Showing posts sorted by relevance for query PALESTINIANS. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query PALESTINIANS. Sort by date Show all posts

Tuesday, May 25, 2021

Palestinians Are Dreaming of a Third Intifada

BYSERAJ ASSI
05.25.2021
JACOBIN

Rather than crushing their aspirations for freedom, Israeli brutality has united Palestinians more than in decades. Is a third intifada on the horizon?

A Palestinian man sells balloons in front of the rubble of the al-Shuruq building, destroyed by an Israeli air strike, on May 21, 2021, in Gaza City.(MAHMUD HAMS/AFP via Getty Images)

While Israel has finally halted its brutal bombing campaign in Gaza — which left hundreds of Palestinians dead and thousands displaced and homeless — the grim reality of life under Israeli occupation remains unchanged. The siege of Gaza, the rapid settlement expansion in the West Bank, the “apartheid wall” dividing Israel and the West Bank, the forced displacement of stateless Palestinians in Jerusalem, and the racist violence against Palestinian citizens in Israel all persist even as the bombs have gone quiet. On Monday, Mondoweiss reported that Israeli police are arresting Palestinians en masse in Israel and the occupied territory to “settle scores” following massive demonstrations.

But something crucial has changed. After two weeks of protest — including an unprecedented general strike across Palestine — it’s clear that a new movement of popular resistance has emerged and that Palestinians are more unified than in decades. This cross-border movement both echoes previous uprisings in Palestine and seeks to transcend them.

And nothing looms larger in the collective memory of Palestinians than the two intifadas.

The Two Intifadas


On December 9, 1987, near the Jabalia refugee camp in Gaza, an Israeli military truck crashed into a civilian car, killing four Palestinian workers, three of whom were from the camp. Demonstrations erupted at the Jabalia camp, during which Israeli army patrols fired on Palestinian protesters, killing dozens, including a seventeen-year-old girl who was shot in the head.

For the next six years, Palestinians revolted. The first intifada, or “uprising,” was a grand display of symbolic resistance. Israel, with all its military might, was rocked by the daily spectacle of Palestinian youths throwing rocks and Molotov cocktails at heavily armed Israeli soldiers. Images of Palestinian children facing down Israeli tanks with stones, slingshots, or bare hands shook the world. Boycotts, general strikes, and civil disobedience were used to contest occupation and dispossession.

The intifada was not, as Western media depicted it, a spontaneous uprising. Erupting just as Palestinians marked the twentieth anniversary of the Israeli occupation of Gaza and the West Bank, the uprising was led by a new generation of young Palestinians who grew up under the occupation and experienced its inhumanity up close.

By December 1987, some 2,200 armed Jewish settlers occupied nearly half of the Gaza Strip; 650,000 impoverished Palestinians were crowded into the remaining portion, rendering the Palestinian side of the Gaza Strip one of the most densely populated areas on Earth. The intifada was an uprising against a system that was, as one Israeli historian put it, “founded on brute force, repression and fear, collaboration and treachery, beatings and torture chambers, and daily intimidation, manipulation, and an all-prevailing sense of humiliation among Palestinians.”

Israel responded to the resistance with disproportionate force, deploying over eighty thousand soldiers, killing and wounding thousands of Palestinians (including children), and displacing even more. Israeli defense minister Yitzhak Rabin ordered his army to “break the bones of Palestinians” as part of Israel’s “Iron Fist” policy.

The “stones intifada,” as Palestinian hailed it, was not meant to defeat Israel but to show the world the inhumanity of the occupation — the beatings, shootings, killings, assassinations, curfews, military checkpoints, house demolitions, forced evictions and deportations, uprooting of trees, mass arrests, extended imprisonments, and detentions without trial. It was meant to force Israel to recognize Palestinians as a people with legitimate aspirations for freedom and dignity.

Still, the revolt was crushed mercilessly. Over the course of the uprising, the Jewish settler population in the West Bank more than doubled, opening a new chapter in Israel’s sweeping colonization of Palestine and Palestinian dispossession.

The intifada left lasting scars in Palestinians’ memory. Trapped in the iron cage created by Israel, and caught between Arab silence and international apathy, Palestinians were abandoned to their fate, and the prospect of a renewed Palestinian uprising became a distant mirage.

Until the second intifada.

On September 28, 2000, Israeli defense minister Ariel Sharon, heavily guarded by Israeli soldiers and policemen, staged a provocative visit to the al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem. Within hours, seven Palestinian protesters defending the holy site were killed by the security forces guarding Sharon.

The following day, Israeli soldiers shot dead twelve-year-old Muhammad al-Durrah in his father’s arms. On the fourth day, twelve Palestinians were felled by Israeli bullets, missiles, tanks, and helicopters.

Within days, the uprising spread all over Palestine and across Israel. The second intifada was underway.

Those who witnessed the failure of the Camp David Summit that summer, where Bill Clinton brought together Israeli prime minister Ehud Barak and Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat, were hardly surprised. For years, millions of disenchanted Palestinians had watched in dismay as Israel, in violation of its peace accord with the Palestinian Liberation Organization, reoccupied the West Bank, annexed East Jerusalem, and expanded its illegal settlements into Palestinian lands.

The intifada laid bare the futility of the so-called peace process. After a decade of negotiations, Palestinians came to realize that the road to freedom and liberation would come not through lavish hotels in Western capitals and negotiating tables but through popular resistance. And rather than mere statehood, their struggle was now for freedom, equality, and basic human rights — a struggle against occupation and apartheid.

The second intifada tore down the intercolonial boundaries demarcated by Israel, as Palestinians inside Israel revolted in solidarity with Palestinians across the border, staging mass protests and strikes and blocking major streets in cities like Haifa and Jaffa. Thirteen of those Palestinians were killed by the Israeli police — a brutal reminder that the promise of Palestinian “citizenship” was nothing but a mere political fiction.

The second intifada was more forceful in character than the first. In an attempt to compel Israel to cease its attacks against civilians and withdraw its forces from Palestinian territories, Palestinian groups, notably Hamas and Islamic Jihad, launched counterattacks inside Israel, including suicide attacks. Israel retaliated by launching attacks against Palestinian villages, towns, and cities, and embarked on a campaign of assassinations, targeting field operatives and political leaders of the intifada, including members of the Palestinian Authority.

Like the first intifada, the second intifada, or “the Aqsa intifada,” was crushed ruthlessly. In a five-year span, more than three thousand Palestinians were killed by Israeli forces, including a dozen Palestinian citizens of Israel, and more than ten thousand Palestinian children were wounded.

Palestinians emerged from the uprising with dashed aspirations for freedom and independence. Before the intifada had even been quelled, Israel had started building its apartheid wall — cutting deep into Palestinian territory in the West Bank and rewarding Jewish settlers with the annexed land.
The Next Intifada?

Today, the prospect of Palestinian statehood is virtually dead, thanks to Israel’s unceasing expansion into Palestinian land and the rapid proliferation of Jewish-only settlements in the West Bank and Jerusalem.

From the systemic disenfranchisement of Palestinian citizens inside the country to the constant displacement of Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza, from the daily oppression of those living behind its apartheid wall to the routine humiliation of those living under its apartheid laws — including the hundreds of thousands of Palestinians living in a stateless limbo in East Jerusalem — Israel continues to brazenly deny Palestinians their basic rights.

Yet rather than eliminating the movement for liberation, Israel’s brutality has begun to unite those subject to its oppressive whims. Palestinians are no longer accepting the segregationist apparatus invented by Israel — a multilayered apartheid system that seeks not only to segregate Palestinians from Jewish settlers but to divide Palestinians themselves into “West Bankers,” “Gazans,” “Israeli citizens,” “Jerusalemites,” and “refugees.” Today, Palestinians everywhere are beginning to stand as one people, united by a shared memory, shared destiny, shared sense of loss and oppression, and shared aspirations for freedom and justice.

As someone who lived through the first and second intifadas, the current protests hit me with a vivid sense of déjà vu. It’s as if every ten or twenty years so a new Palestinian generation rises up in revolt.

Perhaps a third intifada is on the horizon.


ABOUT THE AUTHOR                                                                                                                Seraj Assi is the author of The History and Politics of the Bedouin.

Tuesday, October 24, 2023

Israeli and Palestinian families should be welcomed to the UK like Ukrainians, say charities

Fiona Parker
Mon, 23 October 2023 

Palestinian children who have become refugees - Mustafa Hassona/Anadolu via Getty Images

Charities have urged the Government to treat Palestinian and Israeli families like Ukrainians and allow them into the UK.

