, Celotex and Kingspan – exploited weak regulations to sell products for the refurbishment of Grenfell Tower that they knew were highly dangerous. He says they succeeded largely because safety inspectors and regulators were incompetent and more interested in keeping the companies as customers than holding them to account. The Building Research Establishment and British Board of Agrément – both private bodies – are heavily criticised in the report for prioritising commercial interests over independence and rigour. This resulted in the testing and certification of products later used on Grenfell Tower that were misleading and provided a false sense of security.

‘With Grenfell it’s hard to think of something that went right’, says Emma Hynes, a barrister specialising in construction matters who was counsel to the inquiry. ‘Everything in the building failed.’

Moore-Bick found that the plastic-filled cladding panels supplied by Arconic – which behaved like lighter fuel on the walls – were the main cause of the rapid fire spread. Hynes says she struggles to have sympathy for the manufacturers that sold materials they knew were life-threatening. ‘For them to put their products on the market as they did and to this day some of them hold their hands up and say: “don’t look at us, you all knew about this […]”; for me that is the most reprehensible thing.’

Shona Frame, a construction lawyer and Education Officer for the IBA Energy, Environment, Natural Resources and Infrastructure Law Section, says that since the Building Safety Act was introduced in 2022 to raise standards following the Grenfell fire, she has seen an enormous number of claims made against contractors, designers and others for historic fire safety defects. The Act allows parties to make claims for issues that occurred up to 30 years ago.

Hynes believes the Building Safety Act 2022 and changes to fire regulations since the Grenfell fire don’t go far enough in closing gaps and loopholes in the law for unscrupulous manufacturers. ‘It seems to me the most reprehensible are the manufacturers and although there are substantial rules coming in regarding construction products and how they should be regulated and managed, I don’t think it goes far enough’, she says.

Moore-Bick noted in the report that Approved Document B – statutory guidance for the construction industry on compliance with building regulations, including fire safety – still contains confusing language and doesn't provide the information needed to ensure that buildings are fire-safe.

The businesses named in the report have denied wrongdoing in relation to the fire. Arconic says its cladding was ‘legal to sell in the UK’ and rejects any claim it sold unsafe product. Celotex, who made most of the building’s insulation, says the cladding system described in its marketing literature for the use of its materials met safety requirements and was ‘substantially different to that used at Grenfell Tower’. Kingspan says it made about five per cent of the insulation and that its ‘historical failings’ were ‘not found to be causative of the tragedy’.

Moore-Bick says the Kensington and Chelsea Tenant Management Organisation (TMO) – the social landlord of Grenfell residents – was motivated by cost-cutting during the refurbishment and didn’t pay enough attention to fire safety. The report describes the TMO as having a ‘persistent indifference to fire safety, particularly the safety of vulnerable people’ and was considered by residents as a ‘bullying overlord that belittled and marginalised them’. Moore-Bick says the TMO ignored repeated complaints from residents and the London Fire Brigade about fire hazards within the building.

Mansfield says one tenant had warned the council about serious fire safety concerns a decade before the fire. ‘When they left the building that night, there were no contingency plans or fire drills’, he says. ‘Once you start thinking about it as a human right you begin to see how significant it really is.’

REUTERS/Toby Melville

Dedications and messages are seen on a wall of condolences near to the covered remains of Grenfell Tower, on the day of the publication of the second report of the UK public inquiry into the deadly 2017 Grenfell fire, in London, 4 September 2024. REUTERS/Toby Melville

The TMO – which no longer controls housing in the borough – said in a statement that it accepts the inquiry’s findings and is ‘deeply sorry’ for its role.

Moore-Bick also points out the shortcomings of the architect and building contractors involved in the Grenfell Tower refurbishment, accusing them of failing to check if materials used complied with regulations and being more concerned with cost than fire safety. ‘Everyone involved in the choice of the materials to be used in the external wall thought that responsibility for their suitability and safety lay with someone else’, he says.

Fifty-eight recommendations for change

The second and final inquiry report into the Grenfell Tower fire includes 58 recommendations for the construction industry, professionals and the government to prevent a similar disaster from happening again. The UK government said in September it would respond to the proposals within six months.

Moore-Bick outlines a clear framework for improving building safety and oversight of the government and construction industry. He describes the regulatory landscape at the time of the fire as ‘too complex and fragmented’. He says that the government should introduce a single independent body to regulate the construction industry which reports directly to the Secretary of State.

