Showing posts sorted by date for query COAL ASH. Sort by relevance Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by date for query COAL ASH. Sort by relevance Show all posts

Tuesday, January 27, 2026

GREEN CAPITALI$M

INDIA

The Human and Ecological Price of Renewable Energy on Tamil Nadu's Coast


Madhu Ramnath
21/Jan/2026
THE WIRE

Fisherfolk and coastal residents speak of lost livelihoods, eroding shores and ignored voices as offshore wind and other projects advance along the coastline, against scientific warnings.

LONG READ


Fishermen in Thoothukodi say flyash dumped from thermal plants have reduced their catch. 
Photo: Madhu Ramnath

You see the sea from outside, as an object to be viewed for entertainment, to pass your time, or to relieve you of stress. For us it is a God who feeds us. If we lose our focus even for a day, we will perish. We are a people who catch fish worth ten rupees and make a living. Each day the sea air mixes with our blood, and nobody understands this. They just see the sea as something big, with nothing happening in it, which is why so many development projects are brought to the coast.
(A member of the Periyathazhai community.)


India’s renewable energy goals

India is making great strides to achieve its promised goals in the move from fossil fuels to renewable energy, made at the Conference of Parties (COP21) held in Paris. In November 2022, the Union Ministry of New and Renewable Energy (MNRE) and the Danish Energy Agency (DEA) made a conceptual plan involving 15 locations for offshore wind in the country, 14 of which are to be in Tamil Nadu and one in Gujarat.

These offshore wind farms are meant to occupy hundreds of acres in the sea, stretching from Kanyakumari to the Gulf of Mannar and the Palk Bay regions, along the districts of Kanyakumari, Thoothukudi and Ramanathapuram. Studies for these farms have been conducted by the Centre for Excellence for Offshore Wind and Renewable Energy, a joint initiative of the DEA and the MNRE.

India’s goal to install 500 gigawatts (GW) of non-fossil fuel energy by 2030 is progressing well. The target for the Tamil Nadu project is 30 GW. As of end March 2024, the country’s renewable energy power capacity is about 43% of its total installed capacity, which is 190.57 GW. The cumulative installed capacity is now 441.97 GW, up from 275.90 GW in 2014-15.

According to the MNRE, solar energy overtook wind energy in India – its share rose from 9.97% to 81.81% between 2015 and 2024. Within solar energy, ground-mounted solar is the most prominent category. In October 2015, an Offshore Wind Energy Policy was published by the MNRE, followed by a strategy paper in 2022, titled ‘The Establishment of Wind Energy Projects’, which outlined three models for development, each depending on the studies and surveys conducted (or to be conducted), the sites and areas of operation and whether financial assistance would be available from the government.

The National Institute for Wind Energy (NIWE) has identified a test facility for testing wind turbines in Dhanushkodi, the southern tip of Pamban island, in Ramanathapuram district. The facility is spread over 75 acres, with intended installation of four turbines to generate 50 megawatts (MW), for studies and data, at a cost of Rs 350 crore. About 70% of the cost is towards the pile foundation. The mast in offshore wind installations is at least 100 metres, with 50 metres of it below the seabed.

The Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) for this project states that excavation for the foundations will remove plankton and benthic animals, and the resulting turbidity could affect shellfish and clog the gills of several species of fish. The turbine testing facility was subjected to a rapid marine EIA, conceptualised by the NIWE and the MNRE, and conducted by Indomer Coastal Hydraulics (Pvt) Ltd., a Chennai-based company, given that role under the Foreign Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) of the United Kingdom. (More detail about ASPIRE is available at the FCDO.)



Source: Project Environmental Impact Assessment. The site is a wetland and falls in different Coastal Regulation Zone areas.
The human angle

Despite numerous pre-feasibility and feasibility studies conducted by various agencies, the human element was missing, or mentioned only in passing. The opinions of the coastal people and fishers, in whose waters these projects are planned, were often absent – as they were often not informed or consulted about the projects.

All along the Tamil Nadu coast, a number of projects have been implemented, and more are planned. These include a heavy water plant, a nuclear plant, zirconium mining, deep sea mining, seabed sand mining, thermal plants, a rocket launch pad, captive ports, harbours and jetties – and the newly proposed offshore wind farms.



Map showing proposed and existing projects along the Tamil Nadu coast. Source: Coastal Peoples Federation, Nagercoil.

Interspersed below, alongside the descriptions of the most recent of these projects – the Offshore Wind initiative with the pilot turbines in Dhanushkodi – are the testimonies of locals, the people who will be the most affected by such a project, but whose views have found no space in the public domain. Most of the people spoken to for this report belong to the fishing communities and requested anonymity. Wherever possible, the names of the villages are mentioned.




Map showing the area of interest for the offshore wind energy project.


Voices from Periyathazhai


Periyathazhai literally means “big thazhai”, referring to a large Pandanus odoratus tree, a common coastal species that is threatened by indiscrimate clearing. Here are the views of two locals about the project proposals:

Since the Kudankulam nuclear power plant protests, almost no project has been preceded by public hearings. They want to end coal, find something to replace coal. They go to solar energy, wind energy, more energy…. But [they do so] without talking about reducing or balancing our energy needs or distributing energy equally, and only wanting to produce more and more energy. Coal has destroyed the land, and now we want to create energy in the sea, forgetting that this will impact the people who depend on the sea negatively. The southern districts of Tamil Nadu, from Rameshwaram to Kanyakumari, span 500 kilometres – about half the Tamil coastline, and are home to the most densely populated fishing-community belt in the state. And here we have a developmental project every 5 kilometres. Why is this happening? For whom? It is to satisfy the insatiable hunger of the corporate sector of the world, for which the sea and the forsaken people are being wiped out?