Hundreds of Israeli families are estimated to have already fled to Britain following the Hamas terrorist attacks.

The Refugee Council warned hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced as a result of the conflict in Israel and Gaza.

The charity has now called on the Government to introduce an emergency family reunion scheme modelled on an arrangement which helped Ukrainians come to the UK.

Around 174,000 people have moved to the UK under the Ukraine Family Scheme and Ukraine Sponsorship Scheme as of May, according to Oxford University’s Migration Observatory.

Documents published by the Refugee Council detail how the proposed scheme would be open to all nationalities and those with a UK-based family member or travelling with someone with permission to enter the UK would be eligible.

“The UK Government should put in place an emergency family reunion scheme so people impacted by the conflict can join family members in the UK, building on the Ukraine Family Scheme,” the documents read.

The papers go on to say: “Under this scheme people would be given five years leave to remain, which can lead to settlement in the UK at the end of that period if the situation is ongoing.”

“The sponsor would be expected to support them.”


Palestinian women and children at a United Nations refugee agency Khan Yunis, Gaza - ABED ZAGOUT/GETTY IMAGES

Children at a UN base for Palestinian refugees in Gaza - Abed Zagout/Anadolu via Getty Images

Other proposals outlined in the documents include medical evacuation for those in need of medical care and an emergency protection visa for “anyone in Israel or Palestine impacted by the conflict”.

The charity suggests the package should form the basis of a model on how the Government responds to future crises.

Meanwhile, organisations such as Safe Passage International and Helen Bamber Foundation have backed the proposals, according to The Guardian.

Sharon Shochat, of Defend Israeli Democracy UK, estimates that hundreds of Israeli families are already being supported by Jewish organisations.

“It’s mainly people who have links to the UK, like family members,” she said. “They are planning to stay for weeks rather than months, but we don’t know what is going to happen, the situation could change.”

Ms Shochat also said that those who lived in kibbutzim which saw some of the worst atrocities may not ever be able to return to their communities.

“I think it’s going to be very difficult for many people to return, because they have experienced such trauma,” she added. “It’s going to be very difficult to go back to where that took place.”

David Simmonds, the MP for Ruislip, Northwood and Pinner in north-west London, represents a constituency that has one of the highest proportions of Jewish residents in the UK.

Last night, he told The Telegraph how he had heard from many residents who were personally affected by the terrorist attacks in Israel.


A picture taken from the southern Israeli city of Sderot on Monday shows rockets fired from the Gaza Strip towards Israel - JACK GUEZ/AFP

“With regular rocket attacks continuing, I am not surprised by reports that hundreds of families have already moved to join loved ones here in the UK temporarily.” he said.

“The Government’s work to secure regional stability is commendable, but in the meantime I urge Ministers to consider how we support the temporary resettlement of Israeli and Palestinian refugees looking to join their families in the UK.”

A Home Office spokesman said: “The UK is committed to supporting those directly from regions of conflict and instability.

“Since 2015 we have offered a safe and legal route to the UK to over half a million people seeking safety but our approach must be considered in the round, rather than on a crisis-by-crisis basis.”

As Israel readies troops for ground assault, Gaza awaits urgently needed aid from Egypt


KHAN YOUNIS, Gaza Strip (AP) — Israel pounded the Gaza Strip with airstrikes Thursday, including in the south where Palestinians were told to take refuge, as the Israeli defense minister ordered ground troops to prepare to see Gaza “from the inside”, though he didn’t indicate when the ground assault would begin.

Gaza’s overwhelmed hospitals tried to stretch out ebbing medical supplies and fuel for generators, as authorities worked out logistics for a desperately needed aid delivery from Egypt. Doctors in darkened wards across Gaza performed surgeries by the light of mobile phones and used vinegar to treat infected wounds.

Amid the violence, President Joe Biden pledged unwavering support for Israel’s security, “today and always,” while adding that the world “can’t ignore the humanity of innocent Palestinians” in the besieged Gaza Strip.

In an address Thursday night from the Oval office, hours after returning to Washington from an urgent visit to Israel, Biden drew a distinction between ordinary Palestinians and Hamas, the militant group that controls Gaza. He linked the current war in Gaza to the Russian invasion of Ukraine, saying Hamas and Russian President Vladimir Putin “both want to completely annihilate a neighboring democracy.”

Biden said he was sending an “urgent budget request” to Congress on Friday, to cover emergency military aid to both Israel and Ukraine.

Meanwhile, an unclassified U.S. intelligence assessment delivered to Congress estimated casualties in an explosion at a Gaza City hospital this week on the “low end” of 100 to 300 deaths. The death toll “still reflects a staggering loss of life,” U.S. intelligence officials said in the report, seen by The Associated Press. It said intelligence officials were still assessing the evidence and their casualty estimate may evolve.

Biden and other U.S. officials already have said that U.S. intelligence officials believe the explosion at al-Ahli Hospital was not caused by an Israeli airstrike. Thursday’s findings echoed that.

The Israeli military has relentlessly attacked Gaza in retaliation for the devastating Oct. 7 Hamas rampage in southern Israel. Even after Israel told Palestinians to evacuate the north of Gaza and flee south, strikes extended across the territory, heightening fears among the territory’s 2.3 million people that nowhere was safe.


Palestinian militants fired rockets into Israel from Gaza and Lebanon, and tensions flared in the Israeli-occupied West Bank.

In a fiery speech to Israeli infantry soldiers on the Gaza border, Defense Minister Yoav Gallant urged the forces to “get organized, be ready” to move in. Israel has massed tens of thousands of troops along the border.

“Whoever sees Gaza from afar now, will see it from the inside,” he said. “It might take a week, a month, two months until we destroy them,” he added, referring to Hamas.

Israel’s consent for Egypt to let in food, water and medicine provided the first possible opening in its seal of the territory. Many Gaza residents are down to one meal a day and drinking dirty water.

Egypt and Israel were still negotiating the entry of fuel for hospitals. Israeli military spokesman Rear Adm. Daniel Hagari said Hamas has stolen fuel from U.N. facilities and Israel wants assurances that won’t happen. The first trucks of aid were expected to go in Friday.

With the Egypt-Gaza border crossing in Rafah closed, the already dire conditions at Gaza’s second-largest hospital deteriorated further, said Dr. Mohammed Qandeel of Nasser Hospital in the southern town of Khan Younis. Power was shut off in most of the hospital and medical staff were using mobile phones for light.

At least 80 wounded civilians and 12 dead flooded into the hospital after witnesses said a strike hit a residential building in Khan Younis. Doctors had no choice but to leave two to die because there were no ventilators, Qandeel said.

“We can’t save more lives if this keeps happening,” he said.

The Gaza Health Ministry pleaded with gas stations to give fuel to hospitals and a U.N. agency donated some of its last fuel.

The agency’s donation to Gaza City’s Shifa Hospital, the territory’s largest, would “keep us going for another few hours,” hospital director Mohammed Abu Selmia said.

Al-Ahli Hospital was still recovering from Tuesday’s explosion, which remains a point of dispute between Hamas and Israel. Hamas quickly said an Israeli airstrike hit the hospital, which Israel denied. The AP has not independently verified any of the claims or evidence released by the parties.

The blast left body parts strewn on the hospital grounds, where crowds of Palestinians had clustered in hopes of escaping Israeli airstrikes. The U.S. assessment noted “only light structural damage,” with no impact crater visible.


Near al-Ahli, meanwhile, another explosion struck a Greek Orthodox church housing displaced Palestinians late Thursday, resulting in deaths and dozens of wounded. Abu Selmia, the Shifa Hospital director general, said dozens were hurt at the Church of Saint Porphyrios but could not give a precise death toll because bodies were buried under rubble.

Palestinian authorities blamed the blast on an Israeli airstrike, a claim that could not be independently verified. The Greek Orthodox Patriarchy of Jerusalem condemned the attack and said it would “not abandon its religious and humanitarian duty” to provide assistance.

The Gaza Health Ministry said 3,785 people have been killed in Gaza since the war began, the majority women, children and older adults. Nearly 12,500 were injured, and another 1,300 people were believed buried under rubble, authorities said.

More than 1,400 people in Israel have been killed, mostly civilians slain during Hamas’ deadly incursion. Roughly 200 others were abducted. The Israeli military said Thursday it had notified the families of 203 captives.

