Showing posts sorted by relevance for query SOCIAL ECOLOGY. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query SOCIAL ECOLOGY. Sort by date Show all posts

Sunday, June 25, 2023

SOCIAL ECOLOGY AND COMMUNALISM MURRAY BOOKCHIN




http://new-compass.net/sites/new-compass.net/files/Bookchin%27s%20Social%20Ecology%20and%20Communalism.pdf

Still, it is his treatment of ecological and political issues that has made Bookchin known to most readers, and some of his older books, notably Post-Scarcity ...

http://www.psichenatura.it/fileadmin/img/M._Bookchin_What_is_Social_Ecology.pdf

From Social Ecology and Communalism, AK Press, first printing, 2007. Social ecology is based on the conviction that nearly all of our present ecological ...

 https://we.riseup.net/assets/461284/Bookchin+Murray+1993+What+Is+Social+Ecology.pdf

Murray Bookchin has long been a major figure in anarchlst and utopian political theory, theory of technology, urbanism, and the philosophy of nature.

https://files.libcom.org/files/Social%20ecology%20after%20Bookchin%20-%20Unknown.pdf

1 his article is forthcoming in Bookchin's Anarchism, Marxism, and the ... ogy after Bookchin means a social ecology without Bookchin. Book-.

https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/murray-bookchin-the-philosophy-of-social-ecology

Murray Bookchin. The Philosophy of Social Ecology Essays on Dialectical Naturalism. Dedication. Preface to the Second Edition. Introduction:

https://users.manchester.edu/Facstaff/SSNaragon/Online/texts/425/Bookchin,%20Social%20Ecology.pdf

His many books include Toward an Ecological Society,. The Ecology of Freedom, and The Philosophy of Social Ecology. Social ecology, which Bookchin develops in ...

Thursday, August 07, 2025

An Important New Book on the Praxis of Social Ecology


 August 6, 2025

Cover art for the book Practicing Social Ecology: From Bookchin to Rojava and Beyond by Eleanor Finleya

Proponents of the theory and praxis of social ecology – the holistic approach to reharmonizing society and nature originated by social theorist Murray Bookchin during the 1960s – ’90s – have long sought new ways to introduce those ideas to a wider audience. While Bookchin’s writings offer an exceptional depth of analysis that has thoroughly captivated several generations of ecological thinkers and activists, even his most accessible work, Remaking Society from 1990, is sometimes viewed as too theoretical to be a sufficient starting point for some contemporary readers.

A new book by activist anthropologist Eleanor Finley offers just what many of us have been searching for. Finley discovered social ecology during the lead-up to Occupy Wall Street and then became deeply immersed in the Occupy movement. She went on to graduate studies at the University of Massachusetts and became a dedicated scholar and chronicler of a wide array of kindred movements, from municipal organizers in Barcelona to pemaculturists in Massachusetts and, most notably, Kurdish militants in Turkey and in the European diaspora. Her new book, Practicing Social Ecology: From Bookchin to Rojava and Beyond, from Pluto Press, offers a compelling synthesis of ethnographic research, journalism and political analysis, combining her field research and her own activist experiences in a highly engaging and superbly accessible manner. The book offers a kind of radical travelogue deeply rooted in radical history and theory, and along the way it addresses a host of key problems that remain as primary concerns for today’s environmental and social activists. It offers a welcome, up-to-date examination of social ecology as a living tradition.

Finley appropriately frames social ecology as a holistic response to the emerging global “polycrisis.” She invokes some of the foundational figures in left libertarian thought – writers like Kropotkin and his French comrade Elisée Reclus –  and then summarizes Bookchin’s unique political biography, as well as the evolution of the Kurdish liberation movement from Maoist-inspired armed struggle toward a goal of stateless direct democracy that is most fully realized in the region of northeastern Syria widely known as Rojava. Finley’s analysis draws upon a host of kindred contemporary outlooks, including feminist theory, degrowth economics, aspects of Indigenous thought, environmental justice and elements of Pan Africanism – a “pluriversal” movement of movements in its fullest sense. 

The book goes on to describe Bookchin’s dialectical nature philosophy in eminently accessible terms , focusing upon the emergence of a potential for self-organization and self-realization in primordial biological evolution, enabling the emergence of human consciousness and its myriad social expressions. Echoing Bookchin, she describes how, “The quest for freedom, ethics, and justice that direct democracy embodies is itself rooted in biology because we are rooted in biology.” She elaborates upon social ecology’s core understanding that today’s ecological upheavals are firmly rooted in the growth imperative of capitalism, and even more fundamentally in the long emergence of social hierarchy in all its forms, linking Bookchin’s insights to contemporary anthropological scholarship including Graeber and Wengrow’s epic Dawn of Everything. Bookchin’s 1960s era understanding of the potential for a “post-scarcity” society is updated with reference to Indigenous knowledge and contemporary degrowth outlooks, and social ecology’s advocacy for direct democracy is framed in the context of current movements such as Pan-African social ecologist Modibo Kadalie’s proposal for an “intimate direct democracy.”