The sea is not just the water. It includes the sand, the land at the edge, the living beings in it. Take the turtle. It needs land to nest, and it returns to the same spot to lay eggs every year. What a wonder of nature! But with tourism, the same land won’t be there, as it is destroyed or changed. People don’t even believe that sand has life, that life originated in the sea is now being studied – which means that the sea and the coast are alive.
Voices from Manapadu: ‘This project will hurt us’

They [the government] say that the earth is heating up, so we need to do this [find other sources of energy than coal]. They say that it won’t be like coal – there won’t be fly ash. What they will say if we oppose this is that it is necessary for development. Fine, but we will accept it if there are no bad impacts. This project will be very negative for us, and for fishing, as it will be within 3-4 nautical miles [of the coast]. Something happening in Chengalpet will affect the sea up to Chennai. For instance, the anchors lost by small boats even years ago still damage our nets. This project will completely destroy our livelihood. If there are cables running for a kilometre from the shore into the sea, they will restrict fishing; it will become a private area. The very conditions it will create will hamper us. Any scheme within the sea will affect fishing. There is no scheme that can happen in the sea that won’t negatively impact fishing and fishermen.



The Manapadu estuary, one of eight prime locations for port investments under Tamil Nadu’s ‘Blue Economy’ initiative. The primary purpose is to develop infrastructure for coal and LNG jetties, to support coal-based thermal plants. The local fishing communities have opposed the project. Photo: Madhu Ramnath

If they introduce a scheme that impacts 20% of fishermen, can they create a project that takes care of these 20%? They don’t even have such an intention. Can the government show that because a certain project in an area, the people of that area are doing better? Such an example – of a people satisfied with a project – who say that a hundred people were educated in their village and they got jobs, and that their village was now doing well – that cannot be said about any scheme of theirs. The government can point to any four villages where they have implemented some scheme and ask two of the villages to speak about the benefits they have received…that they were satisfied, that they had better water, etc., but there is nothing like that. [They only say] that they have been impacted negatively, that promises were not kept. There is nothing like employment for us. Even here, only the people who come from the north are given employment.

Many of our nets get damaged in the jetty. They [the government] had said that if we lose Rs 10,000, we will get that back, even Rs 1 lakh will be compensated. But nobody even comes to see the damage, let alone pay for it. Actually, we have to see the damage, make a complaint and take it to the officer concerned, which is then processed… As far as I know, only one complaint has made it the whole way, but even that has not been paid [compensated]. They said there were no funds for it – even for such a large project, no fund was kept aside for this. They never seem to do anything right.
From Idinthakarai

Idinthakarai is a coastal village about 25 kilometres from Kanyakumari, the site of protests against the Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant in Tirunelveli district. “Idindhakarai” means broken shore, a reference to the damaged coastline of the region. Here is what several locals said:

The government tells us that projects will bring more jobs. But does one livelihood have to be wiped out for another?

There used to be an abundance of lobsters on our coast, now that has declined. Nor is there much seaweed. The ribbon fish, also known as cavalai meen [Lepturacanthus savala], is hardly found now.

There is much erosion of the seashore; the groynes meant to prevent damage create new sand formations, which cause conflicts among fishermen who need that space to land their boats.

According to a shoreline assessment report by the National Centre for Coastal Research (NCCR), a branch of the Ministry of Earth Sciences, Tamil Nadu lost 1,802 hectares to sea waves at 22 locations identified as ‘erosion hotspots’. Several southern and delta districts are mentioned in this report, including Thoothukodi and Ramanathapuram. The latter has lost 413 hectares of shoreline, the most in the state. As one fisherman said:

My personal understanding of agitations came with the Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant. Leaders don’t emerge nowadays, and there is no popular support for a cause. Opposition parties support an agitation until the elections are over, and then they leave.

In Periyathazhai, I asked whether anyone was making the local communities aware of the issues. The state government? The Union government? What are these development projects? Why were they here? Was there any discussion? And the responses this author got echoed the three persons cited below:

Nothing of the sort. They are afraid to meet people. The Kudankulam protest took place for many years and, after that, they (the government) work only through dadas (goons). In fact, any project, before commencing, requires a public hearing. But for the last 5-6 years, there have been no such hearings. Earlier, any proposed scheme was discussed at the collectorate and the concerned departments would come together and talk about it. They would then meet the people and explain the matter to them. We have an ISRO [Indian Space Research Organisation] project here. For this, there were no public hearings. They announced it sometime earlier, but work began about a year ago. This project was always on the cards, but the last public hearing was held for Kudankulam. We had opposed that too, but they did not listen to us.

On the way here, you must have seen a thermal plant when you crossed Kallamuli, the Udangudi Thermal Plant. But it is not in Udangudi; it’s not even in the Udangudi Panchayat. That [other] project in Kulasekarapatnam is not in Kulasekaram at all, but in Madhavankuruchi Panchayat. None of these projects have asked for people’s opinion or consent.


Seagrass and coral sites. Dugongs feed almost exclusively on seagrass, forming a symbiotic relationship. Source: Centre of Excellence for Offshore Wind and Renewable Energy, 2022. Source: Maritime Spatial Planning for offshore wind farms in Tamil Nadu.