More than 1 million Palestinians, about half of Gaza’s population, have fled their homes in the north since Israel told them to evacuate, crowding into U.N.-run schools-turned-shelters or the homes of relatives.

For the first time since Israel captured Gaza from Egypt in 1967, a major tent camp arose to house displaced people. Dozens of U.N.-provided tents lined a dirt lot in Khan Younis.

The deal to get aid into Gaza through Rafah, the territory’s only connection to Egypt, remained fragile. Israel said the supplies could only go to civilians and that it would “thwart” any diversions by Hamas. Biden said the deliveries “will end” if Hamas takes any aid.

More than 200 trucks and some 3,000 tons of aid were positioned at or near Rafah, according to Khalid Zayed, the head of the Red Crescent for North Sinai.

Under an arrangement reached between the United Nations, Israel and Egypt, U.N. observers will inspect the trucks before entering Gaza. The U.N., working with the Egyptian and Palestinian Red Crescent, will ensure aid goes only to civilians, an Egyptian official and European diplomat told the AP. A U.N. flag will be raised on both sides of the crossing as a sign of protection against airstrikes, said the officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to brief media.


It was not immediately clear how much cargo the crossing could handle. Waleed Abu Omar, spokesperson for the Palestinian side, said work has not started to repair the road damaged by Israeli airstrikes.

Egyptian Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry told Al-Arabiya TV that foreigners and dual nationals would be allowed to leave Gaza once the crossing was opened.

Israel said it agreed to allow aid from Egypt because of a request by Biden — which followed days of intense talks with the U.S. secretary of state to overcome staunch Israeli refusal.

Israel had previously said it would let nothing into Gaza until Hamas freed the hostages taken from Israel. Relatives of some of the captives were furious over the aid announcement.

“The Israeli government pampers the murderers and kidnappers,” the Hostage and Missing Families Forum said.

The Israeli military said Thursday it killed a top Palestinian militant in Rafah and hit hundreds of targets across Gaza, including militant tunnel shafts, intelligence infrastructure and command centers. Palestinians have launched barrages of rockets at Israel since the fighting began.

Violence was also escalating in the West Bank, where Israel carried out a rare airstrike Thursday, targeting militants in the Nur Shams refugee camp.

Six Palestinians were killed, the Palestinian Health Ministry said, and the Israeli military said the strike killed militants and resulted in 10 Israeli officers being wounded. More than 74 Palestinians have been killed in the West Bank since the war started.
__
Nessman reported from Jerusalem and Kullab from Baghdad. Associated Press journalists Amy Teibel and Isabel Debre in Jerusalem; Samy Magdy and Jack Jeffrey in Cairo; Matthew Lee and Mary Clare Jalonick in Washington, and Ashraf Sweilam in el-Arish, Egypt, contributed to this report.

Copyright © 2023 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, written or redistributed.The Associated Press
October 19, 2023

Israel Palestinians Relatives mourn Palestinian boy Ali Abu Khazna, who was killed during an Israeli army raid on Nur Shams refugee camp, in a morgue in Tulkarem, West Bank, Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Majdi Mohammed)
AP Photo/Majdi Mohammed
I
srael Palestinians A Palestinian boy wounded in an Israeli army raid on Nur Shams refugee camp is brought to a hospital in Tulkarem, West Bank, on Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Majdi Mohammed)
AP Photo/Majdi Mohammed

Israel Palestinians Smoke rises from Nur Shams refugee camp during an Israeli military raid West Bank on Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Majdi Mohammed)
AP Photo/Majdi Mohammed
Palestinians Israel Palestinians evacuate wounded from a building destroyed in Israeli bombardment in Khan Younis, Gaza Strip, Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Fatima Shbair)
AP Photo/Fatima Shbair
Israel Palestinians Israeli soldiers listen to Israel's Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, during his visit to a staging area near the border with the Gaza Strip in southern Israel, Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Tsafrir Abayov)
AP Photo/Tsafrir Abayov

Israel Palestinians Palestinians try to salvage what they can of belongings from the rubble a destroyed building, following Israeli airstrikes on Gaza City, central Gaza Strip, Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Mohammed Dahman)
AP Photo/Mohammed Dahman

Israel Palestinians Palestinians carry the lifeless body of a man found inside a destroyed house following Israeli airstrikes on Gaza City, Thursday, Oct.19, 2023. (AP Photo/Abed Khaled)
AP Photo/Abed Khaled