One of the most compelling chapters in Practicing Social Ecology addresses the need to challenge traditional power dynamics and more effectively ground our social movements in practices of social and emotional healing. Finley draws upon experiences from Cooperation Jackson in Mississippi and from contemporary Indigenous activists, as well as the central historical role of consciousness raising and political education, from early African American cooperatives in the South to the example of anarchist affinity groups. As with several chapters here, the most fully developed examples are from the contemporary Kurdish movement, with its commitment to internal group study and mentorship, self-formation and deep relationship building – including a commitment to gender parity – and practices of self-criticism. While one may question the origins of the latter practice in the movement’s guerrilla history, potentially reproducing the harsh judgments of individuals that have plagued many Leninist formations, other observers have largely affirmed Finley’s conclusion that this practice currently embodies a genuinely “open and horizontal logic.” She cites Gabor Maté’s exemplary work on capitalism and trauma as a guide toward healthier internal relationships within our movements and describes the Kurdish movement’s civil justice system, rooted in the institution of People’s Houses, as an example of a consensus-driven system that advances social harmony.

Another chapter begins by reflecting on processes of symbiosis in the natural world – also an area of personal fascination for Bookchin – along with recent findings on animal intelligence, and goes on to explore a variety of practices aimed at restoring cooperative relationships with non-human nature. Finley features an extended interview with a Massachusetts-based permaculture practitioner and teacher, who was first inspired by social ecology during the global justice/alterglobalization movement of the late 1990s to early 2000s, and also reviews Institute for Social Ecology co-founder Dan Chodorkoff’s history of involvement with urban homesteaders on the Lower East Side of Manhattan starting in the 1970s. There is a Kurdish connection here as well, specifically the women-centered philosophy of jineologî and its actualization in a women-centered ecovillage in the Kurdish-majority region of northeastern Syria. The Kurdish movement in Syria and Turkey has inspired a wide array of ecological restoration efforts in response to the dual threats of desertification and military conflict. Finley has also studied the evolution of new municipal movements in Spain in great detail, and here recounts her visit to an ecovillage and social center near Barcelona that offers a unique model of ecological living and popular education. The center emerged from Barcelona’s legacy of radical squatters’ movements, and is also linked to the long-term activist encampments that have emerged in several European countries in recent years, organized to resist unwanted mega-scale development projects such as airport expansions and new fossil fuel infrastructure.

One of the central strategic contributions of social ecology over many decades has been its advocacy for direct democracy, and especially for popular assemblies in towns and neighborhoods that can then form bottom-up federations to address issues that reach beyond the local level. Finley highlights the central role of people’s assemblies in social movements like Occupy Wall Street and Black Lives Matter, as well as their role in historical events like the Paris Commune (whose legacy led Bookchin to rename his political philosophy as Communalism in his later years) and the 2011 Arab Spring – and, most notably, in a wide array of non-Western, village-centered cultural traditions. She explores how Kurdish institutions of popular governance – once resolutely patriarchal – have evolved under the current movement into structures that mandate full participation of women. The complex and often controversial unfolding of directly democratic practices during Occupy Wall Street is also examined here, with a focus on its broader social and political implications. The Occupy movement, Finley observes, “awakened in countless people a permanent desire for a better world.” She continues:

The lesson of Occupy is not that direct democracy is too impractical to work. On the contrary, the lesson is that subsequent movements have learned greatly from that experiment. If Occupy’s one-size-fits-all approach to democracy reproduced racial, ethnic, and linguistic inequality, we see today’s radical municipalist movements prioritize multiracial coalitions and the centrality of non-Western perspectives. Similarly, if Occupy lacked social cohesion and a grounding in real communities, municipalist movements have prioritized place-based struggles and identities. Radical municipalists delivered a more nuanced understanding of what real democracy means and how it can be achieved.

Another important case study described in some detail is the municipalist movement that first emerged from a May 2011 encampment in central Madrid, and later made international headlines with the electoral victories of the political formation known as Barcelona en Comú. By Finley’s account, Barcelona en Comú has remained true to its grassroots, feminist roots and achieved important successes in increasing social spending, addressing the city’s housing crisis, and closing many local streets to traffic to create more congenial and child-friendly neighborhoods. While some recent reports have been more critical of Barcelona en Comú, suggesting that its social movement base and its electoral aspirations eventually became increasingly difficult to reconcile, this account speaks to the most promising underlying potential of municipally-based movements to improve people’s lives in realms where statist institutions routinely fall short.

