Wednesday, June 10, 2026

 

Who works the hardest in Europe? The countries with the longest and shortest working weeks


By Servet Yanatma
Published on

People in some European countries work nearly eight hours more a week than those in others, according to Eurostat. Experts point to collective bargaining, part-time work and economic structure as key drivers of the gap.

New Eurostat figures reveal stark differences in working hours across Europe.

People in the EU work an average of 35.9 hours per week, according to the latest data on actual working hours from the bloc's statistical office. The figure covers full-time and part-time workers aged 20 to 64 in their main job.

The data also highlights significant differences between countries, raising questions about why some Europeans work much longer hours than others.

Balkan countries record the longest working hours

Within the EU, actual weekly working hours range from 31.9 hours in the Netherlands to 39.6 hours in Greece. When EU candidate countries and EFTA members are included, the figure rises to 42.4 hours in Turkey. Two other candidate countries closely follow: Bosnia and Herzegovina (40.9 hours) and Serbia (40.6 hours).

These are the only countries where average working hours exceed 40 hours per week, equivalent to more than eight hours a day across a five-day working week.

Greece (39.6 hours), North Macedonia (39.5 hours) and Bulgaria (38.7 hours) come next. Balkan countries dominate the rankings for the longest working weeks, with Greece and Turkey often considered part of the broader Balkan region.

“In no country do workers 'choose' the hours they work: rather, they work a 'normal' set of hours (the latter being influenced by employers). Lower productivity may explain the longer hours in the above countries plus the lack of worker power,” Professor David Spencer of the University of Leeds told Euronews Business.

Jorge Cabrita, senior research manager at Eurofound, said differences in working-time setting regimes may also help explain why some countries record longer working hours than others.

The Netherlands has the shortest working hours

The Netherlands stands out as the country with the shortest average working week in Europe, with people working just 31.9 hours per week.

Cabrita noted that part-time workers account for nearly 43% of total employment in the Netherlands, a significantly higher share than in any other EU member state. The country also has one of the shortest average collectively agreed working weeks in the bloc.

“The Netherlands has shifted to more part-time working that has helped to reduce the average working week; however, the working week for full-time workers is still closer to 40 hours,” Spencer told Euronews Business.

Germany, Norway and Denmark follow at 33.9 hours, meaning workers in the Netherlands work around two hours less per week than those in the next closest countries.

Average working hours are also below 35 hours per week in Austria (34.0), Belgium (34.3) and Finland (34.7). In these seven countries, the average working day amounts to less than seven hours across a five-day working week.

Germany works fewer hours than France, Italy and Spain

Germany records the shortest working week among the EU's four largest economies, at 33.9 hours. Workers in Germany put in 1.7 fewer hours per week than those in France (35.6 hours).

Spain (36.3 hours) records the longest working week among the four largest EU economies, while Italy (36.1 hours) also sits above the EU average of 35.9 hours. The gap between Germany and both countries exceeds two hours per week.

“Shorter working hours in Germany, for example, partly reflect the strength of unions and the positive effect of collective bargaining,” Spencer said.

Elsewhere, average weekly working hours stand at 38.7 in Poland, 38.2 in Romania, 37.5 in Czechia, 37.4 in Hungary, 35.9 in Switzerland, 35.4 in Sweden and 35.1 in Ireland.

Why do working hours vary so widely?

In general, Northern and Western European countries tend to have shorter working weeks than their Eastern and Central European counterparts.

Cabrita pointed to working-time setting regimes, employment structures and broader economic structures as key drivers of cross-country differences.

The role of trade unions and collective bargaining

Cabrita said countries where trade unions and collective bargaining play a larger role in setting working-time limits tend to have shorter actual working hours.

He added that stronger collective bargaining is also associated with less overtime and greater compliance with labour regulations.

The impact of part-time and self-employment

Employment structure — including how workers are distributed across occupations, sectors, employment statuses and contract types — also plays an important role.

Cabrita noted that the larger the share of part-time employment, the shorter the average working hours tend to be.

Self-employed workers, who generally have greater autonomy over their schedules, tend to work longer hours than employees, especially if they employ others.

Economic structure also matters. The relative weight of different sectors within an economy can influence average working hours, as some industries typically require longer working schedules than others.

Working hours vary significantly by sector

Skilled agricultural, forestry and fishery workers record the longest working week in the EU, at 42 hours, followed by managers (40.6 hours) and armed forces occupations (39.4 hours).