See the sand on the shore. There are thousands of life forms in it. But it is being destroyed due to tourists and tourism, and the filth they leave behind. Go to Marina beach, get some sand. Then go to a village near Dhanushkodi and get some sand. One will be dead sand, one will have some life in it. They have begun to destroy Dhanushkodi, also in the name of spiritual tourism. The sand at the shore is food for the mosses, for the turtles. Not only that, where the sea and sand meet there is oxygen. There are many elements in these sands, and it is only when these sands mix with the water that the sea water gets its required density.


Reactions in Nagercoil

The existing windmills are more than sufficient for the energy we need. If we need more, why not use some lands in Ramnad for solar farms? The economics of OWE is incorrect – more input than output. You need to count the impacts as input. Windmills are being planned in the fishing grounds of the people and that will impact their livelihood.

Government records show that temperatures are rising and the shore is eroding, leading to a decline in fish. In Kanyakumari, the sea has advanced 26-27 metres over the last decade. OWE will change ocean currents and wind directions, which will affect the small boats of the fishermen, especially their ability to steer. There will be problems during the drilling – noise and earth shaking – which will affect the migration of fish. Pollution will affect the food chain and biodiversity. There will be problems when the equipment wears out and needs repair or replacement.

Marine ecology of proposed project area

Twenty-seven species in the Gulf of Mannar and Palk Bay region are vulnerable and eight are critically endangered. The government’s website on Ramsar reports that, “4 of the 7 sea turtle
species found worldwide are reported here – Olive Ridley (Lepidochelys olivacea), Green Turtle
(Chelonia mydas), Hawksbill Turtle (Eretmochelys imbricata) and the Leatherback Turtle (Dermochelys coriacea). All 4 species are protected under Schedule-I of the Indian Wildlife Protection Act (1972), and also listed in Appendix-I of the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES)”.

It is quite obvious that the locations for the offshore wind energy projects lie close to, or within, the Gulf of Mannar and Palk Bay regions, which host a multitude of vulnerable, endangered and threatened marine and other species. In addition, the coastal length used for fisheries in Tamil Nadu runs parallel to the project sites.

The gulf region consists of estuaries, mudflats, beaches and forests in the near-shore environment and includes algal communities, seagrasses, coral reefs, salt marshes and mangroves. There are 21 islands in the area, where fishermen land during their expeditions, using these islands as their landing spaces.

The Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve hosts 3,600 species, including the globally endangered dugong, and six species of mangrove endemic to India. There are 117 species of corals (live coral was observed within a 10-kilometre radius of the project area, and dead coral within a 12-kilometre radius), ten divided into 14 families and 40 genera (of the 89 found in India).

Note that under the Indian Wildlife Protection Act, 1972, all coral species are protected. There are about 100 species of echinoderms – Sea stars, sea urchins, sand dollars, etc. – in the Gulf of Mannar that live among the corals and have been observed about 5 kilometres from the project area. Also, 321 species of sponges of 129 genera have been recorded. Of these, 63 genera (and 257 species) are endemic to the area. In addition, 67% of the sponges in India are found in the Gulf of Mannar and Palk Bay regions.

The dugong is a flagship species in the Gulf of Mannar and Palk Bay region, with a symbiotic relationship with seagrass, and highly endangered worldwide. It is now recognised that both dugongs and seagrasses are endangered due to several factors, chiefly habitat destruction and climate change.

As recently as June 2025, the Tamil Nadu government issued an order declaring the 524.78 hectares of Ramanathapuram district as part of the Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve. It recognised that the area is extremely important for both resident and migratory birds and serves as a key stopover along the Central Asian Flyway with essential feeding and resting grounds. Some 128 species of both migratory and resident birds have been recorded in the area, and in the 2023-24 census, 10,761 birds were recorded there. The Dhanuskodi village and its surroundings in the Ramanathapuram district is to be declared a Greater Flamingo Sanctuary for the conservation of this ecology, particularly bird species.


Map showing ecological sensitive zones and fishing related sites along the proposed project areas.
Source: Centre of Excellence for Offshore Wind and Renewable Energy, 2022. Maritime Spatial Planning for offshore wind farms in Tamil Nadu.

Tamil Nadu has five bird sanctuaries, two national parks, one wildlife sanctuary and one biosphere reserve. In addition, it has ecologically important coastal areas, such as the Pulicat Lake (with lagoons), the Gulf of Mannar (sensitive for coral reefs) and Pichavaram, Vedaranyam and Muthupet (sensitive for mangroves).

Cautionary note

An EIA was conducted as per norms approved by the Ministry of Environment and Forests and Climate Change (MoEFCC), after ‘discussions’ with NIWE. The report was submitted to the CRZ Board (It is not in the public domain but was available through one of the board members). The Gulf of Mannar Marine National Park (GMMP) has a core area of 560 square-kilometres (from Rameshwaram to Tuticorin) within the Gulf of Mannar Biosphere Reserve, an area of about 10,500 square-kilometres on the southeastern coast of India.

It is the first Marine Biosphere Reserve in Southeast Asia, established in 1989 and recognised by UNESCO, it is also a Ramsar site, recorded as No. 2472, and was intended to conserve and protect the dugong and the whale shark, among thousands of other species. It is the world’s richest region in terms of marine biodiversity. Some marine species have a range of 15 kilometres (such as dugongs) but others (like the turtles) may have ranges of many thousands of kilometres. The buffer and core zones of the biosphere reserve would be impacted by the project as well as each stage of its implementation.

