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Thursday, October 22, 2026

Iran Steps Up Pressure On Kurdish Opposition In Iraq



File photo of Kurdistan Freedom Party (PAK) militia members in Iraq.

 Photo Credit: Seth Frantzman, Wikimedia Commons


October 21, 2026

By VOA

Key Takeaways:

Iranian and Iraqi officials held talks on Monday in which Tehran claimed both sides agreed to relocate or hand over members of Iranian Kurdish opposition groups based in the Kurdistan Region, while Iraqi officials confirmed the meeting but made no mention of expulsion or extradition.

Representatives of groups such as the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran said they had received no official notification of any relocation decision, and analysts warned that handing members to Iran would raise legal and humanitarian concerns.

The conflicting accounts underscore Tehran’s continued influence over Iraqi political and security decisions through armed factions, even after the September completion of the U.S. force withdrawal from Iraq.

With a lull in the U.S. Iran conflict and the September completion of the withdrawal of American forces from Iraq, Iran appears to be increasing pressure on Iranian Kurdish opposition groups.

The actions against Kurdish groups based in Iraq’s autonomous Kurdistan Region are a test of Baghdad’s independence and analysts are warning Tehran retains considerable influence over Iraqi political decisions.

Iranian news agencies reported that Iraqi and Iranian officials agreed during talks on Monday to relocate members of Iranian Kurdish opposition groups from the Kurdistan Region. Iranian Ambassador to Iraq Mohammad Kazem al-Sadegh said Tuesday that both countries had agreed to expel groups Tehran describes as separatist terrorists or hand their members over to Iran.

Iraqi officials confirmed the meeting, attended by representatives of the Kurdistan Regional Government, but made no mention of an agreement to expel or extradite opposition members.

Iraq’s National Security Advisory Agency said the discussions, chaired by National Security Advisor Qassim Aboudi, focused on resolving outstanding issues under a bilateral security agreement.

The conflicting accounts highlight the political sensitivities surrounding Iranian Kurdish groups, which have maintained bases in northern Iraq for decades.

Hazhar Barnji, U.S. representative of the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran (KDPI), told VOA that the party had received no official notification of any relocation decision.

“To date, we have not received such official communication or indication from either the Iraqi federal government or the Kurdistan Regional Government,” Barnji said.

He said the party respected Iraqi sovereignty and international law, while its principal political activities remained focused on Iranian Kurdistan.

Tehran’s enduring influence


Washington-based Iraqi political figure Entifadh Qanbar said Iran’s influence over armed factions continued to constrain Baghdad’s decision-making despite American efforts to weaken Tehran’s regional reach.

“In reality, Iraq is currently governed by armed groups and the will of those forces,” Qanbar told VOA, arguing that Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi had little ability to restrain them.

“Iraq will not emerge from Tehran’s control unless a fundamental political change takes place,” he said.

Political analyst Isam Fayli told VOA that Tehran’s concerns extended beyond border security to fears that Kurdish opposition movements could gain broader support inside Iran and emerge as a more significant political challenge.

Fayli warned that Iraq handing opposition members to Iran could raise serious legal and humanitarian concerns. He suggested international assistance in finding safe resettlement arrangements, citing the relocation of members of the exiled Iranian opposition group Mujahedin-e Khalq.

Sheikh Ghaith al-Tamimi, head of the Iraqi Citizenship Project, said Iraq’s own history demonstrated the limitations of military approaches to Kurdish political demands.

He said Baghdad’s security cooperation with neighboring countries must respect constitutional and international obligations rather than become an instrument for settling another government’s political disputes.

The changing U.S. military presence, Tamimi argued, presents a crucial test of whether Iraqi institutions can make independent security decisions or remain vulnerable to foreign influence and powerful armed factions.

For Iranian Kurdish opposition groups, the immediate question is whether Tehran’s reported agreement with Baghdad will translate into concrete action, given that previous agreements between the two governments have failed to result in the expulsion of these groups from Iraqi Kurdistan.













Wednesday, October 21, 2026

Democrats Distance Themselves from Trans Rights




 October 20, 2026

A wave of anti-transgender legislation has appeared in statehouses across the country over the past few years. Now, transgender issues are a recurring topic on the 2026 midterm campaign trail.

As a scholar of LGBTQ+ politics and history, I’ve noticed surprising trends in how Democrats in key states like Texas and Ohio talk about policies focused on transgender people, as the party vies for control of Congress.

With a rise in anti-trans rhetoric from the White House, some Democrats are using similar messaging in an attempt to secure undecided voters. In my assessment, this approach could alienate moderates, progressives and LGBTQ+ people more broadly.

On the campaign trail

Democratic candidates have split sharply on transition-related care and inclusion in school sports.