One of the most common critiques of self-consciously decentralist and community-centered movements is around whether they can feasibly unite to address concerns that reach beyond the local level. Finley’s exploration of this question draws mainly on examples from the Kurdish movement, but also touches upon the federated Local Autonomous Governments of the Zapatistas and the experiences of Black liberationists who came to question the nationalist politics of liberation movements in the global South. A key source here, once again, is the Pan-African social ecologist Modibo Kadalie, who was active in Detroit at the height of the Black Power movement, was expelled from teaching at Atlanta Junior College in the 1970s for supporting student activists, and collaborated on several occasions with the prominent Trinidadian libertarian Marxist C.L.R. James. Kadalie’s 2019 book, Pan-African Social Ecology, reflects upon his lifetime of experiences as an activist and community organizer, and how he came to embrace the political and ethical outlook of social ecology through those experiences. (For a wide-ranging discussion of whether locally rooted movements should aspire to ‘scaling up’ or confederating and radiating outward, see B. Tokar, et al., “Think Globally, Act Locally?,” published online by the Great Transition Initiative in 2019.)

The Kurdish model of Democratic Confederalism, elements of which have been implemented in parts of both Syria and Turkey, is the core example that Finley draws upon here. She delves further into the historical development of the Kurdish liberation movement, and especially the imprisoned PKK founder Abdullah Öcalan’s evolution from a Soviet-allied Marxism-Leninism toward a resolutely non-statist approach rooted in popular assemblies and regional federations. This is the political outlook that facilitated the liberation of much of northeastern Syria from both the Assad regime and ISIS-led military assaults, and also inspired the most potent political challenge to the increasing concentration of power by the Erdogan regime in Turkey. Finley examines the underlying structures of Kurdish-led direct democracy and its widely studied Social Contract, as well as the union of villages that once thrived around the city of Amed (a.k.a. Diyarbakir), the effective capital of Turkish North Kurdistan, until Turkish state repression crushed that political experiment in the mid-2010s.

Any effort to describe such an interwoven set of theoretical concepts and practical experiments is bound to overlook some important nuances and miss some interesting details. For example, Finley credits the Greens in Burlington, Vermont, founded by Murray and Bea Bookchin and their associates, with introducing the idea of Neighborhood Planning Assemblies in the city. Burlington’s local assemblies were in fact launched by Bernie Sanders’ mayoral administration in the early 1980s as part of a process for allocating federal community block grants, but it was the group around Murray and Bea – just prior to the formation of the Greens – that pushed to expand their scope, become more lasting institutions, and eventually challenge a series of large scale development projects that the Sanders administration once supported. Burlington’s neighborhood assemblies continue to thrive in many areas of the city to this day. Similarly, there are debates within the Kurdish movement that Finley has addressed elsewhere around the persistence of some older, militarized leadership elements amidst the movement’s institutionally democratic structures. There is clearly more to be said about the structural debates in Occupy Wall Street, the historical evolution of the Zapatista movement, and many other topics introduced here. But Practicing Social Ecology remains a uniquely comprehensive and forward-looking treatment of a wide scope of ideas and movements, one that will surely help inspire its readers to examine these and many other questions in more specialized sources.

The book appropriately ends on a hopeful note.  To quote Finley’s conclusion, 

There is no single blueprint for a democratic and ecological way of life. Indeed, if the last decades of emancipatory social movements and democratic experimentation have revealed anything, it is that each community must reinvent real democracy for itself.

The impressive scope of living examples explored in these pages offers today’s radicals a host of inspiring models for thinking about democracy and its continuing reinvention in today’s exceptionally troubled times. “The comrades whose stories appear in this book demonstrate profound courage,” Finley concludes. “Their perseverance speaks to a resilience and love of freedom embedded in nature itself. Reconciliation with nature is, at the end of the day, a reconciliation with ourselves.”


Tuesday, April 07, 2020

Philosophical Dialogues: Arne Næss and the Progress of Ecophilosophy


Nina Witoszek, Andrew Brennan
Rowman & Littlefield, 1999 - Philosophy - 492 pages




The volume documents, and makes an original contribution to, an astonishing period in twentieth-century philosophy-the progress of Arne Naess's ecophilosophy from its inception to the present. It includes Naess's most crucial polemics with leading thinkers, drawn from sources as diverse as scholarly articles, correspondence, TV interviews and unpublished exchanges. The book testifies to the skeptical and self-correcting aspects of Naess's vision, which has deepened and broadened to include third world and feminist perspectives. Philosophical Dialogues is an essential addition to the literature on environmental philosophy.