Israel Palestinians Smoke rises during an Israeli military raid on Nur Shams, West Bank, on Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Majdi Mohammed)
AP Photo/Majdi Mohammed
Israel Palestinians A Palestinian boy wounded in an Israeli army raid on Nur Shams refugee camp is brought to a hospital in Tulkarem, West Bank, on Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Majdi Mohammed)
AP Photo/Majdi Mohammed
Israel Palestinians Palestinian children displaced by the Israeli bombardment of the Gaza Strip walk in a UNDP-provided tent camp in Khan Younis on Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Fatima Shbair)
AP Photo/Fatima Shbair
Palestinians Israel A Palestinian man holds the body of his nephew killed in the Israeli bombardment of the Gaza Strip, during his funeral in Khan Younis, Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Fatima Shbair)
AP Photo/Fatima Shbair
Israel Palestinians Israeli soldiers gather in a staging area near the border with Gaza Strip, in southern Israel, Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Tsafrir Abayov)
AP Photo/Tsafrir Abayov
Israel Palestinians The body of a dead Palestinian is found inside a destroyed house following Israeli airstrikes on Gaza City, Thursday, Oct.19, 2023. (AP Photo/Abed Khaled)
AP Photo/Abed Khaled
Israel Palestinians UNDP provided tens set up for Palestinians displaced by the Israeli bombardment of the Gaza Strip, are seen in Khan Younis on Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Ashraf Amra)
AP Photo/Ashraf Amra
Israel Palestinians Palestinians carry the lifeless body of a man found inside a destroyed house following Israeli airstrikes on Gaza City, Thursday, Oct.19, 2023. (AP Photo/Abed Khaled)
AP Photo/Abed Khaled
Israel Palestinians Israel flags hang in a soccer goal in a backyard of a home that came under attack during a massive Hamas invasion into Kibbutz Nir Oz, Israel, Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. The small farming community in the south of Israel was overrun by Hamas fighters from the nearby Gaza Strip who killed 1,400 Israelis and captured dozens of others on Oct. 7. (AP Photo/Francisco Seco)
AP Photo/Francisco Seco
Israel Palestinians Mourners take the last look at the Bodies of Ibrahim Awad, and Mohammad Fawaqa, not pictured, during their funeral in the West Bank city of Ramallah, Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. Awad was killed during clashes with Israeli settlers near his home village of Dura al-Qara' and Fawaqa was killed during an Israeli army raid in the village of Qebia, west of Ramallah, while two other Palestinians were killed during Israeli army raids early morning in the occupied West Bank, Palestinian ministry of health said. (AP Photo/Nasser Nasser)
AP Photo/Nasser Nasser
Israel Palestinians Smoke rises during an Israeli military raid on Nur Shams, West Bank, on Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Majdi Mohammed)
AP Photo/Majdi Mohammed
APTOPIX Israel Palestinians Israeli Iron Dome air defense system fires to intercept a rocket fired from the Gaza Strip, in Ashkelon, Israel, Thursday, Oct.19, 2023. (AP Photo/Tsafrir Abayov)
AP Photo/Tsafrir Abayov
Israel Palestinians Wounded Palestinians arrive at the al-Shifa hospital, following Israeli airstrikes on Gaza City, central Gaza Strip, Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Abed Khaled)
AP Photo/Abed Khaled
Israel Palestinians An Israel soldier gestures to passers-by as he drives a military vehicle near the border between Israel and Gaza Strip, Israel, Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Francisco Seco)
AP Photo/Francisco Seco
Israel Palestinians Wounded Palestinians arrive at the al-Shifa hospital, on a truck, following Israeli airstrikes on Gaza City, central Gaza Strip, Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Abed Khaled)
AP Photo/Abed Khaled
Israel Palestinians A damaged clock outside a home that came under attack during a massive Hamas invasion into Kibbutz Nir Oz, Israel, Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. The small farming community in the south of Israel was overrun by Hamas fighters from the nearby Gaza Strip who killed 1,400 Israelis and captured dozens of others on Oct. 7. (AP Photo/Francisco Seco)
AP Photo/Francisco Seco
Israel Palestinians Palestinians displaced by the Israeli bombardment of the Gaza Strip sit in a UNDP-provided tent camp in Khan Younis on Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Fatima Shbair)
AP Photo/Fatima Shbair
Israel Palestinians EDS NOTE: GRAPHIC CONTENT - Blood is seen splattered in a house following a massive Hamas militant attack in Kibbutz Nir Oz, Israel, Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. The small farming community in the south of Israeli was overrun by Hamas fighters from the nearby Gaza Strip who killed 1,400 Israelis and captured dozens of others on Oct. 7. (AP Photo/Francisco Seco)
AP Photo/Francisco Seco
Israel Palestinians Israeli military vehicles are seen during a raid on Nur Shams refugee camp in the West Bank on Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Majdi Mohammed)
AP Photo/Majdi Mohammed
Israel Palestinians A Palestinian boy wounded in an Israeli army raid on Nur Shams refugee camp is brought to a hospital in Tulkarem, West Bank, on Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Majdi Mohammed)
AP Photo/Majdi Mohammed
Israel Palestinians Mourners carry the Bodies of Ibrahim Awad, right, and Mohammad Fawaqa, during their funeral in the West Bank city of Ramallah, Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. Awad was killed during clashes with Israeli settlers near his home village of Dura al-Qara' and Fawaqa was killed during an Israeli army raid in the village of Qebia, west of Ramallah, while two other Palestinians were killed during Israeli army raids early morning in the occupied West Bank, Palestinian ministry of health said. (AP Photo/Nasser Nasser)
AP Photo/Nasser Nasser
Israel Palestinians Smoke rises following an Israeli airstrike in the Gaza Strip, as seen from southern Israel, Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Maya Alleruzzo)
AP Photo/Maya Alleruzzo
APTOPIX Palestinians Israel Palestinians evacuate wounded from a building destroyed in Israeli bombardment in Khan Younis, Gaza Strip, Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Fatima Shbair)
AP Photo/Fatima Shbair
Palestinians Israel Palestinians search for survivors from a building destroyed in Israeli bombardment in Khan Younis, Gaza Strip, Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Fatima Shbair)
AP Photo/Fatima Shbair
Israel Palestinians Smoke rises from destroyed buildings, following Israeli airstrikes on Gaza City, central Gaza Strip, Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Mohammed Dahman)
AP Photo/Mohammed Dahman
Israel Palestinians A Palestinian man carries a body found inside a destroyed house following Israeli airstrikes on Gaza City, Thursday, Oct.19, 2023. (AP Photo/Abed Khaled)
AP Photo/Abed Khaled
Israel Palestinians Israeli soldiers gather in a staging area near the border with Gaza Strip, in southern Israel, Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Tsafrir Abayov)
AP Photo/Tsafrir Abayov
Israel Palestinians Palestinians leave a partially destroyed building following Israeli airstrikes on Gaza City, central Gaza Strip, Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Mohammed Dahman)
AP Photo/Mohammed Dahman
APTOPIX Israel Palestinians Rockets are fired from the Gaza Strip toward Israel over destroyed buildings following Israeli airstrikes on Gaza City, central Gaza Strip, Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Mohammed Dahman)
AP Photo/Mohammed Dahman
Israel Palestinians Bodies of Palestinians killed during Israeli army raid on Nur Smas refugee camp are seen in a morgue in Tulkarem, West Bank, Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Majdi Mohammed)
AP Photo/Majdi Mohammed
APTOPIX Israel Palestinians EDS NOTE: GRAPHIC CONTENT - Blood is seen splattered in a child's room following a massive Hamas militant attack in Kibbutz Nir Oz, Israel, Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. The small farming community in the south of Israeli was overrun by Hamas fighters from the nearby Gaza Strip who killed 1,400 Israelis and captured dozens of others on Oct. 7. (AP Photo/Francisco Seco)
AP Photo/Francisco Seco
Israel Palestinians UNDP provided tens set up for Palestinians displaced by the Israeli bombardment of the Gaza Strip, are seen in Khan Younis on Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. (AP Photo/Ashraf Amra)
AP Photo/Ashraf Amra
Israel Palestinians Destroyed furniture and charred walls are seen in a home that came under attack during a massive Hamas invasion into Kibbutz Nir Oz, Israel, Thursday, Oct. 19, 2023. The small farming community in the south of Israel was overrun by Hamas fighters from the nearby Gaza Strip who killed 1,400 Israelis and captured dozens of others on Oct. 7. (AP Photo/Francisco Seco)
AP Photo/Francisco SecoNext(7/40)
P


Wednesday, March 13, 2024

How Israel Maintains Its Colonial Occupation

By Walid Habbas, Talia Baroncelli 
March 10, 2024
Source: The Analysis



Israel has expanded its role as an occupying power in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and Gaza Strip by building illegal settlements, establishing practices of indirect colonial management founded on military proclamations, and imposing checkpoints and blockades to control the livelihood of Palestinians since 1967 in particular. Walid Habbas, researcher at the Palestinian Forum for Israeli Studies (MADAR), zooms out from the current atrocities and applies a bird’s eye view to flesh out the dynamics of Israel’s occupation of the Palestinian Territories. Besides military deployments enforcing the occupation, Walid delves into Israel’s control of Palestinian industry and the various forms of economic dependency that emerge from it.


Transcript

Talia Baroncelli

Hi, I’m Talia Baroncelli, and you’re watching theAnalysis.news. You’re watching part one of my discussion with Walid Habbas. In part one, we’ll be discussing Israel’s colonial management of the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem and how this particular system emerged.

If you’d like to support us, we’d really appreciate for you to go to our website, theAnalysis.news, and to hit the donate button at the top right corner of the screen. Make sure you get onto our mailing list; that way, you’re always updated every time a new episode drops. Like and subscribe to the show, whether you watch it on YouTube or listen to the show on Apple or Spotify podcast. See you in a bit with Walid.

Joining me now is Walid Habbas. He is a researcher at the Palestinian Forum for Israeli Studies, and he’s also a Ph.D. candidate. He just submitted his Ph.D. thesis at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, where he’s been studying various economic relations between Israel and the West Bank, as well as the dynamics of oppression and occupation. I’m really excited to have you with me today, Walid.

Walid Habbas

Hi, Talia.
Talia Baroncelli

Why don’t we start off with the bigger picture, as many of our viewers will be aware of what’s going on on the ground? They’ve been following the atrocities that are taking place in Gaza and in the West Bank. But I think it’s really important to contextualize what’s happening and to look at the power dynamics that are currently at play. Your studies and your research have focused on these dynamics. What you talk about is a colonial system of management in the West Bank. Maybe you can elaborate on what you mean by that and how this colonial system, this Israeli colonial system in the West Bank, actually emerged.
Walid Habbas

Yes. It’s a colonial system in the occupied territories, which are the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and Jerusalem, all the territories that were captured in 1967. What happened in 1967 was that Israel invaded these territories and imposed a colonial regime. We frequently refer to this as a settler colonial regime, but we should zoom in, a big zoom in, on what that means. What is a settler colonial regime in the occupied region?

I can tell you that this regime is based on three pillars. Territorially, Israel wants to expand on the land. Israel wants to dispossess Palestinian lands in order to expand Jewish settlements. This is very obvious, especially in the West Bank and Jerusalem.

Demographically, Israel wants to exclude the Palestinians as non-citizens. This means that Palestinians, when Israel occupied these territories, there was a discussion on what to do with one million Palestinians. By then, there were only one million Palestinians. Israel doesn’t want to give Palestinians citizenship, Palestinians inside 1948 territories, and Israel doesn’t want to allow Palestinians to self-determine their destiny, which means to establish their state. This means that Israel wants to hold the Palestinians as non-citizens, and Israel was able to do this through a colonial management system. I will talk about this.

We talked about territorially, then demographically, the third pillar is the economy. In order for Israel to manage the Palestinians and pacify the Palestinians, it relied on this tool, creating economic dependency, which means allowing hundreds of thousands of Palestinians to work inside Israel. Palestinians rely economically on trade, on their income, and on the Israeli economy. This is used as a tool to manage the Palestinians and pacify them.

These are the three pillars of how we should understand the colonial regime since 1967. What we have here is a way in which Israel is controlling a growing number of Palestinians. In 1967, there were one million. Throughout the years, now we are talking about approximately 5 million Palestinians in the occupied territories. These Palestinians are to be managed through three overlapping policies.