The Life Cycle Assessment (LCA) – the total environmental impacts generated by a system, process or activity over an ecosystem or persons throughout its lifespan – of the materials used in the construction of the turbines is detrimental to the environment. Most of the material used in OWE are harmful to human and environmental health.

These materials include metals, concrete, laminar compounds, fibreglass, plastics, epoxy resins, rubber, oil derivatives (lubricants), rare earth elements and oil (fuel). The metals are essentially Aluminium (Al), Iron (Fe), Zinc (Zn), Copper (Cu), and Steel, all of which demand land and freshwater during their extraction and generate industrial wastewater discharges when the turbine parts are fabricated. A number of conflicts in the world can be traced back to the extraction or control over some of the critical minerals (cobalt, lithium, nickel, molybdenum), which are concentrated in a few countries, as in the DRC and the Sibuyan Islands in the Philippines.

The noise level due to the construction, especially by pile driving, will be very high. Studies say that the levels will be as high as 208 dB, peaking at 244 dB re 1 μ Pa20 at 1 metre; the EIA, however, only mentions a noise level of 120 decibels (dB) at 3 metres (or 129.5 dB at 1 m), which is misleading.

Pile driving will remove the biota at the foot of the wind mast in a marine geological formation consisting of calcareous reef; these negative effects will be repeated in the construction of a jetty.

According to a report by FOWIND, a partnership between the European Union and India on Clean Energy and Climate, several important parameters of the Tamil Nadu offshore wind projects require more scrutiny. These include:Wind resource assessment, which carries high uncertainty.

Metocean climate (water), with limited wave and current data and high uncertainty.
Geotechnical conditions, due to limited seabed geology information.
Grid connection, which also carries uncertainty.

The report also notes that, as yet, “there is no regulation in place stipulating ESIAs for the wind sector in India.” The impacts of offshore wind developments depend on the site and scale of the project, making pre-construction analysis essential. Currently, India has a framework—the 2015 National Offshore Wind Energy Policy—that mandates EIA studies. However, there is no unified national EIA law for offshore wind projects. Work on the ground proceeds based on rapid EIAs and specific guidelines that attempt to ‘balance’ development and environmental protection in sensitive zones.

In its feasibility study report, FOWIND categorised almost all parameters as either ‘medium risk’ or ‘high risk’; none were placed in the ‘low risk’ category. Other considerations include bathymetry, soil conditions, jack-up vessels, ports and logistics, and ESIA. FOWIND has made detailed recommendations to mitigate these risks.

Beyond technical and ecological drawbacks, India’s legal framework emphasises the need to protect marine biodiversity. Yet the human angle remains largely unaddressed, as evident from the testimonies we have read. There has been little attempt at public hearings, or to take people’s views, cultural practices, or livelihood concerns into account when designing the demonstration facility or the larger envisioned project.



Thermal plants like this one, photographed at night, generate tremendous flyash that pollutes the water, air and soil, leading to declines in fishing yield.
Photo: Madhu Ramnath

Though renewables now constitute about 50% of the installed power capacity, thermal power is still the source of much of the country’s round-the-clock electricity demand. There is little chance that India will be able to deal with its climate commitments before 2047 without compromising its economic ambitions.

The key issue in energy, as renewables expand in the power sector, is energy storage. Other aspects include better distribution, including better metering and improved technology. Before going ahead with the planned installation of offshore wind farms, it is crucial to make existing thermal plants more efficient. Alongside the obvious and important considerations of marine ecology and seascapes, the impacts on human lives and livelihoods need to be taken into account.

Madhu Ramnath is a botanist, anthropologist and writer. He is the author of Woodsmoke and Leafcups.

Saturday, January 03, 2026

 Coal Remains King in India While Exports Optimize Domestic Stock

Coal India Limited, the biggest coal producer in the world’s second-biggest coal user, opened this year its online coal supply auctions directly to buyers in Bangladesh, Bhutan, and Nepal, as Indian coal supply has swelled amid weaker-than-expected demand in recent months. 

Amid an oversupply of coal and weaker demand, India and its top state coal producer are looking to optimize domestic supply and monetize exports to neighboring countries.
Until 2026, only middlemen could bid in Coal India’s online supply auctions. This has now changed with the new policy. 

“In a first, effective January 1, 2026, CIL has permitted coal consumers located in the neighbouring countries like Bangladesh, Bhutan and Nepal, who wish to import coal from India, to directly participate in the Single Window Mode Agnostic (SWMA) auctions conducted by the company,” Coal India said in a statement on Friday, as carried by The Economic Times.

“Opening SWMA e-auctions to foreign buyers reflects CIL's calibrated approach to market expansion while fully safeguarding domestic coal requirements. This step enhances transparency, competition and global market integration,” a senior company official told the publication

Opening the e-auctions directly to buyers sent Coal India’s shares rallying by 7% on the local stock exchange at close on Friday. 

Coal-fired power generation and capacity installations in India continue to rise and coal remains a key pillar of India’s electricity mix with about 60% share of total power output.

Despite booming renewable capacity additions, India continues to rely on coal to meet most of its power demand as authorities also look to avoid blackouts in cases of severe heat waves.