Contents

The Shallow and the Deep LongRange Ecology Movements A Summary Arne Naess 3

The Deep Ecology Platform Arne Naess and George Sessions 8

The Glass Is on the Table The Empiricist versus Total View Arnc Naess Alfred Ayer and Fons Elders 10

Ayer on Metaphysics A Critical Commentary by a Kind of Metaphysician Arne Naess 29

A Reply to Arne Naess Alfred J Ayer 40

Arne Naess a Philosopher and a Mystic A Commentary on the Dialogue between Alfred Ayer and Arne Naess Fons Elders 45

Remarks on Interpretation and Preciseness Paul Feyerabend 50

Paul Feyerabend A Green Hero? Arne Naess 57

Comment Naess and Feyerabend on Science Bill Devall 69

Reply to Bill Devall Arne Naess 71

Spinozas Environmental Ethics Gene vieve Lloyd 73

Environmental Ethics and Spinozas Ethics Comments on Genevieve Lloyds Article Arne Naess 91

Comment Lloyd and Naess on Spinoza as Ecophilosopher John Clark 102

A Critique of AntiAnthropocentric Biocentrism Richard A Watson 109

A Defense of the Deep Ecology Movement Arne Naess 121

Against Biospherical Egalitarianism William C French 127

An Answer to W C French Ranking Yes But the Inherent Value is the Same Arne Naess 146

Comment On Naess versus French Baird Callicott 150

Deep Ecology A New Philosophy of Our Time? Warwick Fox 153

Intuition Intrinsic Value and Deep Ecology Arne Naess 166

On Guiding Stars of Deep Ecology Warwick Fox Foxs Response to Naesss Response to Fox 171

Comment Pluralism and Deep Ecology Andrew Brennan 175

Man Apart An Alternative to the Self Realization Approach Peter Reed 181

Man Apart and Deep Ecology A Reply to Reed Arne Naess 198

Comment Self Realization or Man Apart? The Reed Naess Debate Val Plumwood 206

Deep Ecology and Its Critics Kirkpatrick Sale 213

A European Looks at North American Branches of the Deep Ecology Movement Arne Naess 222

Letter to the Editor of Zeta Magazine 1988 Arne Naess 225

Letter to Dave Foreman 23 June 1988 Arne Naess 227

Comment Human Population Reduction and Wild Habitat Protection Michael E Zimmerman 232

Class Race and Gender Discourse in the EcofeminismDeep Ecology Debate Ariel Salleh 236

Ecofeminist Philosophy and Deep Ecology Karen Warren 255

The Ecofeminism versus Deep Ecology Debate Arne Naess 270

The EcofeminismDeep Ecology Dialogue A Short Commentary on the Exchange between Karen Warren and Arne Naess Patsy Hallen 274

Social Ecology versus Deep Ecology A Challenge for the Ecology Movement Murray Bookchin 281

Note Concerning Murray Bookchins Article Social Ecology versus Deep Ecology Arne Naess 302

Unanswered Letter to Murray Bookchin 1988 Arne Naess 305

To the Editor of Synthesis Arne Naess 307

Comment Deep Ecology and Social Ecology Andrew McLaughlin 310

Radical American Environmentalism and Wilderness Preservation A Third World Critique Ramachandra Guha 313

Comments on Cubas Radical American Environmentalism and Wilderness Preservation A Third World Critique Arne Naess 325

Comment Nsess and Guha Stephan Harding 334

Philosophy of Wolf Policies I General Principles and Preliminary Exploration of Selected Norms Arne Naess and Ivar Mysterud 339

Naesss Deep Ecology Approach and Environmental Policy Harold Glasser 360

Harold Glasser and the Deep Ecology Approach DEA Arne Naess 391

Convergence Corroborated A Comment on Arne Naess on Wolf Policies Bryan Norton 394

Value in Nature Intrinsic or Inherent? Jon Wetlesen 405

Response to Jon Wetlesen Arne Naess 418

Platforms Nature and Obligational Values Per Ariansen 420

Platforms Nature and Obligational Values A Response to Per Ariansen Arne Naess 429

From Skepticism to Dogmatism and Back Remarks on the History of Deep Ecology Peder Anker 431

Response to Peder Anker Arne Naess 444

Arne Naess and the Norwegian Nature Tradition Nina Witoszek 451

Is the Deep Ecology Vision a Green Vision or Is It Multicolored like the Rainbow? An Answer to Nina Witoszek Arne Naess 466

Radical American Environmentalism Revisited Ramachandra Guha 473

Index 480

Notes on Contributors 488

Copyright


CHEAPEST EDITION ON AMAZON IS THE EBOOK/KINDLE

Friday, August 04, 2006

Murray Bookchin RIP


It is with great sadness that I have found out that anarchist theoritician, the author of Listen Marxist, The Limits of the City, etc. Founder of the Social Ecology Movement and anti-Lifestylist/Anti-Post Leftist Anarchism, and general curmodgen of the anarchist movement, Murray Bookchin has passed away.I agreed with Bookchin more than I disagreed with him.

For instance he dared to challenge the tree huggers with this idea; strip mining is better than deep mining. Mining is a horrible experience for workers as we can tell from the amount of mine accidents that occur. Far safer is strip mining. While it looks awful, the fact is that for the workers who mine, it is far more effective and safe. And the land can be reclaimed. While a mine can never be reclaimed. Those who talk about strip mining raping the earth should think about the miles of deep mines that dig into the earth never to be used again for anything expect perhaps for dumping toxic and nuclear waste. Brilliant.

