July 13, 2026
By Murray Hunter
Key Takeaways:
Sedition Act 1948 used against activist Chegu Bard: The Malaysian politician was convicted in Johor Bahru for a Facebook post linking the King and PM Anwar Ibrahim to alleged casino discussions in Forest City, fined RM5,000 (20-month jail default), and disqualified from contesting elections.
Criticism of selective enforcement and broken reform promises: Once a key Pakatan Harapan reform pledge (including by Anwar), the colonial-era law continues to be weaponised against opposition figures, activists, and critics questioning royalty, governance, and major projects like Forest City.
Call for abolition: The vague, broadly applied Act is seen as lawfare that chills free speech, contradicts constitutional democracy, and protects elites; critics urge repeal in favour of narrower laws (e.g., defamation) to restore public trust and genuine political discourse.
The Urgent Need for the Abolition of this Colonial Relic
In the annals of Malaysian political theatre, few props have proven as versatile and enduring as the Sedition Act 1948. This colonial relic, inherited from British efforts to suppress anti-colonial sentiment, continues to cast a long shadow over the nation’s fragile democracy.
Its latest high-profile casualty, activist and politician Badrul Hisham Shaharin, better known as Chegu Bard stands convicted in the Johor Bahru Sessions Court for a Facebook post linking high-level figures, including the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim, to alleged discussions about a casino project in Forest City.
Fined RM5,000 with a 20-month jail term in default, Chegu Bard now finds himself disqualified from contesting in upcoming state or parliamentary elections. One more activist’s voice is silenced, one potential challenger removed from the political board. This is not justice; it is lawfare, the strategic weaponization of legal processes to achieve political ends.
The Sedition Act exemplifies this perfectly.
Enacted during the dying days of the British Colonial Empire, it criminalizes speech with a “seditious tendency”, which is anything considered by the powers to be as a dangerously vague threshold where intention is irrelevant and truth offers no defence. Section 3 defines seditious acts as those exciting disaffection against the government, promoting ill-will between races, or crucially in recent usage, bringing the rulers into hatred or contempt.
Pakatan Harapan (PH), including Anwar Ibrahim’s PKR, once campaigned vigorously on this reform agenda. Their 2018 manifesto explicitly promised to revoke the Sedition Act alongside other draconian laws.
Reformasi rhetoric filled the air. Yet, upon assuming power, the promises evaporated. By 2022, the commitment had been diluted to a vague “review” of draconian provisions. Today, under the unity government, the Act remains not only on the statute books but actively wielded against critics, particularly those questioning power alignments involving royalty, development projects, and political elites.
A Pattern of Abuse
Chegu Bard’s case is far from isolated. The Act has been invoked against opposition figures, activists, academics, and ordinary citizens alike. From Tian Chua to Wan Ji, and countless others flagged for social media posts, the patterns are clear. Selective enforcement that chills dissent while protecting vested interests.
Critics rightly point out how the law stifles legitimate public discourse on corruption, crony capitalism in projects like Forest City, and the boundaries of royal influence in a constitutional monarchy. Blogs and statements have highlighted concerns over royalty-linked businesses in logging, mining, and other sectors, yet raising these invites sedition probes.
Malaysia is a constitutional parliamentary democracy, not a feudal state. The 1993 constitutional amendments removing legal immunity for rulers underscored equality before the law. Yet the Sedition Act effectively creates a protected class, contradicting both constitutional spirit and the King’s own recent affirmations of equal justice.
This creates a perverse chilling effect. Citizens self-censor, journalists tread carefully, and politicians calculate risks before speaking. As someone who has personally felt the Act’s heavy hand, I can attest to its psychological toll.
The uncertainty of investigation, the legal costs, the reputational damage, and the looming threat of disqualification from public life. It transforms active citizenship into a hazardous pursuit.
Hypocrisy in High Places
The greatest irony lies with Pakatan Harapan. Once victims of repressive laws under Barisan Nasional, with Anwar himself enduring persecution, the government now preside over the Sedition Act’s continuation. Promises made in opposition become liabilities in government. The unity administration defends its use as necessary to “protect the royal institution,” but this rings hollow when the same tool suppresses broader political debate.
Zaid Ibrahim, a veteran legal mind and former minister, has publicly highlighted Chegu Bard’s predicament, noting how conviction bars electoral participation. Such disqualifications conveniently thin the ranks of vocal critics ahead of polls.
Malaysia’s democracy suffers when discussion of major projects, often involving foreign investment, environmental impact, and potential conflicts of interest is equated with sedition. Forest City itself, a massive Johor development with Chinese backing, has long invited scrutiny over its economic viability, social effects, and reported gambling links.
Public interest demands open debate, not courtroom suppression.
Abolishing the Sedition Act would not leave Malaysia lawless. Existing provisions in the Penal Code for defamation, incitement to violence, or threats provide ample recourse. What it would remove is a blunt instrument prone to political abuse. International bodies like ARTICLE 19, where SUHAKAM, and the Malaysian Bar have repeatedly called for its repeal. A moratorium on its use, pending full abolition, would signal good faith.
True reform requires more than cosmetic review. It demands political will to embrace robust free speech as a cornerstone of mature democracy. In an era of social media and heightened public awareness, clinging to 1948 legislation signals insecurity, not strength.
Chegu Bard’s conviction is a symptom of deeper malaise, as the reluctance of Malaysia’s political class willingness to relinquish such tools of repression.
As economic pressures mount, corruption allegations persist, and developmental decisions shape the nation’s future, silencing voices only breeds resentment and cynicism.
The rakyat deserves better. Malaysia’s constitution enshrines freedom of expression with reasonable restrictions. The Sedition Act far exceeds what is reasonable in a modern democracy. Its abolition would honour the Reformasi spirit that once animated Pakatan Harapan, restore public trust, and allow genuine discourse on royalty, governance, and national direction.
Until then, lawfare will continue to distort the political landscape, disqualifying activists like Chegu Bard while the powerful evade scrutiny. The time for empty promises has passed. Abolish the Sedition Act before more careers, voices, and democratic aspirations are extinguished under its repression.
About Murray Hunter
Murray Hunter has been involved in Asia-Pacific business for the last 30 years as an entrepreneur, consultant, academic, and researcher. As an entrepreneur he was involved in numerous start-ups, developing a lot of patented technology, where one of his enterprises was listed in 1992 as the 5th fastest going company on the BRW/Price Waterhouse Fast100 list in Australia. Murray is now an associate professor at the University Malaysia Perlis, spending a lot of time consulting to Asian governments on community development and village biotechnology, both at the strategic level and “on the ground”. He is also a visiting professor at a number of universities and regular speaker at conferences and workshops in the region. Murray is the author of a number of books, numerous research and conceptual papers in referred journals, and commentator on the issues of entrepreneurship, development, and politics in a number of magazines and online news sites around the world. Murray takes a trans-disciplinary view of issues and events, trying to relate this to the enrichment and empowerment of people in the region.
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