Coal will still be a key part of India’s power system for the next two decades, Rajnath Ram, adviser for energy NITI Aayog, said in September. 

“We cannot be subjective about coal. The question is how sustainably we can use it,” the official noted.  

By Tsvetana Paraskova for Oilprice.com


India’s coal supply glut forces top miner to explore exports

Stock Image

Coal India Ltd. has allowed consumers in neighboring countries like Nepal and Bangladesh to participate in its auctions, the miner’s first strategic push for exports as it looks to ease a deepening glut at home.

The decision came into effect Jan. 1, the state-owned firm said in an emailed statement. Its shares extended gains to as much as 7% in Mumbai following the news, the biggest intraday rise since June 2024.

Coal India has been sitting on bloated inventories of unsold fuel after a milder-than-expected summer subdued demand for electricity last year. It has also seen its sales squeezed by intensifying competition from rival miners as well as growing output from renewables.

Stockpiles at Coal India’s mines rose to a record last year, and have remained close to that level, weighing on the company’s performance. Inventories at power stations, the nation’s biggest coal users, rose 17% last year, enough to last an average 18 days, government data show.

The firm’s latest effort to offload supplies follows the government’s decision last month to allow companies to export half the coal they buy from miners through a new auction system.

Exports can help offset some of the losses that Coal India is making in the local market, according to Rupesh Sankhe, senior vice president for research at Elara Capital India Pvt.

“Based on calorific value, Coal India’s coal will be cheaper than supplies from other nations, such as Indonesia or Australia. That could be a draw for some overseas consumers,” Sankhe said.

High ash content can make Indian coal less competitive in international markets and Coal India’s shipments have faced scrutiny over quality.

“This can work only if Coal India offers the quality that can compete with other seaborne supplies available,” Sankhe said.

Coal India’s production during the nine months through December declined 2.6% from a year earlier, while shipments dropped 2.2%, according to the latest data released by the company.

(By Rajesh Kumar Singh)

Saturday, December 27, 2025

 

Redefining Aravallis: Theft of the Commons



Shirin Akhter 






What is at stake is not simply environmental damage, but the erosion of natural rights: of communities to land, water, livelihood, and a sustainable future.


Aravalli Range in Rajasthan. Image Courtesy: Wikimedia Commons

The recent judicial executive move to impose a narrow, height-based definition of the Aravalli Range marks a troubling moment in India’s environmental governance. Traditionally, the Aravallis were understood as a continuous mountain system stretching over hundreds of kilometres from Delhi through Haryana and Rajasthan into Gujarat, across dozens of districts as an interconnected range that forms a natural barrier against desertification, supports rivers and watersheds, and sustains biodiversity and local livelihoods.

This ecological continuity reflected in historical geographic characterisations of the Aravalli Range, as a continuous fold mountain belt running from Delhi to Ahmedabad, has underpinned legal and conservation frameworks that treated the hills and their attendant ridges, foreshore landforms, and catchment areas as an indivisible whole. By recognising only landforms rising 100 metres or more above the surrounding terrain as “Aravalli hills,” the State has reduced one of the world’s oldest and most fragile ecological systems to a cartographic abstraction. What is projected as scientific clarity is, in effect, ecological amnesia, carrying grave consequences for environmental protection, federalism, and democratic accountability.

Opposition leaders have been unequivocal in flagging the dangers of this exercise. Congress leader and former Union Environment Minister Jairam Ramesh has described the redefinition as a bureaucratic sleight of hand that quietly erases large swathes of the Aravallis from legal protection without any transparent public debate on ecological costs. This arbitrary vertical threshold forgets that the Aravallis function as a continuous ecological system, where low-lying hills, forested ridges, scrublands, and catchment areas together sustain groundwater recharge, regulate dust and temperature, and support biodiversity across Rajasthan, Haryana, Delhi, and Gujarat.

By tying protection to height, the State effectively decouples ecology from law. This is precisely what environmentalists and Opposition voices warn against. Former Rajasthan Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot has pointed out that the move opens the door to renewed mining and real-estate pressures in precisely those zones that have historically borne the brunt of ecological destruction. These are areas that may not tower dramatically above the landscape but are indispensable to the integrity of the range. To exclude them is to hollow out protection while claiming compliance.

Mining Contracts and Political Economy of Redefinition

The redefinition cannot be understood outside the political economy of mining contracts. The Aravallis are mined not for strategic minerals but for quartzite, stone, sand, aggregates, and limestone, the raw materials of highways, flyovers, luxury housing, and urban infrastructure. These are low-value minerals extracted in high volumes, classified as “minor minerals,” and, therefore, governed by weaker regulatory scrutiny. Redrawing the legal boundary of what constitutes the Aravallis directly affects which parcels of land can be leased, auctioned, or diverted with ease. 

This is where the government’s clarification assumes significance. While asserting that the new definition applies only to mining, and reiterating that mining is prohibited in the NCR (National Capital Region), the Union Environment Minister has simultaneously made it clear that restrictions will not apply to the mining of “critical, strategic, and atomic minerals” listed under the First and Seventh Schedules of the Mining and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Act, 1957.

The technical committee’s report goes further, recording the Rajasthan government’s assertion that the Aravallis contain deep-seated minerals falling under these schedules. In effect, while public discussion is steered toward minor minerals, the legal framework deliberately keeps the door open for extraction that can be justified as strategically or economically important.