A toast to Murray who will be with us still in his volumous writings. And I hope will continue to influence our movement with his thoughts. Because he remains a real alternative to the dweebs like the Chuck O , Jason McQuinn and the Green Anarchists. They are intellectual fleas and woe betide our movement with them as the next generation of anarchists. Ok everyone back to the books, lets read our Bookchin to get a good grounding in modern anarchist thought.


Here is a biography/eulogy on Murray.


Murray Bookchin, visionary social theorist, dies at 85
Murray Bookchin, the visionary social theorist and activist, died
this Sunday, July 30.
By Brian Tokar
Murray Bookchin, the visionary social theorist and activist, died
during the early morning of Sunday, July 30th in his home in Burlington,
Vermont. During a prolific career of writing, teaching and political
activism that spanned half a century, Bookchin forged a new
anti-authoritarian outlook rooted in ecology, dialectical philosophy and
left libertarianism.


Keywords: Analysis, Global, Political Theory,

Murray Bookchin

Murray Bookchin, the visionary social theorist and activist, died
during the early morning of Sunday, July 30th in his home in Burlington,
Vermont. During a prolific career of writing, teaching and political
activism that spanned half a century, Bookchin forged a new
anti-authoritarian outlook rooted in ecology, dialectical philosophy and
left libertarianism.

During the 1950s and ‘60s, Bookchin built upon the legacies of utopian
social philosophy and critical theory, challenging the primacy of
Marxism on the left and linking contemporary ecological and urban crises
to problems of capital and social hierarchy in general. Beginning in the
mid-sixties, he pioneered a new political and philosophical
synthesis*termed social ecology*that sought to reclaim local
political power, by means of direct popular democracy, against the
consolidation and increasing centralization of the nation state.

From the 1960s to the present, the utopian dimension of Bookchin’s
social ecology inspired several generations of social and ecological
activists, from the pioneering urban ecology movements of the sixties,
to the 1970s’ back-to-the-land, antinuclear, and sustainable technology
movements, the beginnings of Green politics and organic agriculture in
the early 1980s, and the anti-authoritarian global justice movement that
came of age in 1999 in the streets of Seattle. His influence was often
cited by prominent political and social activists throughout the US,
Europe, South America, Turkey, Japan, and beyond.

Even as numerous social movements drew on his ideas, however, Bookchin
remained a relentless critic of the currents in those movements that he
found deeply disturbing, including the New Left’s drift toward
Marxism-Leninism in the late 1960s, tendencies toward mysticism and
misanthropy in the radical environmental movement, and the growing focus
on individualism and personal lifestyles among 1990s anarchists. In the
late 1990s, Bookchin broke with anarchism, the political tradition he
had been most identified with for over 30 years and articulated a new
political vision that he called communalism.

Bookchin was raised in a leftist family in the Bronx during the 1920s
and ‘30s. He enjoyed retelling the story of his expulsion from the Young
Communist League at age 18 for openly criticizing Stalin, his brief
flirtation with Trotskyism as a labor organizer in the foundries of New
Jersey, and his introduction to anarchism by veterans of the immigrant
labor movement during the 1950s. In 1974, he co-founded the Institute
for Social Ecology, along with Dan Chodorkoff, then a graduate student
at Vermont’s Goddard College. For 30 years, the Institute for Social
Ecology has brought thousands of students to Vermont for intensive
educational programs focusing on the theory and praxis of social
ecology. A self-educated scholar and public intellectual, Bookchin
served as a full professor at Ramapo College of New Jersey despite his
own lack of conventional academic credentials.He published more than 20
books and many hundreds of articles during his lifetime, many of which
were
translated into Italian, German, Spanish, Japanese, Turkish and other
languages.

During the 1960s - ‘80s, Bookchin emphasized his fundamental
theoretical break with Marxism, arguing that Marx’s central focus on
economics and class obscured the more profound role of social hierarchy
in the shaping of human history. His anthropological studies affirmed
the role of domination by age, gender and other manifestations of social
power as the antecedents of modern-day economic exploitation. In The
Ecology of Freedom(1982), he examined the parallel legacies of
domination and freedom in human societies, from prehistoric times to the
present, and he later published a four-volume work,The Third Revolution,
exploring anti-authoritarian currents throughout the Western
revolutionary tradition.

At the same time, he criticized the lack of philosophical rigor that
has often plagued the anarchist tradition, and drew theoretical
sustenance from dialectical philosophy*particularly the works of
Aristotle and Hegel; the Frankfurt School*of which he became
increasingly critical in later years*and even the works of Marx and
Lenin. During the past year, even while terminally ill in Burlington,
Bookchin was working toward a re-evaluation of what he perceived as the
historic failure of the 20th century left. He argued that Marxist crisis
theory failed to recognize the inherent flexibility and malleability of
capitalism, and that Marx never saw capitalism in its true contemporary
sense. Until his death, Bookchin asserted that only the ecological
problems created by modern capitalism were of sufficient magnitude to
portend the system’s demise.