At the other end of the scale, workers in elementary occupations record the shortest average working week, at 31.8 hours, followed by clerical support workers (34.0 hours) and service and sales workers (34.5 hours).

Philippines continues rescue effort after powerful Mindanao quake


By Alexis Caraco with AP
Published on

The Philippines continued rescue operations on 10 June after a magnitude 7.8 earthquake struck Mindanao, killing at least 37 people, injuring nearly 500 and forcing more than 32,000 residents from their homes.

More than 1,200 emergency personnel, supported by international teams from Japan and Australia, were deployed across the disaster zone as search crews continued inspecting damaged buildings for possible survivors. Although only four people remained officially listed as missing, authorities said heavily damaged structures still required thorough examination.

General Santos, a city of more than 700,000 people, was among the worst affected areas. Collapsing buildings and falling debris caused at least 13 deaths, while thousands of homes, schools, hospitals and public facilities suffered damage. Initial assessments indicated that more than 3,100 houses had been destroyed and 145 public buildings affected, including 12 hospitals and 89 schools.

The earthquake, which struck on 8 June, severely disrupted transport and essential services across southern Philippines. Road access remained restricted in several municipalities, major highways were partially blocked by debris, and power cuts affected around 280,000 households across six provinces. Authorities also established temporary ferry routes to deliver aid to isolated communities.

General Santos International Airport partially reopened on 10 June for emergency flights, although 78 domestic services had been cancelled since the disaster. Safety inspections were also under way at around 6,000 schools before classes could resume.

The government has opened 47 evacuation centres housing approximately 18,000 displaced residents and released 500 million pesos in emergency funding. President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. declared a state of national calamity in the affected provinces to accelerate relief efforts.

International assistance continued to arrive, with Japan sending rescue specialists and humanitarian supplies, Australia providing financial aid and the World Health Organization deploying medical teams. Alongside food, hygiene and shelter support, authorities have launched psychological assistance programmes for families and children affected by the disaster as communities begin what is expected to be a long recovery process.

Police officers injured in Belfast and Glasgow anti-immigration protest


By Nathan Rennolds
Published on

Violence broke out after police charged a 30-year-old Sudanese man with attempted murder in relation to a knife attack in Belfast.

Two officers were injured as police battled violent anti-immigration protests in Belfast on Tuesday following a stabbing in the city.

Vehicles and buildings were set alight as hundreds of people took to the streets in response to the attack, graphic footage of which has been circulating online.

The video shows a man straddling another man in the middle of a street as he slashes at his head and neck with a knife before a group intervenes.

Northern Ireland police charged a 30-year-old Sudanese man with attempted murder in relation to the incident, which occurred in the Kinnaird Avenue area of north Belfast on Monday evening.

The suspect was reportedly named in court on Wednesday as Hadi Alodid. He has been remanded in custody.

The victim, Stephen Ogilvy, was taken to hospital with "serious injuries to his eyes and slash-wound injuries to his back and face," police said.

Protests also broke out across Scotland on Tuesday night, with demonstrators marching through Glasgow, Edinburgh and Ayr.

Police said two officers and three members of the public were left with injuries following a demonstration in Glasgow. Three men, aged 31, 18 and 18 were also arrested and charged in the city.

Speaking at a press conference on Wednesday, Hilary Benn, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, said his thoughts were with Ogilvy but also hit out at the disorder in Belfast.

"Nothing, nothing can justify the violence that we saw on the streets of Northern Ireland last night, with masked thugs trying to burn and intimidate people out of their homes," he said.

Jon Boutcher, the chief constable of the Police Service of Northern Ireland, described the violence as an "act of self-harm by the people involved" and urged locals to allow the criminal justice process to take shape.

"This has got to stop," he said of the disorder.

For his part, British Prime Minister Keir Starmer condemned the knife attack as "sickening" but said it was "clear" that people had been targeted in the protests due to their background.

"I will not tolerate it. Those responsible will feel the full force of the law," he wrote on X.

Scottish First Minister John Swinney called the scenes on Tuesday night in Scotland "unacceptable," saying "racism, hatred and intimidation have no place" in the country.

"Scotland is a welcoming nation and those who choose to make their lives here are valued members of our communities," he added.




 

EU's Kaja Kallas urges Ireland to clarify alumina sales to Russia

High Representative Kaja Kallas.
Copyright Petros Karadjias/Copyright 2026 The AP. All rights reserved

By Jorge Liboreiro
Published on

Ireland has launched an investigation into allegations that exports from Aughinish Alumina have contributed to Russia's military complex.