The report itself acknowledges that beneath the surface, the Aravalli Range holds substantial mineral wealth, including marble, granite, mica, and other minerals that have historically fuelled construction and extraction across the region. This acknowledgement is wrapped in familiar language about balancing development and conservation. Yet, the exemptions embedded in the framework tell a more revealing story.

By recommending that mining restrictions “need not apply” to critical, strategic, and atomic minerals on grounds of defence and national security, the policy regime creates a hierarchy of extraction, where ecological protection is no longer a principle but a conditional privilege.

Environmentalists have, therefore, warned that the redefinition functions less as a safeguard than as an open-ended licence. As forest analyst Chetan Agarwal has pointed out, the combined effect of the new definition and the statutory exemptions is that mining for critical minerals would be permissible both in areas above 100 metres that are legally recognised as Aravallis and in areas below 100 metres that are legally rendered non-Aravalli hills. Whether one adopts the Forest Survey of India’s slope-based criteria or the Ministry’s height-based definition, future mining is not ruled out. At best, the framework promises uniform scrutiny. It does not promise ecological restraint.

Seen this way, the redefinition is not about scientific precision. It is about regulatory reordering. It preserves flexibility for mining interests under the shifting banners of development, growth, and national security, while steadily shrinking the space of unconditional ecological protection. What is being stabilised is not conservation, but the State’s discretion to extract, leaving the ecological integrity of the Aravallis to be negotiated, diluted, and overridden as required.

Once hills and ridges fall outside the formal definition, they become administratively invisible as ecologically protected spaces and legally legible as extractable real estate. In this sense, the redefinition does not curb mining; it reorganises mining opportunities. It converts contested landscapes into contract-friendly terrain. The redefinition legalises vulnerability.

Critiques insist that the issue is not scientific disagreement but state-enabled extraction. The language of “uniform definitions” masks a deeper redistribution of ecological risk from corporations and contractors to landscapes and communities that lack political power.

Sonbhadra is another case in the point, it shows where this logic ultimately leads. Often described as the energy capital of North India, Sonbhadra is rich in coal and dotted with thermal power plants that supply electricity to distant cities and industrial hubs. It is also one of the starkest examples of how State greed, legitimised through development discourse, devastates nature and people alike.

Decades of coal mining, fly ash dumping, forest clearance, and thermal pollution have left Sonbhadra environmentally scarred and socially impoverished. Adivasi and forest-dependent communities have been repeatedly displaced, their land acquired in the name of national interest, their water poisoned, and their livelihoods eroded. Despite fuelling urban growth elsewhere, Sonbhadra itself remains marked by poverty, poor health indicators, and ecological ruin.

Sonbhadra is not an aberration. It is a preview. It demonstrates how resource-rich regions are turned into sacrifice zones, where nature is stripped, communities are marginalised, and the benefits of extraction flow outward. The same logic now looms over the Aravallis, albeit through quieter legal instruments rather than overt dispossession.

Natural Justice, Commons, and Question of Who Pays

What is strikingly absent from the redefinition of the Aravallis, and from extractive governance more broadly, is any serious engagement with the law of natural justice. At its most elementary level, natural justice rests on the principles of fairness and the right to be heard. Yet in the appropriation of natural resources and common-pool resources (CPRs), these principles are routinely violated. Decisions that reshape landscapes, livelihoods, and ecological futures are taken without involving and without a concern towards communities who live with their immediate consequences.

Read Also: Halt Wanton Degradation of Aravallis

Hills, forests, grazing lands, water bodies, and mineral-bearing tracts are not inert assets waiting to be monetised. For local communities, pastoralists in the Aravallis, adivasis in Sonbhadra, forest dwellers and small cultivators across extractive belts, they constitute shared ecological commons, governed by customary use, collective knowledge, and intergenerational dependence. When the State redraws ecological boundaries, dilutes protections, or facilitates mining through redefinition and reclassification, it does so by dispossessing those most dependent on these resources, often without meaningful consultation, consent, or remedy.

This is distributive injustice. The benefits of extraction, mining contracts, construction material, electricity, urban infrastructure, flow upwards and outwards to corporations, contractors, and distant cities. The costs, displacement, loss of livelihoods, groundwater depletion, toxic air and water, long-term health damage, are localised and borne by communities with the least political power. Those who profit from extraction are insulated from its harms; those who suffer its effects are excluded from decision-making. Such an asymmetry violates the moral core of natural justice: no group should be made to bear burdens from which others reap gains without accountability or participation.

Sonbhadra offers a grim illustration of where this logic leads. Coal and power extracted in the name of national development have left behind ecological ruin, chronic poverty, and dispossessed communities. The Aravallis now risk being drawn into the same trajectory, less dramatically, perhaps, but no less decisively, through a legal sleight that converts ecological commons into contract-ready terrain. What is at stake is not simply environmental damage, but the erosion of natural rights: the right of communities to land, water, livelihood, and a sustainable future.

Environmental degradation also violates an often-overlooked dimension of natural justice, the obligation to do no irreversible harm. When ecosystems are destroyed in ways that foreclose future options, the injury extends beyond the present generation. It robs communities of resilience, adaptability, and dignity, while accountability for such harm remains diffuse or absent. Growth achieved by externalising damage onto the poor and the peripheral cannot claim legitimacy, however technically legal it may appear.

Shirin Akhter is Associate Professor at Zakir Husain Delhi College, University of Delhi. The views are personal.