Murray Bookchin was diagnosed several months ago with a fatal heart
condition. He will be remembered by his devoted family members*including
his long-time companion Janet Biehl, his former wife Bea Bookchin, his
son, daughter, son-in-law, and granddaughter*as well as his friends,
colleagues and frequent correspondents throughout the world. There will
be a public memorial service in Burlington, Vermont on Sunday, August
13th. For more information, contact info(at)social-ecology.org.


Also See:

Anarchists


Anarchism

RIP/Obitruaries



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Saturday, June 07, 2025

Why Every Student Needs Human Ecology Education Now

 June 6, 2025

Photograph Source: Petty Officer 2nd Class Kegan Kay – Public Domain

Human ecology education is a transformative program that focuses on the interplay between humans and our human ecosystem. It is an interdisciplinary educational field that combines physical and psycho-social life skills, including daily life skills, social presentation and protocol, cultural differences, and ethical decision-making, to develop positive relationships for living in our world.

By first teaching the science and responsibilities of caring for each life, human ecology education empowers individuals to build collective human sustainability. Because the lessons are lived daily, the healthy rhythms and habits of life within family and community are learned, repeated in different contexts, shared for life, and naturally inherited by the next generation, making the impact of human ecology educational programs exponential and generationally ongoing.

Human ecology education emphasizes reciprocal influence and interdependence—the “we, us, and our” of our lives. It enables us to identify with others as fellow humans, rather than just their characteristics, such as race, age, height, gender, or ethnicity. It goes beyond self-focused professional education by considering human relationships in the context of the other sixteen hours of the day.

To quote Anna Trupiano, writing for the Michigan Daily, “The fact of the matter is, nothing truly prepares us for college, and a lot of us end up ‘winging it’ just as I have. And once we’re in college, we are met with the same dilemma—college doesn’t equip us for the rest of our lives.”

A continuous K-12, age-related human ecology program equips students to transition to adulthood with the maturity and skills to live independently while navigating complex social systems at all scales. Graduates will have learned precisely what sharing means and how and why it ultimately benefits them, and they will know how to be self-sufficient and resilient as they face changes in their life stages, unforeseen events, or when personal or local resources diminish.

Evolution of Human Ecology Education

The roots of human ecology education can be traced back to the early Bildung folk education movements in Europe, which share common roots with many human-centered social and political movements worldwide. In 1862, during the early years of the Lincoln administration and the Agricultural Age in America, the Morrill Act was passed. This act traded federal land for the establishment of new state colleges, which offered instruction in agriculture, what came to be known as home economics, and other subjects.

Subsequently, mandatory home economics programs were introduced in the lower grades in public schools for girls, as were the industrial and technological courses for boys. As the Western states developed, the Act enabled homesteaders and rural residents to acquire essential life skills and crop information for achieving self-sufficiency. In the Bildung tradition, practical home economics lessons evolved to include social skills, finance, and civic participation.

Then, in a history-changing moment, during the 1940s, an American, Myles Horton, having become familiar with Danish Bildung education in Europe, established the Highlander School, a folk school in Tennessee, to teach the concepts of the Bildung social agency and empowerment. There, many of the future civil rights leaders of the South, such as Martin Luther King and Rosa Parks, developed their initial ideas of nonviolent protests for civil rights; they learned how to use their personal agency for public social progress, much like the European peasant class had done in Europe. For two centuries, spreading from Denmark, the Scandinavian countries have prioritized this education in their public schools. They also consistently rank at the top of global national happiness and well-being ratings.

The lessons build trust in personal agency, generate empowerment, and drive confidence in moving forward and taking constructive action. Learning in a diverse group environment, such as a school, fosters collective trust and long-term community resilience. As Fortune 500 coach Peggy Klaus writes in her 2008 book, The Hard Truth About Soft Skills, “Soft skills encompass personal, social, communication, and self-management behaviors. They cover a wide spectrum of abilities and traits: being self-aware, trustworthiness, conscientiousness, adaptability, critical thinking, attitude, initiative, empathy, confidence, integrity, self-control, organizational awareness, likability, influence, risk taking, problem solving, leadership, time management, and then some.”

The Gender Thing

Although women have made significant gains throughout the 20th and 21st centuries, the gender roles in home economics and agriculture remain essentially unchanged from those of the Agricultural Age. Even though improvements in health (both physical and mental), sanitation, and life span for all people occurred when home economics education was required for girls, the gender disparity between home and work that disadvantaged women earlier still exists today. This is made clear in the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report 2024.