High Representative Kaja Kallas has urged Ireland to clarify whether its continued sales of alumina to Russia help build the missiles and drones that strike Ukraine.

Sold as white powder, alumina is the key raw material used to make aluminium, a lightweight metal commonly found in weapons on the battlefield.

Kallas discussed the issue during a meeting on Tuesday with Irish Foreign Minister Helen McEntee in Dublin. Kallas also met with Irish Prime Minister Micheál Martin.

"Europe must close all loopholes, tighten sanctions enforcement and ensure our commitments are backed by deeds," Kallas said after the talks.

"No European products should end up in drones and missiles that kill Ukrainian civilians."

The timing of the allegations is particularly sensitive for Ireland, which is less than one month away from taking the reins of the EU Council's six-month presidency.

Standing by her side, McEntee said an investigation has been launched into Aughinish Alumina, the plant at the centre of the scandal, and promised to share the findings with the European Commission once the probe concludes.

"I've made it very clear that our support remains firmly with Ukraine," McEntee said.

"We will ensure that any decisions that need to be taken to put pressure on Russia will have the full support of Ireland," she added.

Kallas expressed confidence in the Irish goverment's investigation.

"It's important that we get the facts straight," she said.

PR crisis

The remarks in Dublin were delivered just a few hours after the Commission presented a new proposal for economic sanctions against Russia, targeting oil sales, banks, crypto firms, fisheries and soldiers, among other elements.

Alumina was not included in the package, even though sales of primary aluminium and refined aluminium goods to Russia were previously banned.

Asked to explain the decision, Kallas admitted that some member states were in favour of an EU ban on alumina exports but hinted that unanimity was still not there. Ukraine has also called on the bloc to take swift action on the raw material.

"I think this case shows that we should also look into this," Kallas said. "We have to be creative in coming up with the next sanctions because our aim is that this war will end, and it will also end if the aggressor runs out of either money or material to continue."

Ireland has been battling damaging headlines since the Organised Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) published an investigation in March about the business ties between Aughinish Alumina, Europe's largest alumina refinery, and the Russian economy.

According to the findings, the sprawling plant, based in western Ireland, sells alumina to Russian smelters owned by its parent company, United Company Rusal, which in turn sells the metal to a trader that supplies aluminium to sanctioned defence manufacturers.

The weapons made by these manufacturers have been deployed to kill Ukrainian civilians and bombard civilian infrastructure, the OCCRP said. (The investigation traced Irish alumina to the Russian trader, but not to a specific product.)

Aughinish insists its activities are entirely legal because alumina has been spared from EU sanctions. The company saysalumina exports to Russia represented about 45% of all sales in 2025 and expects the share to be similar at the end of 2026.

The Irish government has described Aughinish as a critical actor in a wider supply chain and warned that sanctions would threaten local jobs and drive up inflation.

EU targets Russia's Patriarch Kirill in new sanctions proposal

Patriarch Kirill, the head of Russia's Orthodox Church.
Copyright Igor Palkin/Russian Orthodox Church Press Service


By Luca Bertuzzi & Jorge Liboreiro
Published on

Patriarch Kirill, the head of Russia's Orthodox Church, is among the many names included in the latest proposal of EU sanctions against Russia.

The European Union will try again to sanction Patriarch Kirill, the head of Russia's Orthodox Church, after Hungary vetoed the decision in 2022

His name has been added to a wider package of sanctions presented on Tuesday, three diplomats confirmed to Euronews.

Brussels does not reveal the identity of the blacklisted individuals until member states reach a final decision. Individual sanctions entail an asset freeze and a travel ban.

Kirill, a highly controversial figure with both religious and political influence, has been accused of spreading revisionist propaganda to justify the war in Ukraine.

Under his leadership, the Russian Orthodox Church approved a document that called for the annihilation of Ukrainian independence and described the invasion as a "Holy War".

The EU first tried to blacklist Kirill in 2022. But Hungary, under then-prime minister Viktor Orbán, blocked the move, calling it an issue of religious freedom.

The veto made headlines and caused outrage among other countries.

The matter lay dormant until last month, when the new Hungarian government of Péter Magyar voiced readiness to go ahead with the move, as Euronews reported.

EU officials seized the U-turn and added the name to the latest proposal.

However, due to Kirill’s unique position as the head of the Russian Orthodox Church, it remains uncertain whether all 27 member states will support adding him to the blacklist. In negotiations requiring unanimous approval, it is not unusual for certain names to be removed to secure consensus.