In Massachusetts, Rep. Seth Moulton came out against transgender girls competing in school sports, just days after President Donald Trump’s victory in November 2024. But Sen. Ed Markey, Moulton’s primary opponent for the Senate seat, took the opposite approach, stating his unwavering support for transgender rights.

Markey polled ahead of Moulton throughout 2026 and won the primary by nearly 30 percentage points. Public opinion data shows that two-thirds of Democratic likely primary voters in Massachusetts said they would be less likely to back a candidate who opposes transgender rights.

Other Democrats, especially in Southern and Midwestern states, are taking a more conservative approach to transgender rights. In Texas, Democratic Senate nominee James Talarico has reversed his past support for transgender athletes.

Months after his March primary victory against Rep. Jasmine Crockett, Talarico said in a Fox News interview that he would “oppose trans athletes playing in girls’ sports if it endangers safety or fairness.”

According to scholars and media watchdog groups like GLAAD, appeals to “safety” and “fairness” are common anti-trans dog whistles that perpetuate misinformation about transgender athletes.

The shift has not resulted in a polling bump for Talarico in his race against Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton. Polls of likely voters from July to early September gave Talarico an average lead of 3.16 percentage points. Polls since mid-September put his average lead at 2.66 percentage points.

Competing campaign ads

Republican-aligned super PACs are also emphasizing transgender issues. Elon Musk’s America PAC has spent US$100 million on anti-trans ads in battleground states like Texas, Ohio and Alaska. Some of these ads feature people implied to be transgender women, though it is unclear whether they were actors or AI-generated.

With the prevalence of anti-trans ads, Democratic campaigns are responding in different ways. Some are veering to the right by mirroring GOP positions, like transgender exclusion from school sports.

Ohio offers clear examples of this gamble. In June, the state’s Democratic gubernatorial candidate, Amy Acton, made an anti-trans comment, referring to transgender girls as “boys.” This quickly drew criticism from statewide LGBTQ+ groups and community leaders.

In Ohio’s 9th congressional district, Rep. Marcy Kaptur’s campaign has run multiple anti-trans ads focusing on parental rights and transgender children in school sports, saying that the congresswoman voted to keep “transgender ideology” out of schools. The campaign also recently ran mailers with this message.

Kaptur’s county party condemned the ads, saying they were “disappointed and ashamed” of her campaign. When the state party’s Pride Caucus shared the county party’s statement on social media, the post was deleted. Pride Caucus members accused state party leadership of censorship; weeks later, transgender leaders from the caucus resigned in protest.

In contrast, former Sen. Sherrod Brown, who is running against Republican Sen. Jon Husted, has focused his campaign ads on affordability, data center regulations and the Epstein files without wavering on his support for transgender rights, as Acton and Kaptur have.

After a misleading super PAC ad about transgender healthcare from the GOP’s Senate Leadership Fund, Brown’s campaign released a counter ad correcting the claim before pivoting to affordability.

Days later, the same GOP super PAC released another ad targeting Brown. Reporting has confirmed that the ad, which features an adult from Texas rather than Ohio, is factually inaccurate and misleading.

Recent polling suggests Brown is outperforming his fellow Democrat Acton, who is running for governor, by 2 percentage points. While these polls don’t isolate the effect of a single issue, Acton has faced criticism from the public, in addition to state and national LGBTQ+ organizations.Control of Congress

Amid rising prices on fuel and food, upticks in unemployment and a national hiring slowdown, consumer confidence in the economy has dropped to its lowest point in over a decade. Nationally, many Democrats are trying to emphasize these points. To counter that message, some Republicans continue to emphasize “culture war” issues like transgender rights.

Currently, Democrats outperform Republicans on the generic congressional ballot – a polling tool that asks voters which party they’d back without naming candidates. But messaging on transgender rights may be a tipping point for midterm voters.

As a growing electorate of 12% of the U.S. adult population and with a voter turnout rate of roughly 80%, LGBTQ+ people are a strong voting bloc. Recent polling indicates that two-thirds of LGBTQ+ adults said they would be extremely to somewhat comfortable with trans athletes competing on sports teams that don’t match their sex at birth.

In battleground states, anti-trans messages could cost votes and spell defeat for Democrats who rely on them. The risk is especially high in states like Ohio and Texas, where races are close and LGBTQ+ adults are estimated to make up more than 11% of the adult population.

In Texas, Talarico’s lead could be undone by depressed turnout among the Lone Star State’s 2.24 million LGBTQ+ adults. In Ohio, home to roughly 883,000 LGBTQ+ adults, Acton’s gubernatorial race and Kaptur’s congressional district race are both statistical ties.

With control of Congress up for grabs, campaign messaging missteps could have national implications.The Conversation

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Dorian Rhea Debussy is a Lecturer of Women’s, Gender, and Sexuality Studies at The Ohio State University.