Home economics remained an “only girls” program until the 1970s and 80s, then diminished as women worked outside the home and rebelled against the “stir and stitch” image of the unpaid, homebound “happy housewife.” However, as women entered professions by choice or necessity, the quality of home life, health, and household management suffered for many families. Men, focused on their professional lives, were not inclined to share the unpaid workload. Children have paid the price.

In the 1970s and 1980s, Home Economics programs were removed from schools, and their classrooms and funding were redirected to new technology labs in an act of educational eminent domain. Alas, it was an era when administrators were predominantly male. Thereafter, whether cause or correlation, more families began to fragment, child care became a national problem, and more children became physically and mentally disadvantaged.

We are now in the second generation since home, family, and living education were eliminated from schools. We see the fallout in erroneous beliefs about sustaining health, like vaccinating, obesity statistics, shorter life spans, and child depression and violence. The U.S. lags behind other advanced nations in its citizens’ mental and physical health, poverty rates, and life expectancy. Unfortunately, these losses are more impactful because now, society is more complex and challenging. Many fall behind by default. Only recently has personal financial literacy regained some traction in elementary and secondary schools. In the U.S., we follow the money first.

Cornell University met these challenges by developing its human ecology program to rectify this missing life and living education. It also broadened the discipline to address 21st-century human challenges, including limited resources, a growing income disparity, and climate adaptation. Essentially, Cornell combined the practical living knowledge of Home Economics with the self-actualization of Bildung education. They utilized Home Economics’ foundational physical and home health content, and added more interdisciplinary pedagogy in sociology and psychology to address the realities of urbanization and increased population diversity.

Human ecology education is scarce at all levels of the U.S. education system. The Society for Human Ecology recognizes only 43 colleges and universities in the country for their programs, and few of those have departments explicitly named “Human Ecology.” At the secondary level, human ecology is only offered in two public high schools—Syosset and Niskayuna, both in New York—and at Cornell University. While several private schools and international institutions include human ecology content under other titles, one U.S. college, the College of the Atlantic in Maine, considers it so essential to human life that it offers just one major: Human Ecology.

Key Values of Human Ecology Education

Abraham Maslow identifies and prioritizes the stages of shared human needs in his pyramid chart, the “Hierarchy of Needs.” This chart illustrates the human life stages and how each stage corresponds to human growth, from basic life needs to professional esteem and accomplishment, culminating in self-actualization.

While Maslow faced some criticism for how cultural differences influence the hierarchy sequence, human ecology education programs, culturally tailored to fit, provide the ideal vehicle for accomplishing the stages in Maslow’s learning pyramid, from self-sufficiency and resilience to social integration, esteem, and personal empowerment. This sequence is particularly important when applied to children.

Human ecology education guides students through all the complex physical and psycho-social development elements before graduation and adulthood, like navigating social systems, resource management, professional growth, and social ethics. It provides the life knowledge needed at each stage and develops commonly shared social perceptions early on that help bind communities together in adulthood. For each individual, human ecology programs serve as a buffer against the lifetime stress that builds from disadvantage and/or discrimination, leading to health problems and long-term care needs.

Like a ship’s rudder, human ecology education helps students develop an internal decision-making framework during their formative years. In early grades, the focus is on meeting individual needs, such as the knowledge and skills needed for food, clothing, and shelter, to ensure personal health and safety. These are called ‘negative needs’ since we cannot survive without them, but we don’t think about them when they are met.

Human ecology lessons, encompassing both the physical life skills that meet basic needs and the ‘soft’ psycho-social skills, are experiential, allowing students to see and feel the benefits realistically. The classroom and lab activities instill teamwork and spark students’ interest in science, math, economics, and human health. Each sequential course becomes more complex as students mature, their world widens, and they transition to adulthood.

Several organizations offer curricula that help individuals navigate the human ecosystem and develop critical skills, ranging from home and family survival to social mobility and environmental preservation. Examples include Learning MoleNotes From a Kitchen, and Teach Simple for survival and quality of life skills, ARISE Foundation for social mobility skills, and PBS Learning Media, which is excellent for helping with the great outdoors and climate resilience.

As young adults, students emerge from high schools with human ecology programs resilient and able to recognize opportunities, know where to seek resources, intelligently weigh the pros and cons, and distinguish between short-term and long-term goals. They understand cause and effect, accept responsibility, and welcome change while maintaining their integrity and that of their families. Knowledge of time and task management, consumer protection, law, finance, health, housing, communication, transportation, and navigating our complex state and national social systems is critical for independent living at any age in this multicultural, transitional world. It’s complicated.

These are complex areas of life with high risks; that’s why, beginning early, each person needs formal education on how to navigate their way through this stormy human sea. The alternative, depending on social osmosis or trial and error, is simply dysfunctional. Because many young people lack this life education, more are failing to “launch” their lives. It is often impossible to make up for lost progress later.