First, Israel controls the Palestinians through an indirect colonial rule. This has been the way since 1967. Moshe Dayan, who was the Chief of the Military in 1967, said that we don’t want to make the same mistake the United States made in Vietnam. We should not directly control the Indigenous population. We need an indirect colonial rule. Whether it was the Villages League, if you remember in the late ’70s and early ’80s, or it was through international agreements like the Oslo Accords, regardless of the intentions of the Palestinians collaborating with Israel, this is not the discussion. The discussion is the bureaucracy. This is a bureaucratic regime in which the civil administration of the Palestinians is handled by Palestinians, and this administration or authority or whatever is connected to the military occupation. We are talking about the hierarchy of responsibilities.

The second thing that this regime made is that it is based on a spatial system of control. Space controls the population. Israel uses borders, uses administrative divisions like A, B, and C. One might think that this all started after Oslo, but it did not. It is since 1967. The way Gaza is spatially controlled is entirely different from the way the West Bank is spatially controlled. We have this matrix of tools in which Israel uses borders, territorial divisions, administrative divisions, economic borders, etc. Within this system, there is a permit regime that gives Israel tools on how to control the mobility of Palestinians who can cross inside Israel and who can also cross within the West Bank, who can build a factory, and who cannot build a factory. Every aspect of Palestinian life is controlled through a permit regime. This special permit regime is the second pillar Israeli is using.

The third pillar is the stick, which means if the special control doesn’t work, then military violence is the eventual tool used by Israel. This is the typical military occupation.

Shlomo Gazit, who was the second governor of this colonial bureaucracy, published his book titled The Carrot and the Stick. He said that the carrot and the stick, Palestinians who are to celebrate with Israel and take control of this indirect colonial rule and help the Israel administration in controlling the Palestinians, are to be rewarded by allowing them to handle permits to Palestinians, to take some responsibilities. We can give them a lot of money. This was the entire idea of Oslo. Then the stick is whoever doesn’t adhere to the colonial agenda, or if the Palestinian population wants to make an Intifada or raise the project of self-determination, we can use this stick. We are the same today, the most violent stick ever since 1967, this genocidal war in Gaza, of course. This relation, the carrot and the stick, is the story that we can tell about the occupied territories.

Israel is using this policy, the carrot and the stick, only to prevent Palestinians from self-determination. Of course, a two-state solution and establishing a Palestinian state in the occupied territories is not the goal of the majority of Palestinians. I can tell it is the agenda of some Palestinians. However, Israel is also preventing Palestinians from self-determining their destiny in this small territory, which is called the occupied territories.

Today, Israel is entirely different than the early days of 1967; Israel, when it was a secular state based on agreements, cared about international law a little bit and could orchestrate all the issues in the occupied territories in accordance with international law. Today, Israel is a biblical state that thinks that Judea and Samaria, or the land that God promised the Jews, is not Tel Aviv or Netanya, nor Be’er Sheva. God promised the Jewish people Shechem, Chevron, and Yerushalayim. Of course, I’m using the Torah, a terminology that refers to places, according to the Jews, that are in the West Bank or in Jerusalem. This territory is, of course, entirely outside any negotiation. It is not subject to diplomatic or political negotiations. It’s a promise from God.

This is the dilemma that the Palestinians are facing now. Now, What happened in Gaza, if I’m allowed to refer a little bit to Gaza, between 2000-
Talia Baroncelli

If I can interrupt you before we speak about Gaza because I think it’s really important that you raise the issue of indirect colonial rule. I think if you look at other experiences of colonial rule where it was indirect, there was always this collaboration or collusion in a way between the colonizers and the ruling class, so to speak, of the colonized people. That was, in a way, necessary to prolong the condition of occupation and the indirect rule that was established. Before we speak about Gaza, I wonder, because you were speaking about Israel today, how it’s different from 1967, would you say that given all the illegal settlements and the current administration’s push to support the settlements as well in the previous administrations, where you had people like Naftali Bennett, virtually supporting the annexation of additional land in the West Bank, would you see that in contravention or contradiction of this indirect colonial rule and a push to just annex the land completely and entirely?
Walid Habbas

No, it is not contradictory. The indirect colonial rule was never about establishing a Palestinian state. It is about giving and delegating the responsibilities of the occupying forces to an authority from the Indigenous people. This is what is meant by an indirect colonial rule. Why is it indirect? Because it is the colonizers that control the Indigenous, but through indirect tools. But why it is part of the colonial regime is because this Palestinian Authority or this indirect authority should preserve the status quo set by the colonizers. In that, we mean that, yes, Israel wants to annex the West Bank, and it doesn’t want to dismantle the Palestinian Authority.

Of course, there are some small voices inside Israel, like [Bezalel] Smotrich or religious Zionist parties, which are very small fractions that have only three to six mandates in the Knesset. These factions want to dismantle the Palestinian Authority. The entire Israeli society, the military establishment, the military apprentices, the majority of the Israeli governors, and the political elite know that they need the Palestinian Authority. They need an indirect authority to take control of five million Palestinians. This idea of giving the Palestinians a separate citizenship called Palestinian with a Palestinian passport and Palestinian state-style institutions; this idea helps perpetuate the occupation because Palestinians have their own institutions, etc. They need the Palestine Authority. Annexing the West Bank means that annexing area C will enable the Israelis to expand their settlements along 60% of the West Bank without bothering with the five million Palestinians living within the West. I don’t think there’s a paradox.

The paradox appears when there is no Palestinian Authority, and thereby, Israel would witness two choices. It is either to annex the Palestinian population alongside the land, which means that the Israeli policy would include another 5 million non-Jewish residents or citizens or subjects. The other solution is that Israel should transfer these Palestinians outside the ports of the West.

In both cases, what prevents Israel from this dilemma is the presence of a Palestinian Authority that takes control of the Palestinians and announces that we are a separate state, awaiting our emancipation, but we are not part of Israel. This helps perpetuate because the occupation is not the existence of military boots inside Ramallah. The occupation is a hierarchy of domination, and these hierarchies of domination, of course, exist currently because Israel controls everything that enters into the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Israel controls every calorie that enters the occupied territories. It controls the borders, the trade, the money, the currency, the resources, the water, the electricity. I’m telling you about vital things. These are all controlled by Israel.

Moreover, still, Israel controls the registry, the population registry. If anyone wants to give birth inside the Palestinian Authority territories, the ID number comes from the Israeli Civil Administration. The registry of the population comes from registering the land or from the Israeli databases. Israel controls everything, and this helps perpetuate the structures of domination. Ending the occupation doesn’t mean that Israeli forces should redeploy outside the West Bank or outside the Gaza Strip. This is not ending the occupation. Ending the occupation is cutting the relationship between the Palestinian 5 million people and the Israeli military administration that governs these people. This means ending the occupation.
Talia Baroncelli

There are several layers there, different relations that are ongoing, which would need to be severed because, as you said, Israel controls everything, in terms of the Gaza Strip, for example, controls everything that gets in. There’s also the mobility regime in the West Bank, which you’ve spoken about as well, a series of checkpoints and then settlements that separate various Palestinian cities or villages.

We’ve seen stories of people not being able to go to the grocery store or having to pass numerous checkpoints to go to the library or to go to work. These are, I guess, different spatial elements or systems of control. A real state which would have effective control over its land and over its authority and governing authority would require that those relations of control be completely severed.

We can maybe speak later about how to get there, what needs to happen in order to get to an ideal situation where Palestinians have effective control over their territory, over how they want to form their government, how they want to control their agriculture, control their own industries, that sort of thing, so there’s no dependence on Israel.

I think it would be really interesting to get your viewpoint on how Israel has maybe increased these dependencies. How certain economic elites in the West Bank, for example, in order to get certain goods into the West Bank, have had to negotiate with the Israeli government and, as a result, have become maybe even more dependent on Israel to have these certain industries and engage in this trade.
Walid Habbas

When we talk about the economic dependency of the Palestinians on Israel, it is not a matter of two economic markets, one small market and a big advanced market in which they come in connection. It is something imposed on the Palestinians. To understand the economic dependency of the occupied territories, I think we can summarize that in four main sections.

The first one is the Israeli military proclamations. These are military orders that started in 1967 and onwards. These proclamations pertain to almost all aspects of the Palestinian lives. Of course, a huge bunch of these military orders concern the Palestinian economy: how to use the money, which money to use, the level of development, the industrial sector, what items are permitted for the Palestinians to export, import, etc. Of course, the use of national sources, water, electricity, and everything that concerns the economic lives of the Palestinians is described and detailed in these Israeli military orders. Of course, these orders are not put to develop the Palestinian economy. They are tools to subjugate the Palestinians also through the economic sphere.