Saturday, December 20, 2025

Trump EPA Plan Would Restrict Public’s Right to Know About Climate Pollution


“The problems don’t go away when the reporting goes away,” says the Corporate Toxics Information Project’s co-director.

By C.J. Polychroniou
Truthout
December 20, 2025

The ExxonMobil Baytown Refinery in Baytown, Texas, on March 2, 2023.Mark Felix for The Washington Post via Getty Images




Since 2010, the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has required large industrial facilities to report their greenhouse gas emissions. The data, which the EPA’s Greenhouse Gas Reporting Program has been collecting since 2011, is essential in efforts to reduce emissions and provides vital information to the public about climate pollution from the largest U.S. polluters. However, the Trump EPA has proposed to put an end to greenhouse gas reporting by major polluters. This move is consistent with the Trump administration’s intent to make climate denial an official U.S. policy and restricts the public from the right to know. Subsequently, it will deprive communities from having access to a critical tool for holding pollutants accountable.

Researchers at the Political Economy Research Institute (PERI) at the University of Massachusetts Amherst have been using EPA data for many years now to rank the top U.S. polluters and disseminate vital information to the public. They publish their findings annually and have just released the 2025 edition of Greenhouse Gas Emissions Index. In the interview that follows, Michael Ash, professor of economics and public policy and co-director of PERI’s Corporate Toxics Information Project, shares the latest data on the top U.S. climate pollutants and discusses the consequences of the potential end of EPA’s Greenhouse Gas Reporting Program in the fight against climate change and climate justice.

C.J. Polychroniou: For many years now, the Political Economy Research Institute (PERI) at the University of Massachusetts Amherst has been providing a valuable service to public interest in general and to activists in particular by collecting and releasing information and analysis on corporate pollution and greenhouse gas emissions through its Corporate Toxics Information Project. Last month, the 2025 edition of Greenhouse Gas Emissions Index was published, using the latest data available from the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency’s Greenhouse Gas Reporting Program. The index takes on new significance since the EPA has announced plans to end the program, which amounts to an erosion of the people’s right to know. But before we get to that, what does the new edition of Greenhouse Gas Emissions Index look like? Which corporations are the top climate polluters in the country, and have there been any significant changes in total emissions and rankings from last year


Michael Ash: The top of the list remains similar; the biggest point emitters of greenhouse gases are the electrical power companies that burn fossil fuels to generate electricity. Topping the list are Vistra Energy, Southern Company, and Duke Energy. Their combined 235 million metric tons of CO2 equivalent emissions made up just under 4 percent of all U.S. contributions to climate change that year (including all sources, such as automobiles, airplanes, and home heating, not just industrial emitters). Again, the top of the list are the fossil electricity generators. Next come the major oil refiners and petrochemical processors, such as Exxon Mobil (at the number 7 spot); and that is only accounting for the direct releases from their facilities, not the releases from the fuels that they bring into the economy. (For that, see our companion list of Toxic 100 Suppliers.)

This list has been stable for some years; a company may move up or down by a position or two based on acquisitions or sales of facilities, but the list is entirely recognizable from year to year.




Trump’s Second Term Dispels Any Notion of CEOs Saving Us From Climate Crisis
Corporate actors have shed any pretense of climate action and now openly back Trump’s doubling down on fossil fuels. By Derek Seidman , Truthout  November 28, 2025


In which states do companies emit the most heat-trapping gas that feeds climate change, and which corporations have the highest share of residents of color living close to their polluting facilities?

We have prepared state-specific lists of greenhouse gas releasers. We stay at the company level, because the company is the crucial decision-making unit, but in each state, we rank companies based on the facilities they own in the state. The big petro states, Texas and Louisiana, top the list, by quite a lot. Fossil electricity generation is widespread; so almost everywhere has a share. A petroleum-processing industry can make individual states stand out. For example California is near the top of the state list (at number 7) because of large refineries; the top five greenhouse-gas-releasing facilities in the state are refineries owned by Marathon Petroleum, Chevron, Valero, and PBF energy, even though the electricity sector as a whole is responsible for more greenhouse gas releases in California.

We think that the state listings are particularly important in this era of diminished local news capacity. This is the type of inquiry that local news sources might pursue in the public interest.

In addition to the absolute impact rankings, we also take a look at the share of people of color living near companies’ pollution-emitting facilities. At first glance, it might seem odd to look at local populations when greenhouse gas emissions are a global problem, but almost all the greenhouse gas emissions we examine are from combustion and, hence, coupled with the release of local pollutants. These local pollutants that come with the greenhouse gases are called co-pollutants, including sulfur oxides, nitrous oxides, and particular matter, as well as a host of toxics. In addition to the Puerto Rico Electric Power Authority, some companies among the Top 100 Greenhouse emitters that have a particularly high share of people of color (people categorized as “minorities” in this study) living near their facilities are the chemical company LyondellBasell (72 on the overall greenhouse emissions list, with people of color composing more than 75 percent of the population within 10 miles of their plants) and BP (50 overall, with people of color composing more than 75 percent of the population near their facilities). Marathon Petroleum (14 overall) and Valero Energy (19 overall) are other high emitters with people of color composing more than 70 percent of the population near their facilities. Forty-one of the companies on the top 100 list have their emissions near populations that are more than 50 percent people of color. The country as a whole is around 40 percent people of color; 63 of the top 100 companies exceed that share in their impact.