Brussels aims to secure agreement on the 21st package of sanctions by 15 July to avoid an automatic revision of the price cap on Russian oil.

Sándor Zsiros contributed reporting.




Moscow Tells Baltics NATO Will Not Come To Their Rescue – Analysis


By

Whether Russian President Vladimir Putin will launch an attack on the Baltic countries, as many now fear is possible, remains uncertain (seeStrategic Snapshot, June 8, 2025; see EDM, September 4, 2025, May 8;Novaya Gazeta Evropa, June 5). Moscow is pushing a propaganda line that has consequences not only for the Baltics but for all members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).

Senior Russian officials are now very publicly declaring that the three Baltic countries, all members of NATO, cannot count on the alliance to come to their aid if Moscow attacks them, as Article 5 of the treaty requires, because they, not Russia, are the aggressor (Re:Baltica, June 4). Such a claim—one arising from Putin’s assessment of NATO’s current state amid changes in U.S. policy and divisions in Europe—will intimidate some alliance members and pave the way for further Russian aggression unless NATO unequivocally rejects it (see EDM, February 2).

As Russia’s war against Ukraine grinds on in its fifth year with no path to a Russian triumph clear, many are speculating that Putin will try to get a victory elsewhere to recover his image as a strongman who always wins. Among the places where experts have most often suggested he might attack are islands in the North Atlantic and Baltic Seas with complicated legal regimes (see EDM, June 11, August 15, September 24, 2024,September 16, 2025).

In recent months, however, speculation about a new vector of Russian aggression has focused increasingly often on the possibility of a Russian move against one or more of the Baltic countries, given their former status as Russian possessions. Their current membership in the Western alliance is especially irritating to Putin and is something he would very much like to change (Novaya Gazeta Evropa, June 5). Such suggestions have become increasingly frequent given Russian provocations such as the recent redirection of Ukrainian drones onto Latvian territory by Russian forces (Window on Eurasia, June 1).

The Baltic countries have responded in three ways. They have taken the lead among Western countries in supporting Ukraine, have sought new security relations with their immediate neighbors, such as Poland, and with the new NATO members Finland and Sweden, and have built up their own defense capabilities (see EDM, February 2). They have done so, however, in every case with confidence that Article 5 of the NATO Charter remains in place. This article specifies that an attack on any NATO country will be treated as an attack on all and that NATO’s leaders will consult with one another on how to respond. Until recently, most Baltic leaders and many observers in the West have stressed the first part of that arrangement and assumed that the alliance would respond vigorously and militarily to any Russian move against a NATO member state. Now, however, given changes in U.S. policy and divisions among some European NATO members, there is an increasing tendency to question the open-ended nature of Article 5, which promised to consult on what to do in the event of an attack rather than to respond immediately and forcefully, as many had assumed.

Unsurprisingly, Moscow has sought to exploit these divisions. That approach reached a new high on May 19 when Vasiliy Nebenza, Russia’s permanent representative to the United Nations, pointedly told the Latvians that their support for Ukraine and opposition to Russian actions there meant that “NATO membership will not protect you” in the event of a Russian action against the Baltics because the Baltics themselves will have provoked it. The U.S. representative at the UN Security Council, Tammy Bruce, responded by criticizing Nebenza for his attack on another UN member state and insisted that Washington would continue to fulfill its responsibilities as a NATO member (Facebook/dw.russian, May 19). Whether that will be enough to stop this Russian campaign and the actions it appears to be pointing toward remains to be seen.

Anastasija Tetarenko-Supe, a Latvian foreign policy expert and journalist, points out that Nebenza’s words are especially troubling. They were not an isolated move but part of what she calls “a perfect storm” of Russian actions against the Baltic countries (Re:Baltica, June 4). On the same day the Russian diplomat made his remarks at the UN Security Council, Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR) released a report saying that Ukrainian military personnel were already in Latvia to prepare drone strikes against Russia and that Moscow “knew the coordinates of the relevant ‘decision-making’ centers” (SVR, May 19). This is something Russian Telegram channels had earlier claimed, but it now has the imprimatur of the Russian government, even though it is quite clear that, similar to many other Russian statements on such subjects, it is itself a provocation and untrue.