Frame says that a single regulator would be more efficient but require a huge surge in resources from the government. ‘The architecture for this organisation doesn’t exist, so there is an enormous task to be undertaken to put the structures in place in order to implement this’, she says.

Moore-Bick also wants the government to drive up fire safety standards by widening the definition of high-risk buildings in the Building Safety Act 2022 and amending Approved Document B to make it easier to understand. Further recommendations include a mandatory accreditation for fire risk assessors, a licencing regime for contractors and compulsory fire safety strategies for high-risk buildings.

Roberta Downey, Head of Vinson & Elkins’ International Construction Group, welcomes the recommendations but says that the UK government will need to carefully balance improving standards with the high cost of building safer homes. ‘I welcome of course the increasing qualifications required of people who are dealing with delivering high risk building developments and better regulation of supervision […] but I’m also realistic: if the regulation is too tight or too bureaucratic then there is a risk of disincentivising much and urgently needed affordable housing’, says Downey, who is also Co-Chair of the IBA Innovations Subcommittee of the IBA International Construction Projects Committee. ‘For example, fewer people actually wanting to apply for the licences to build these projects, the cost of them increases etc so projects don’t get built.’

The UK government has pledged to build 1.5 million affordable houses in the next five years. In a speech responding to the final inquiry report Prime Minister Keir Starmer issued an apology on behalf of the British state and said the homes his government has promised will be ‘safe, secure and built to the highest standards’.

In the final report, Moore-Bick also proposes better training and equipment for fire services and that the government further considers personal emergency evacuation plans for vulnerable people. Another recommendation is that the government is required to maintain a publicly accessible record of its progress in implementing recommendations from inquiries, committees or coroners, and detailed reasons for rejecting any of those recommendations.

Hynes says forcing the government to record its progress on implementing the recommendations would help significantly with holding elected officials accountable. ‘It is owed to them [the Grenfell community] that at least these recommendations are considered and if they are rejected, they are rejected in a transparent way; not rejected because large companies have a big voice in government’, she says.

Following the publication of the report the UK government agreed to a separate request from Grenfell United to ban the manufacturing companies accused of selling the deadly materials found on Grenfell Tower from receiving government contracts.

 

The history of regulation is the history of disaster

Emma Hynes
Counsel to the inquiry

Hynes worries, however, that there is a lack of strategic thinking by the UK government about building safety in general and what might be the next big danger. ‘The history of regulation is the history of disaster, and it may take a disaster or a near disaster for us to work out what the next one is’, she says.

Mansfield KC says that beyond the recommendations of the report there is still so much more for UK governments to do to prioritise public safety. He says a recent fire at a block of flats in Dagenham in August – a building that was still in the process of having its dangerous cladding removed – shows that the government still isn’t taking the human rights of residents seriously enough. ‘That principle still hasn’t hit the deck’, he says.

Following the Grenfell fire, the government announced a building safety programme including grants for the removal of dangerous cladding systems on high-rise residential buildings. A report published by the National Audit Office in November said up to 60 per cent of buildings in England with dangerous cladding have yet to be identified, while of the 4,771 buildings that had been identified, work had started on only half of them. The watchdog said the government isn’t on track to meet its target of removing all dangerous cladding by 2035.

Mansfield also believes that the seven-year long inquiry has delayed prosecution efforts against suspected culpable parties. The Metropolitan Police said in September it would need a further 12 to 18 months to examine the report ‘line by line’ before it can file evidence with the CPS. ‘You can order an inquiry to soft peddle, so it doesn’t prejudice the prosecution’, Mansfield KC says. ‘Police should have done the prosecution first and the inquiry should have been soft peddled.’

Khan says that what his clients want the most is somebody being held to account in a courtroom for the disaster. He says he doesn’t think the government is going to implement the recommendations. ‘I know that because there is a history of it and I’ve been here before’, he says. Khan acted for the family of Stephen Lawrence – a Black teenager killed in a racist attack by a gang of white men in 1993 – in the public inquiry into his murder. ‘With the final report you assume it is going to change society forever because you’ve spent a fortune and time and effort on it, but it doesn’t’, he says.

Khan believes the main benefit of public inquiries is that they change people’s perspectives on an issue. ‘Everyone knows Grenfell is shorthand for my building is unsafe; it empowers civil society and that I think is going to be a longer legacy than the recommendations.’

Alice Johnson is the IBA Multimedia Journalist and can be contacted at alice.johnson@int-bar.org