The second pillar of economic dependency is the policy of open bridges, which Moshe Dayan adopted earlier in the ’70s and 1970s. This policy aimed at enabling an economic situation where Palestinians can migrate to Israel, workplaces, gain salaries, and then return back to their home. The policy was to create this connection between Palestinian laborers and the Israeli market, which later on became a vital and the most important component of the economic dependency up until today.

On October 6, the day before the war broke out, we can talk about 200,000 Palestinian workers in Israeli workplaces, which constitute almost more than one-fourth of the Palestinian workforce. The income generated by these workers who migrate daily to Israeli workplaces is about 6 billion shekels, which is approximately 40% of the Palestinian income in the West Bank.

The third pillar is, of course, the trade dependency. Israel gradually became the main and indisputable trade partner. This relation was imposed on Palestinians because of too many military orders and military interventions on the land. The Palestinians import 80% to 90% of their imports from Israel, and about 60% of the Palestinian exports go to Israel, talking about the West Bank mainly because the Gaza Strip was under blockade.

These are the three main components of understanding economic dependency. When the Oslo agreements, without the accords, entered the scene, these agreements established a customs union between the Palestinians in the occupied territories and Israel. This system, this mechanism enabled Israel to control all the clearance mechanisms, which means when the Palestinians import from Israel, Israel collects taxes that are due to the Palestinians. This gave a maneuver power to Israel that collects a huge amount of income that comes from taxes on behalf of the Palestinians and then uses this money to give it back to the Palestinians or to withhold it and demand political things. This was the fourth added component of the economic dependency on Israel.

It is not a question of whether the Palestinians can escape this economic dependency or not because the question should be established first in the political sphere. It is the emancipation for the occupation because the occupation is not only soldiers and boots on the ground. The occupation is a structure of domination and control. So, escaping this control, which means emancipation, sweeping away all the occupation, and cutting the links between the Palestinians and the Israeli civil administration, means emancipation, at least in the territories, of course. After that, we can talk about economic independency away from Israel.
Talia Baroncelli

Well, you raise a very good point that the occupation is not just a military occupation. It’s not just boots on the ground. One of your articles referred to scholar Sari Hanafi’s term, spacio-cide, which entails targeting land and making land or the spatiality of land so unliveable in order to forcibly displace people from that land.

Spacio-cide entails three elements, and you’ve already spoken about this, colonization as well as separation, which would entail creating various mobility regimes and checkpoints in order to separate people from one another. Then, very importantly, the state of exception, which is to constantly have this idea of a threat in order to justify implementing certain legal regimes or extra-legal interventions.

If we turn to the Gaza Strip now, because, of course, you wanted to speak about Gaza, there is this mischaracterization of the conditions in Gaza as not constituting an occupation in a way. We’ve heard Israeli officials such as Tzipi Livni, who is a former member of Knesset, say that there’s been no occupation of Gaza since 2005.

In 2005, the Israeli forces withdrew from Gaza, and so Gaza has been free to do whatever it pleases. But that is not true because aside from the various military interventions there prior to October 7, the Israeli government has imposed a blockade on the Gaza Strip and has effectively controlled everything that gets into the Gaza Strip. How would you say this form of control over Gaza fits into the colonial system of management that you were speaking about?
Walid Habbas

Of course, this is very weird because occupation should not only mean the presence of military troops on land. This also demands a need to develop the international understanding of a military occupation.

In the 21st century, we witness a remote control occupation or occupation from a remote place. I will define what is the occupation in the Gaza Strip, at least. We have first what is called the COGAT. The COGAT is an Israeli Department within the Israeli Defense Ministry. COGAT stands for Coordinator of the Israeli Government Affairs in the Occupied Territories. So the initials are COGAT. This department is de facto. The governor of the occupied territories, and by the occupied territories I mean the West Bank and Gaza Strip, excluding Jerusalem because it was annexed to the state of Israel after the occupation. Nowadays, this governor is called [inaudible 00:31:00]. This governor has a very big department that acts like a mini-state. It has ministers that govern the affairs of all aspects of the Palestinian lives.

Parallel to the Israeli Health Ministry, we have, call it in Hebrew, a COGAT, responsible for the health coordination with the people living in Gaza and also anything related to water, electricity, food, and commerce. These officers that work inside the COGAT de facto govern Gaza without existing there. Now, of course, inside Gaza, we have an autonomous government controlled by Hamas. Previously, it was the PLO governing this country. But it is the same thing because who controls the borders and who controls what can enter and what can exit from Gaza? In the end, this COGAT controls the registry files. If anyone was born in Gaza, he or she doesn’t hold a Palestinian ID. Of course, it is called in the public a Palestinian ID, but the number comes from the COGAT, comes from the Israeli Interior Ministry, and comes from the Israeli Registry Databases. If anyone wants to make a trade, export, import, anything, it comes from the Israeli COGAT.

This type of remote control occupation should be highlighted and integrated within the international law when we refer to the military occupation or the occupation.

Yes, the Israelis were imposing a full blockade on Gaza. The blockade is not only about what can enter and who can exit the Gaza Strip; it is also about to what extent the Gazans can develop their economy, their social lives, to what industries they can develop. It is all under Israeli control. In the end, the sovereignty over the land is within the Israeli constitutional laws. If you look at the map of Israel, you can see Gaza Strip is part and parcel of this map. It is not suddenly put in there, but because it is the responsibility of Israel. But after things became more complicated, and this we can talk about extensively in another episode, or we can write another article on this, but mainly Israel is the de facto civilian that controls the Gaza Strip and is responsible for everything that happens in Gaza and preventing the Gazan’s from establishing a port, for example, an airport. Of course, when I talk about Israel, I talk about the border between Gaza and Egypt. This is also controlled by Israel in one way or another.
Talia Baroncelli

Walid Habbas, it’s been great speaking to you. Your insights have been interesting, and I appreciate all the time you spent with me to discuss these issues. Thank you so much for joining me.
Walid Habbas

Thank you.

Wednesday, November 16, 2022

The burden Western liberals impose only on Palestinians


Joseph Massad 
9 November 2022

Billionaires Sheldon Adelson (left) and Haim Saban (right), pictured in 2014, are among the wealthy pro-Zionist Jews who have financed Israeli colonization. Their role is comparable to the European Christian businesses and states that funded colonization in Algeria, South Africa, Kenya, New Zealand or even Israel. Shahar AzranPolaris/Newscom

Since the beginning of Zionist Jewish colonization of their country in the 1880s, Palestinians have faced demands that they carry a double burden: to fight off the Jewish racist colonists while having to defend their colonizers against anti-Jewish European Christian racism.

No other colonized people has been forced to carry such a double burden. Not even the Indigenous African peoples of Liberia were asked to defend their own Black American racist colonizers who despised them against European and US anti-Black racism that targeted the Black colonists.

Neither were Black South Africans ever asked to defend their Afrikaner oppressors against the British who oppressed the Afrikaners, even placing them in concentration camps.

And no one ever demanded that Indigenous people defend their white colonizers against the religious persecution they suffered in Europe which they claim impelled them to colonize North America.

When these various colonized peoples attacked the oppressiveness of their colonizers and their supremacist and exploitative crimes, no one seemed concerned that such criticisms would be used by the former oppressors of the colonists against them, or that the colonized had no right to condemn their oppressors.

By contrast, the general demand put to the Palestinians by many European Christians and Jews and by the colonizing European Jews is that Palestinians should have ceded their homeland voluntarily to European Jews and expressed sympathy with the European Jewish plight against European anti-Semitism.

Short of that, European Christians and European colonizing Jews would insist that the Palestinian anti-colonial struggle against Jewish colonization is “anti-Semitic,” meaning that the Palestinians do not oppose the principle of the colonization of their homeland, but rather that they only oppose the right of Jews, but not other peoples, to colonize it.

Were Christians, Muslims or Hindus to colonize Palestine, the Palestinians, according to this logic, would have ceded their homeland willingly, but they refuse to do so in the case of Jews simply because they are anti-Semites.

Conditional sympathy

In the last 50 years, western Christian and Jewish liberals who sympathize with Palestinians as victims of Israeli oppression, but not as anti-colonial resistors, insist that all Palestinian criticism of Israel must be carefully calibrated lest it be perceived by Europeans as anti-Semitism.