Titarenko-Supe says major Russian propaganda channels and state-affiliated news wires amplified support for the Nebenza–SVR version of events. These outlets particularly included  “TASS, Readovka, Voekony Russkoy Vesny, Solovoyev, Skabeyeva, [and] ANNA,” among others. Channels targeting Baltic audiences then picked it up, including “Baltnews, Sputnik Lithuania, Sprats in Exile, The Latvian Bump, Shadows of the Baltics, Baltic Anti-Fascists and The Baltic Bridge.” She explained, “Some of these are linked to former RT (formerly Russia Today) contributors who once lived in the Baltics, as well as local activists who fled to Russia” (Re:Baltica, June 4).

Some channels went even further, portraying denials by Latvian officials not as rebuttals but as “proof” that the SVR had struck a nerve. Titarenko-Supe says, citing Latvian disinformation researcher Mārtiņš Hiršs’s conclusions, that what Moscow is doing is consistent with its past actions on other issues. The Kremlin floods the media with its version in the hopes that volume will outweigh the facts and that journalists seeking to be balanced will report its version of events, one that makes Latvia the aggressor and Russia the defender of international law, alongside more accurate reporting that shows just the reverse is true. (For Hiršs’s study on such patterns, see Echoes from Kremlin: New Platforms, Old Narratives, July 2025.)  

Echoing Hiršs, Titarenko-Supe argues that Moscow’s “objective” has been to spread fear while recasting the Baltics from bystanders to participants. This makes Russian threats appear less like aggression and more like a response” and “to weaken support for Ukraine and erode trust in Latvian democratic institutions by suggesting that governments conceal the truth, the media lies and the truth is told by Russia—or [a] Tiktoker broadcasting from Belarus” (Re:Baltica, June 4). One could add to this list of Russia’s goals the reduction in trust in NATO and its Article 5 guarantees, a development that would threaten far more than Latvia and the other Baltic countries and make Europe an even more unstable place unless and until NATO makes it crystal clear that it will not be deterred from fulfilling its Article 5 guarantees by Russian threats and propaganda campaigns.

WAR IS ECOCIDE

Ukrainian strikes start fires at oil facilities in Russia and Crimea, officials say

Rescue workers extinguish a fire of an energy facility after a Russian strike in Odesa, 8 June, 2026
Copyright AP Photo


By Gavin Blackburn
Published on

Daily Russian attacks have intensified in recent months and Ukraine has hit back with its own drone strikes further into Russian territory, saying these are mainly against military and energy facilities.

Ukrainian forces struck oil facilities in Russia and occupied Crimea, Ukrainian and Russian officials said, as part of Kyiv’s campaign to make Moscow pay an economic price for the full-scale invasion

Ukraine’s General Staff said forces had struck Russia’s Krasnodar Krai region overnight, hitting the Grushovaya oil transshipment base near Novorossiysk.

The complex is one of the largest transshipment hubs in southern Russia for oil and petroleum products.

Russian regional authorities confirmed a Ukrainian drone sparked a fire at the facility, adding that there were no casualties.

While they did not comment on the extent of damage, they said 130 rescue workers were involved in putting out the blaze.

Asked whether the Kremlin is worried about the fuel crisis in occupied Crimea, Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said the Energy Ministry and other agencies are working on a set of measures to respond to the situation.

Destroyed shops are seen after a Russian strike in Zaporizhzhia, 8 June, 2026
Destroyed shops are seen after a Russian strike in Zaporizhzhia, 8 June, 2026 AP Photo

“There are indeed certain problems at the moment,” Peskov said. “Measures are being taken.”

The Krasny Yar “linear production and dispatching station” in the Volgograd region was also hit, the General Staff said.

A fire broke out at the site, according to the statement. Russian Governor Andrei Bocharov didn’t specify what the facility produces, but said there were no injuries.

Ukraine also carried out strikes overnight in the Semykolodezkaya oil base in the Russian-occupied Crimean Peninsula on Sunday night, sparking a fire at the facility.

The base is used to store fuel reserves supplying the Russian military, according to the statement posted on Telegram.

Ukrainian forces also struck an oil depot near Feodosia in Crimea, the General Staff said.

Paramedics provide medical help to an injured person after a Russian strike in Zaporizhzhia, 8 June, 2026
Paramedics provide medical help to an injured person after a Russian strike in Zaporizhzhia, 8 June, 2026 AP Photo

Strikes near Kharkiv

Russian strikes killed three people and wounded 10 others in Ukraine's northeastern Kharkiv region, its governor said early on Tuesday.

"The enemy has hit the city of Chuguiv," Kharkiv regional governor Oleg Synegubov wrote on Telegram, adding that three people had been killed.

"The strikes caused fires and damaged at least 18 vehicles; windows were blown out and building facades damaged in residential multi-storey buildings," Synegubov said.