These local co-pollutants add to the case for reducing greenhouse gas emissions. For those who harbor the view that greenhouse gas emissions are a problem for the future — a shortsighted view in my opinion, but people face a variety of constraints — the health benefits of reducing co-pollutants are local and immediate. We’d see fewer hospitalizations for asthma, less COPD [chronic obstructive pulmonary disease], fewer cases of cancer when we stop burning fossil fuels near vulnerable populations. I’m not necessarily a fan of placing dollar values on human life and health, but by reasonable estimates, the health benefits of the co-pollutant reduction alone are as big as the climate benefits. There’s a potential very large improvement in the quality of the air that we all breathe, with special benefit for the vulnerable, such as children, older people, and communities that are heavily exposed to the burden of cumulative pollution.

Isn’t climate pollution a racial justice issue since communities of color and marginalized groups disproportionately feel the effects of corporate pollution?

Climate pollution is a justice issue for a host of reasons, including the disproportionate impact of the local co-pollutants on marginalized groups, but also because climate vulnerability, for example, to extreme weather events, is higher among marginalized groups.

The Trump administration has canceled billions of dollars in clean energy projects nationwide, seeks to revive the coal industry, and contends that the EPA has no legal authority to regulate greenhouse gas emissions. Under these new government approaches to pollution and climate change, what incentives would U.S. corporations have to reduce greenhouse gas emissions? Indeed, isn’t it most likely to expect an increase in corporate greenhouse gas pollution in the years ahead?

The actual and pending regulatory changes at EPA are deeply troubling.

One sign of hope is that some states have enacted and many are considering state-level Climate Superfund Bills. These bills would hold corporations responsible for climate change accountable for costs of adaptation, remediation, and disaster recovery. The bills are modeled on the Superfund legislation (Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act of 1980) that sought both to recover damages and to finance cleanup from the effects of corporate toxic dumping. New York and Vermont have passed bills, of varying stringency, and legislation has also been introduced in Oregon, California, Maine, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New Jersey, Maryland, Illinois, Virginia, and Tennessee. There is plenty of corporate pushback against these Climate Superfund bills, and we should expect to see contentious fights in the coming years. But the main point is that these laws — and the potential for a federal law if there are changes in the control of the federal government — provide significant incentives for corporations to consider future liability in making decisions about greenhouse gas emissions. So we might see efforts to curtail greenhouse gas emissions even in the face of the current administration’s hostility to greenhouse gas regulation.

Ending the EPA’s Greenhouse Gas Reporting Program, which has been tracking the climate emissions of major polluters for the last 15 years, constitutes an unmistakable attack on the right-to-know movement. However, do you think that the Trump administration’s intent to stop collecting greenhouse gas data from thousands of facilities across the United States will have an impact on environmental activism? And what effect in particular would the killing of Greenhouse Gas Reporting Program have on PERI’s efforts to continue to provide the public with valuable information and analysis on U.S. corporate pollution?

As you indicated, the EPA is in the process of eliminating the Greenhouse Gas Reporting Program, the regulatory program that makes these crucial right-to-know data available to the public. This fall EPA carried out a “Reconsideration” of the program which would outright eliminate most of the reporting requirements and suspend the remainder until 2034.

We are still assessing the future of the Greenhouse 100 without the Greenhouse Gas Reporting Program. The Greenhouse Gas Reporting Program was extraordinarily valuable because it was mandatory and uniform – it provided a clear look at greenhouse gas pollution from U.S.-based facilities, and it was hard to cherry pick or to greenwash. The problems don’t go away when the reporting goes away, of course, and I expect that environmental activism will continue. It will simply continue with less information, and this important tool won’t be available to the full set of stakeholders, including socially responsible investors, environmental and community activists, state and local regulators, and even companies themselves as they seek to improve their operations and benchmark against comparison companies. It’s a right-to-know disaster and it means that all of us will be operating in the dark.

This article is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), and you are free to share and republish under the terms of the license.


C.J. Polychroniou

C.J. Polychroniou is a political scientist/political economist, author and journalist who has taught and worked in numerous universities and research centers in Europe and the United States. Currently, his main research interests are in U.S. politics and the political economy of the United States, European economic integration, globalization, climate change and environmental economics, and the deconstruction of neoliberalism’s politico-economic project. He is a columnist for Global Policy Journal and a regular contributor to Truthout. He has published scores of books, including Marxist Perspectives on Imperialism: A Theoretical Analysis; Perspectives and Issues in International Political Economy (ed.); and Socialism: Crisis and Renewal (ed.), and over 1,000 articles which have appeared in a variety of journals, magazines, newspapers and popular news websites. Many of his publications have been translated into a multitude of languages, including Arabic, Chinese, Croatian, Dutch, French, German, Greek, Italian, Japanese, Portuguese, Russian, Spanish and Turkish. His latest books are Climate Crisis and the Global Green New Deal: The Political Economy of Saving the Planet (with Noam Chomsky and Robert Pollin as primary authors, 2020); The Precipice: Neoliberalism, the Pandemic, and the Urgent Need for Radical Change (an anthology of interviews with Noam Chomsky, 2021); Economics and the Left: Interviews with Progressive Economists (2021); Illegitimate Authority: Facing the Challenges of Our Time (an anthology of interviews with Noam Chomsky, 2023); and A Livable Future Is Possible: Confronting the Threats to Our Survival (an anthology of interviews with Noam Chomsky, 2024).