Community college human ecology courses are life-savers for first-year students without a K-12 human ecology education, who may be on the doorstep of living alone. New CC students are more likely to be from marginalized groups, complex urban environments, or lower-income levels; many are single parents, new immigrants, formerly institutionalized, veterans, or are simply eighteen and on their own for the first time. These students must quickly learn how to assimilate, become independent, and plan a new life as they transition into a broader, unfamiliar culture to find a future.

The State of Human Ecology Education

Human ecology education, whether via the school of hard knocks or by educational design, is integral to everyone’s success. However, there are problems: First, if offered in higher education, it is usually considered a psycho-social discipline and is fiercely guarded in those departments; therefore, practical life skills are not included. What could be less intellectual than learning to read a food label, for instance, a key lesson, or how to comprehend a lease, or select a health insurance plan to prevent medical bankruptcy, a significant cause of bankruptcies?

Leaving out that content abandons its Home Economics foundation and implies someone else will be at home dealing with those inescapable tasks responsible for good health and sanctuary. That higher education program planning mistake creates hardships for our society, where 30 to 50 percent of people live alone, depending on age.

Secondly, since college students often lack the life skills they should have acquired in elementary and secondary schools, it generates a list of problems for college presidents, including low attendance, decreasing state funding, declining transfer and graduation rates, and costly student support programs, loans, food programs, crisis counseling, and campus crime. Inexplicably, little is on their list for preventing these problems and teaching students how to live independently, stay healthy, and remain resilient and on track.

Although college presidents recognize that teaching is part of their mission, many devote institutional resources to research and career development. Every college or university should require all freshman students, regardless of age, to complete human ecology coursework to graduate or transfer. Human ecology education is life insurance, literally. Incorporating math, English, science, and economics into daily life experiences provides a foundation for and increases comprehension of those academic requirements.

The college problem list, without human ecology, would be tolerable if colleges and universities reached below themselves and supported teaching human ecology in elementary and secondary schools to prevent personal failure, and prepare for college success and independent living. For example, they could train more human ecology teachers, offer in-service human ecology programs for teachers in related disciplines, and expand existing programs to include knowledge of life and living.

The third problem indicating the need for human ecology for all is that those who struggle the most with independent living and homelessness are men. This demographic has traditionally prioritized the value of professional or trade skills over life skills. Claudia Goldin, an economist at Harvard who won the Nobel Prize in Economics in 2023, has made gender equity on the home front the focus of her economic research, proving that daily self-sufficiency is a human social and economic necessity, not a gender-based cultural habit. This disconnect, the lack of the skills to meet personal needs, is a causal factor in male crime, violence, and homeless statistics, as well as low graduation rates, shorter life spans, obesity, and increasing health problems.

Colleges do not mandate human ecology as essential to every college education because most believe their schools exist solely for professional education, not personal development. This is the gender thing again from previous eras of female subjugation in which all things regarding personal life practiced at home were unpaid, taught by Mom, or suitable only for the lower grades. However, giving birth does not qualify one to manage a household or raise children, and lower grades no longer offer life education, not since the 1980s. Now, with no one at home, professional child care costs often equal or exceed many mortgage payments, and frequently do not provide a good example of resilience or a positive family life.

There are also problems in the lower grades. They face barriers like limited resources, no time, resistance to change, lack of trained teachers, and the same old gender stereotyping, all of which prevent students from transitioning successfully into adulthood.

As we confront climate change and environmental losses, the need to prevent social and ecological decline through personal education is no longer optional. Preventive education is the long-term, bottom-up approach that is the best choice before facing life’s difficulties. Treatment later to save lives is undoubtedly a needed intervention. Still, it is, by definition, a short-term, top-down triage action. It does not stop problems like homelessness or the growing number of people who are burdened for life with adverse childhood experiences (ACDs) because they lack the childhood care needed to meet health and safety needs.

Nationally, there are additional benefits. Human ecology education provides essential adaptation skills as climate disasters become more frequent and costly. Few states require even basic climate science education, and those that do often overlook the importance of personal climate adaptation skills. Additionally, as we struggle with political fragmentation and a growing income disparity, understanding and acknowledging that all people share similar human needs through human ecology education helps unite voters.

That understanding ties generations and cultures together, building a cohesive nation. Imagine the possibilities for saving lives, preserving nature, and conserving community resources if all local public schools taught students, in realistic and practical terms, how to sustain and share community and cultural resources. The time has come to empower all people with the knowledge and skills they need to thrive in the 21st century.

This article features excerpts previously published in the chapter “Education and Its Foundational Value for Transforming Society” by Sandra Ericson from What It Takes to be Human, edited by Lene Rachel Andersen (Nordic Bildung, 2024). This article was produced for the Observatory by the Independent Media Institute.

Sandra Ericson is an author and retired educator. She chaired the Consumer Arts and Science Department at City College of San Franciscofor nearly three decades.