Separately, Kharkiv mayor Igor Terekhov reported 10 people were wounded in his city.

Daily Russian attacks that claim civilian lives have intensified in recent months and Ukraine has hit back with its own drone strikes further into Russian territory, saying these are mainly against military and energy facilities.

According to a UN estimate published in April, at least 15,850 civilians have been killed in Ukrainian zones since Russia launched its full-scale invasion in February 2022.

More than 2,800 civilians have died in Russian-controlled zones, according to the UN toll, which added that more than 44,800 have been wounded in Ukrainian and Russian-occupied zones.

Sanctions on Russia

Meanwhile, the European Union’s foreign policy chief said a new proposed round of sanctions against Russia includes 80 listings targeting Russia’s “military industrial complex, human rights violators and propagandists.”

Kaja Kallas told a news conference after a meeting of EU defence ministers on Monday that Western sanctions have already cost Moscow an estimated $1.2-1.5 trillion (€1.04-1.3).


 

Kyiv hit Russian military plant using Ukrainian-made Flamingo missile, Zelenskyy says

Screenshot of a video posted to X by Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, 10 June, 2026
Copyright @ZelenskyyUa

By Sasha Vakulina
Published on


Volodymyr Zelenskyy vowed to continue Kyiv’s strikes deep inside Russia in response to attacks on Ukraine, but also a way of forcing the Kremlin into direct talks.

Kyiv used Ukrainian-made Flamingo missiles to strike a Russian military facility which supplies Moscow forces with components for drones and missiles, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy confirmed on Wednesday.

“We continue to apply Ukrainian long-range sanctions against Russian military facilities and the oil industry,” Zelenskyy said on X as he shared the video purporting to show a missile flying toward its target and plumes of smoke rising over Russian facilities.

“In particular, last night Ukrainian FP-5 Flamingos struck a military plant in Cheboksary that supplies the occupier’s army with components for drones and missiles.”

Cheboksary is the main city in Russia's central Chuvashia region, located around 1,000 kilometres away from the Ukrainian border.

The regional governor, Oleg Nikolayev, confirmed the city had been hit.

"Early this morning, Cheboksary came under rocket attack. We are working to determine the number of casualties and the extent of damage to infrastructure," Nikolayev said on Telegram without providing more details.

Local media outlets reported that the Ukrainian strike hit the VNIIR-Progress plant that produces antennas for drones. Ukraine's General Staff also confirmed this target.

Sanctioned by Ukraine, the US and the European Union the VNIIR-Progress plant produces satellite navigation receivers and Kometa antennas used in Shahed-type attack drones, Kalibr cruise missiles, Iskander-M ballistic missiles, and guided aerial bombs.

The attack on Cheboksary was part of a broader Ukrainian attack that also struck the Kuibyshev oil refinery in Russia's Samara region, more than 900 km from the front line, as well as two oil infrastructure facilities in Russia's Vladimir region, 700 km away.

The Kuibyshev oil refinery processes around 3.7 million tonnes of oil annually and supplies fuel products used by Russia's military-industrial sector and armed forces.

Flamingo missile made in Ukraine

Ukraine has developed its own missile called Flamingo but its use remains relatively rare.

First shown to the world in August 2025, the FP-5 Flamingo cruise missile is reported to have a strike range of up to 3,000 km and a warhead weight of up to 1,100 kg

Flamingo's parent company Fire Point said earlier in June that it has conducted a test flight of a ballistic missile that will serve as ​the foundation of a project to create a missile air ‌defence system.

The FP7.X is the interceptor variant of ⁠Fire Point's FP7 ballistic missile, which is currently in development and which ​the company says will also be able to attack ground targets.

Workers and military inspect Ukrainian Fire Point's Flamingo missiles during handover to the military in an undisclosed location in Ukraine Thursday, Dec. 4, 2025
Workers and military inspect Ukrainian Fire Point's Flamingo missiles during handover to the military in an undisclosed location in Ukraine Thursday, Dec. 4, 2025 AP Photo

The missile itself is only one component of an air defence ‌system. ⁠Analysts say its most complex parts are the ground radar network and the targeting system in the missile.

But Fire Point management said the project’s goal is to create a unified pan-European secure air and missile defence system.

Fire Point's ​co-owner Denys Shtilierman said few week ago that the company was in talks with unnamed European companies to launch a new air defence system capable of downing supersonic ballistic ​missiles by the end of next year, creating a low-cost alternative ​to the US-made Patriot.