However, during the same period, the Israelis and their Western supporters have waged a major campaign arguing that all criticism of Zionism and Israel is “anti-Semitic,” a campaign that culminated in the recent adoption by European countries and the US of the anti-Semitism definition concocted by the European-based International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance.

These accusations have centered on several suspect arguments that many Western supporters of the Palestinians-as-victims-but-not-as-resistors want to bar the Palestinians from making.

The Zionists and Western liberals argue that if Palestinians attack Jews’ right to colonize their lands, it would be anti-Semitic because in denying European Jews the right to be colonists the Palestinians would be denying their alleged “right” to self-determination. Or worse, that Palestinians would be denying the racist connection that Protestant Europeans conjured since the 16th century, namely that European Jews are fantastically somehow the descendants of Palestine’s ancient Hebrews, (something European Jewish lore also sometimes claimed) and not later European converts to Judaism!

By this logic, the Zionists argue that the Palestinians are in fact the colonists of Palestine, while the European Jewish colonists were the real natives of Palestine who were repatriating to the homeland of their alleged ancient ancestors.

In the early 19th century, many European philhellenists considered themselves the descendants of the ancient Greeks and saw the indigenous Greeks as “Christianized Slavs” who migrated south to ancient Greece and that they were more akin to the Turks.

But as no settler-colonial project was ultimately conceived for Greece, the matter was dropped in favor of Greek “independence” from the Ottomans and Greece’s appropriation as part of Europe rather than the Eastern Mediterranean.

The Zionists have never been original thinkers, as most of their arguments are derived from other European colonists. It was the French and later the Italians who argued that their colonization of North Africa was nothing short of the return to the ancient land of the Roman Empire and that the Indigenous Arabs were the actual colonists!

Indeed, Western racist luminaries like Albert Camus insisted that the Algerian Arabs were foreign colonists while cla
iming that “the French of Algeria are also natives, in the strong sense of the word.”

European anti-Semitism projected onto Palestinians

Should Palestinians then concede the Zionist fabrication that European Jews are the Indigenous people in Palestine and that they are the actual colonists, lest they be accused of anti-Semitism?

When Palestinians claim that the Western and US media have always been pro-Israel and racist against the Palestinians, their Western supporters worry that this would be perceived as anti-Semitic, because European and US anti-Semites traditionally accuse European Jews of controlling the Western media.

However, the Palestinian claim is no different from the Algerian claim that the Western media always supported French colonialism in Algeria, or the Native American claim that the Western media supports the rights of the white colonists in the United States.

That Western media, which is the media of colonizers and colonists, supports colonialism attests to a structural bias, sometimes even a conspiratorial bias, against the Indigenous peoples.

This does not mean that Jews control the Western media as the anti-Semites claim. It means that European colonists, Christians and Jews, and pro-colonists do.

Should Palestinians then not attack the endemic pro-Israel and anti-Palestinian bias of the Western media lest they be “mistaken” for anti-Semites by liberals?

Palestinians have also traditionally identified the huge financial and political power that the Zionist movement mobilized since the 1880s to fulfil its plan for the colonization of Palestine, beginning with the Rothschilds who financed the earliest European Jewish colonies in Palestine.

Again, when Palestinians speak of wealthy European or American Jews, businesspeople and bankers, who support Zionism and Israel, conceive of plans to expel the Palestinians and promise to finance their expulsion – as the wealthy American Jewish Zionist Edward A. Norman proposed in 1934 – or to steal their lands, Western Christian and Jewish liberals flinch that these arguments smack of the Christian European anti-Semitic canard that all Jews are rich and run the entire financial system of the West.

But the fact that rich pro-Zionist Jews support Israel and finance the colonists is no different from the investment of European Christian businesses and states in financing the colonization of Algeria, South Africa, Kenya, New Zealand or even Israel.

Exposing wealthy European and US Jews who finance Zionism is on account of their formidable colonial role and influence in destroying Palestinian society and oppressing Palestinians.

It does not imply, as the anti-Semites would have us believe, that all Jews are bankers who run the lives of European Christians, or that all Jews are rich, which they are not – even if and when, by most accounts, a majority of European and US Jews have supported and continue to support Jewish colonization in Palestine since World War II, just as a majority of French and British Christians supported colonization in Africa.

Should Palestinians then remain silent on the influence of those Zionist European and US Jews who contribute to their oppression lest they be mistaken for anti-Semites?

Colonial encounter

Not being European, Palestinians have encountered Jews since the 1880s mainly as armed colonists, intent on stealing their lands and expelling them from their country.

While it is true that some Palestinian political leaders sought to use European anti-Semitic rhetoric against their European Jewish colonizers to defend against Zionist colonization, the majority of Palestinian leaders have often done the exact opposite and conceded several Zionist colonial and racist claims as the writer and intellectual Yusuf al-Khalidi did over a century ago, Yasser Arafat did in 2002 and Mahmoud Abbas continues to do today.

Al-Khalidi, who lived in Vienna at the turn of the 20th century, protested the choice of Palestine as the location of a future state for European Jews on account of it being the home of the native Palestinian Arabs.

He responded to the assertions of Theodor Herzl, the founder of the Zionist movement, to whom he sent a letter in 1899, as follows: “By what right then do the Jews claim it for themselves?”

Strangely, buying into Zionist racialist and anti-Semitic claims that European Jews were direct biological descendants of the ancient Hebrews, al-Khalidi, most likely on account of the European colonial education he had acquired, affirmed that “Zionism, theoretically, is a completely natural and just idea as a solution to the Jewish question,” and indeed, “who can challenge the rights of the Jews in Palestine? Good Lord, historically it is really your country.”

However, in the interest of peace, al-Khalidi proposed that the Zionist movement look for other “uninhabited countries where millions of poor Jews who may perhaps become happy and find a secure life there as a people.”

“That would perhaps be the best, the most rational solution to the Jewish question,” he argued. “But in the name of God, let Palestine be left in peace.”

Many Palestinians after al-Khalidi continue to fall for these bogus Zionist arguments.

The rewards of anti-Palestinian racism

The irony lies in the fact that the Western liberal critics of the Palestinians and those who support Palestinians-as-victims seldom take the Zionists and pro-Zionists to task for their interminable racist outbursts against the Palestinians and other Arabs, and their use of traditional European and white American anti-Arab racism that led to the murder of millions of Arabs from Algeria to Libya by the Europeans during the anti-colonial struggles, and Iraq by the Americans since 1991.

American Jewish journalist Jeffrey Goldberg revels, for instance, in his published work in having been a colonist in Israel and in joining the Israeli army and serving in its ranks as a prison guard of Palestinians jailed for opposing Jewish colonization (he was also a cheerleader of the US invasion of Iraq).

Yet Goldberg is celebrated, respected and given editorial jobs in the most prestigious liberal US magazines, along with journalism awards, despite his deplorable views of the Palestinians and Iraqis, not to mention his direct role in acts of persecution as a prison guard.

In contrast, if a Palestinian journalist is discovered to have expressed abhorrent views in support of European anti-Semitism in her immature and ill-informed youth, not in published work, but on Facebook, views she flagrantly mistook as part of legitimate expression of rage against her oppressors, she is fired from her job even by a pro-Palestinian media outlet.

Moreover, a journalistic award is rescinded to the satisfaction of Western liberals, even when her youthful infraction was not repeated during her journalistic career.

Meanwhile, the former Israeli prison guard continues his anti-Arab and anti-Palestinian journalistic rhetoric and his ongoing attacks on those Palestinians who defend their people against colonialism as anti-Semites.

Another prominent American Jewish journalist, Ben Shapiro, has called for the mass expulsion of Palestinians and endorsed the killing of Palestinian and Afghan civilians.

Shapiro once declared that “Israelis like to build” while “Arabs like to bomb crap and live in open sewage.”

Yet these and other racist comments did not stop The New York Times from celebrating Shapiro as “provocative gladiator” and “prizefighter,” while at the same time noting that he has been a target of anti-Semitism.

Of course, white American and European Christian journalists such as The New York Times’ John F. Burns, who support and report glowingly on US invasions abroad, have always been and continue to be celebrated.

Jewish journalists are punished too

However, Jewish journalists who criticize Israel are dismissed from liberal Western media outlets as happened to Emily Wilder, who was let go by the Associated Press in 2021, and more recently Katie Halper who was fired by The Hill.

In the case of Wilder, her “activism in college was the real issue” that led to her firing, according to media reports.

Compare her case with the mainstream Western media’s celebration of the Israeli prison guard’s account of his encounter with Palestinians in Israel’s dungeons as grounds for his promotion, not ostracism or dismissal!

What European and American liberals want is that Palestinians remain silent on the international mechanisms that support and defend the Jewish settler-colony, that Palestinians solely oppose the oppression to which they are subjected by their Jewish colonists, but not the Jewish colonists’ right to colonize them; that Palestinians must defend their Jewish colonists against European anti-Semites; and that Palestinians stand in solidarity with the colonists-as-victims while the Palestinians are quashed under the colonists’ military boots.

Meanwhile, almost no amount of active collaboration with the Israelis in their oppression of the Palestinians, let alone regular Israeli and pro-Israeli expression of anti-Palestinian racism, even merits censure when espoused by Israelis or their Western fans.

When a majority of the Palestinian political and intellectual class heed calls by Western liberals to defend Jews against anti-Semitism, as the Palestine Liberation Organization had done in honoring the Jewish victims of the Holocaust since the 1970s, neither Israel nor its supporters are satisfied.

Their objective is not to teach Palestinians about the history of European Jews as victims of oppression, but rather to teach them why European Jews as oppressors had and have every right to colonize them and take their country away from them.

Joseph Massad is professor of modern Arab politics and intellectual history at Columbia University in New York. His most recent book is Islam in Liberalism (University of Chicago Press, 2015).

Saturday, May 06, 2023

Palestinians overwhelmingly support armed struggle to end occupation

Three-fourths of Palestinians in occupied territories believe it is impossible to create a Palestinian state. As a result, 54 percent "support a return to armed confrontation and intifada."

BY PHILIP WEISS
MONDOWEISS
KHALIL SHIKAKI

The belief among Palestinians that they will get a state of their own continues to decline: Three fourths of Palestinians in occupied territories say the likelihood of a state in the next five years is “slim to none,” according to the latest polling.

And as a result, “Palestinian public attitudes are becoming more militant: support for armed struggle rises,” the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research finds.

Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza overwhelmingly support armed struggle to end the occupation.

When asked about the most effective means of ending the Israeli occupation and building an independent state, the public split into three groups: 54% chose armed struggle, 18% negotiations, and 23% popular resistance. Three months ago, 51% chose armed struggle and 21% chose negotiations.

The numbers, which PCPSR gathered in March, are even higher for Palestinian support for the new unaffiliated cells of young armed men in the West Bank, notably the Lions’ Den in Nablus:

68% of the public (71% in the Gaza Strip and 66% in the West Bank) say they are in favor of forming armed groups such as the “Lions’ Den,” which do not take orders from the PA and are not part of the PA security services; 25% are against that.

Palestinian support for armed resistance includes attacks on Israeli settlers, who are generally considered to be civilians. The pollsters asked about a Palestinian attack that killed two settlers in a car in February. “A large majority of 71% say they support the shooting of two settlers in Huwara while 21% express opposition to this and similar armed attacks.”

Do Palestinians anticipate “the eruption of a third armed intifada” in the West Bank? 61% say yes, 36% say No.

These attitudes are crossing borders, too.

Let me turn for a moment to sympathy for armed resistance by Palestinians in Washington, D.C.! The co-editor of a new book titled “The One State Reality” gave a remarkable speech last month on the legitimacy of Palestinian violence and the illegitimacy of Israeli violence. “I think as we move into this one state reality we have to also rethink the nature of the violence,” said Michael Barnett, a professor of international affairs at George Washington University.

Barnett’s comments show how much the end of the two-state solution is changing the discourse even in the U.S.:

A lot of violence committed by the IDF [Israel Defense Forces] and others does strike me as within that notion of state-based terrorism that has been circulating for decades. So just because it’s done by Israel does not make it legitimate…

This is more radical and it goes back to earlier statements of international law about the right of a people to resist– there is sometimes resistance that is terrorism. But there’s other forms of resistance that are not necessarily terrorism… and this was written as part of the decolonization movement, where it is legitimate for a people under occupation to resist. Some of it will be violent, and if the violence is at conscripted forces for instance and not at civilians then it does count potentially as legitimate. ..

Palestinians have obviously been thinking about these issues for a long time. The head of PCPSR, Khalil Shikaki spoke to Americans for Peace Now last month and reported that Palestinian support for a two-state solution continues to dwindle: Last December, nearly a third of Palestinians, 32 percent, supported the concept of two states. By March 2023, that number fell to 27 percent.

That 27 percent is bigger than any other belief bloc. Twenty-two percent of Palestinians support the concept of one state with equal rights– especially the young, Shikaki said. But his numbers don’t support a claim routinely offered by U.S. politicians that most Palestinians want a two-state solution.

Palestinians don’t support two states because they don’t think it’s possible. Three-quarters of Palestinians, 74 percent, believe that the two-state solution “is no longer practical or feasible due to the expansion of Israeli settlements,” Shikaki says. That number rose from 69 percent three months earlier because Palestinians increasingly see, “You are unable to separate the two peoples into two separate states.”

Palestinians got their support for two states beaten out of them. Thirty years ago, when Oslo was signed, two-state support was 80 to 85 percent. Netanyahu has contributed mightily to the disillusionment. Shikaki:

The decline in support for the two state solution has been gradual, year after year. But the last five years in particular have been the hardest.

Armed struggle is the big winner:

“In light of all that, findings show a rise in the percentage of those who support a return to armed confrontation and intifada.”

Support for one state was as high as one-third of Palestinians until two years ago. But then the May 2021 war with Hamas happened and there was violence against Palestinians in Israeli streets, which significantly changed Palestinian attitudes about sharing a state with Israelis. “Support for one state declined almost immediately after the May war.”

What they saw in May 2021, was that the conflict erupts at the first opportunity that there is violence and that this solution is not what they thought it would be, that there will not be equal rights and that violence will continue to haunt them, even if they go that way.

Shikaki said that nearly a quarter of Palestinians are hopeless– and support no solution at all. That group is growing and has strong support for violence.

[T]he group that is growing in size is the group that believes there is nothing to support, because there is no political solution to the conflict, that the conflict is essentially permanent and will never be resolved. This is the highest of the frustration and the despair that we see among the Palestinian public. This group of Palestinians, which now stands somewhere between 20 to 25%, has essentially lost all hopes. And we do find the greatest level of support for violence among this group, because this group does not believe in diplomacy or negotiations anymore.

And though the Congress is overwhelmingly for the “Abraham Accords,” normalization deals between Israel and Arab monarchies as some sort of progress, Palestinians see this as a global betrayal of Palestine that reduces the chances of peace. Shikaki:

The perception of the Palestinians have not changed that these agreements do significant damage to the Palestinian cause, that they reduce the prospect for peace, because these arrangements offer the Israelis the benefits of peace without the Israelis making peace. And it reduces therefore the incentives for Israelis to make concessions in order to achieve peace. Why pay a price for something that you can have for free? That is the prevailing perception. But there is of course, an added emotional component to rejecting normalization, and that is the prevailing perception among the public that these countries are essentially abandoning the Palestinian cause, abandoning Jerusalem and the holy places in order to address their own self interest

Shikaki said the new, fascistic Israeli government is making Palestinians more fearful.

The new Israel is an added threat, one that is focused on holy places like Al Aqsa Mosque and to a lesser extent, on the perception that the speed of creeping annexation will now be much faster, and the cruelty of occupation will be now greater…

For the Palestinians, the threat posed to the holy places today, is very different than in the past. And it could bring about serious violence, almost anything related to holy places, will most likely lead to significant erosion and security conditions, and instability in the West Bank.

Palestinians still want sovereignty more than any other outcome, their own state.

The idea that Israeli occupation can end and the Palestinians can then have the opportunity to create their own state, that is something that continues to be the top priority of the Palestinians in all of our surveys.

But Palestinians have little faith in the Palestinian Authority to create such a state. The young are particularly bitter:

The failure of the Palestinian Authority in governance, in recent years, has created a very negative perception about statehood, particularly among the youth, who tend to be the most liberal and the most committed to clean government, democratic governance and so on. In focus groups that we hold at our center, when we ask the youth about this, about the decline and support for Palestinian statehood, again, separate from the two state solution, the answer is usually, Who needs another corrupt and authoritarian country.

The Palestinian Authority continues to lose legitimacy. A “slim majority” looks forward to its collapse “as serving the national interest,” Shikaki said:

In fact, we also had a majority, a large majority that said, the continued existence of the Palestinian Authority serves the national interests of the state of Israel, rather than the Palestinians. This is unprecedented.