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Friday, May 15, 2026


IMF warns of ‘inevitable’ AI-powered threats to global financial system


ByAFP
May 7, 2026


Last month, AI company Anthropic warned that its latest model -- not yet available to the public -- was incredibly efficient at finding and exploiting software vulnerabilities - Copyright VATICAN MEDIA/AFP Handout

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) warned on Thursday of the risks to global financial stability posed by cyberattacks powered by advanced artificial intelligence tools, calling for greater international cooperation on the issue.

“IMF analysis suggests that extreme cyber-incident losses could trigger funding strains, raise solvency concerns, and disrupt broader markets,” the lender warned in a new report.

The study’s authors highlighted the risks posed by the highly interconnected nature of the global financial system, with advanced AI models able to “dramatically reduce” the time and cost of exploiting vulnerabilities.

The warning comes weeks after AI company Anthropic cautioned that its yet-to-be-released “Mythos” model was incredibly adept at finding and exploiting such weaknesses.

The model was particularly efficient at identifying vulnerabilities that developers and users had been previously unaware of.

In the hands of hackers, such so-called “zero-day” vulnerabilities are considered particularly dangerous.

On Wednesday, White House economic adviser Kevin Hassett told Fox News that an “all-government” and private sector effort was being made to test the model and ensure it does not cause harm to US businesses or government.

A day earlier, the US government announced a policy shift in which it would have access to tech giants’ new AI models to evaluate them before they are released.

The IMF warned that emerging and developing countries, “which often have more severe resource constraints, may be disproportionately exposed to attackers targeting regions with weaker defenses.”

The risks, the authors said, were systemic, cut across sectors and came with the threat of contagion, with the reliance on a small number of platforms and cloud providers likely to increase “the impact of any single exploited weakness.”

“Defenses will inevitably be breached, so resilience must also be a priority, specifically to limit how far incidents spread and ensure rapid recovery,” the report said.

IMF chief Kristalina Georgieva warned last month that the global financial system was not ready for the cybersecurity threats posed by AI.

“We are very keen to see more attention to the guardrails that are necessary to protect financial stability in a world of AI,” she told CBS News, seeking global collaboration on the issue.

AI use surges globally but rich-poor divide widens, Microsoft says



ByAFP
May 7, 2026


The AI adoption gap between wealthy and developing nations continues to widen - Copyright AFP Kirill KUDRYAVTSEV

Generative artificial intelligence is being used by 17.8 percent of the world’s working-age population, but the gap between wealthy and developing nations continues to widen, according to a report published Tuesday by Microsoft.

In the first quarter of 2026, 27.5 percent of people aged 15-64 in developed countries used a generative AI tool, compared with 15.4 percent in the developing world — a gap that widened by 1.5 percentage points from the second half of 2025, according to the report’s estimates.

The divide stems from significant inequality in access to internet connectivity, basic digital skills and electricity, according to the Microsoft AI Economy Institute.

AI model performance — historically stronger in English as most of the major AI companies are based in the US — is also slowing the spread of such tools in non-English-speaking countries.

But progress in processing non-European languages is fueling a catch-up in adoption in some countries, particularly in Asia, the US tech giant noted.

The United Arab Emirates tops the ranking of AI usage at 70.1 percent, followed by Singapore, Norway, Ireland and France.

The estimates were based primarily on measurements from computers running Windows and Microsoft products such as Bing and Copilot.

They only partially captured usage on Apple devices, and consolidated data was lacking for Russia, Iran and China.

The United States — home to dominant large AI models like ChatGPT, Claude and Gemini — ranked only 21st, at 31.3 percent.

AI usage in China — the world’s second-largest economy which is jostling with the US for an edge in the AI race — was 16.4 percent, the report said.

Pushing back against fears of job losses driven by automation, Microsoft argued in the report that AI coding tools “could increase demand for developer jobs.”

The company cautioned, however, that “it is still too early to know the full impact” of AI on the labor market.

For the first time in its history, the company itself offered voluntary departures to nearly 9,000 of its US-based employees in April.

According to Layoffs.fyi, a private aggregator, nearly 99,000 people have been laid off in the tech sector since January 1, primarily in the United States.

AI disinfo tests South Korean laws ahead of local elections


ByAFP
May 6, 2026


South Korea has hired hundreds of staff to track and counter manipulated content ahead of local elections - Copyright AFP Jung Yeon-je

Hawon Jung

In an airy office in South Korea, workers comb through social media, uncovering AI-generated content whose growing sophistication is testing toughened election laws ahead of local polls.

Experts warn that cheaper, more advanced artificial intelligence models are driving the global spread of online disinformation — a major concern in South Korea, which has adopted AI particularly rapidly.

The government strengthened the law in 2023 to counter the misuse of AI around elections, and has hired hundreds of staff to track and counter manipulated content ahead of local ballots on June 3.

But some say they feel like they are fighting an uphill battle.

“We can literally see how fast this technology evolves — like how each new version of AI makes videos and audio look and sound even more convincing,” disinformation monitor Choi Ji-hee said.

“Our job keeps getting harder and harder,” she told AFP at the National Election Commission (NEC) headquarters in Gwacheon, just south of Seoul.

On a recent workday, Choi and 18 colleagues clicked through Instagram, YouTube and other platforms, as well as online chatrooms and “fan clubs” for local politicians, in search of content concocted by AI.

Recent finds include a fake TV news report claiming a mayoral candidate had made Time magazine’s list of rising political leaders, and a slick, AI-produced K-pop song praising a politician while mocking his rivals.

Once authorities confirm the content is the work of AI, authorities can demand its removal and issue harsh punishments, including jail time in extreme cases.

In one corner, workers discussed how to dissect a suspicious video, mulling whether to separately extract its audio, key frames, facial images and background footage.

Nearby, data analyst Kim Ma-ru mapped where, when, and by whom fake materials had been distributed, helping Choi’s team detect dubious content more quickly.



– ‘Whack-a-mole’ –



The local polls are the third major ballot in South Korea since an amended law to combat AI-fuelled election falsehoods was passed in 2023.

More than 45 percent of South Koreans use generative AI, according to government figures. ChatGPT maker OpenAI says the country has the most paid subscribers outside the United States.

At the same time, South Koreans consume more low-quality generative content — “AI slop” — than any other country, and reports of false AI-created content rose 27-fold between the general election in 2024 and the presidential campaign the following year.

“It’s an exhausting job that can feel like a (game of) whack-a-mole,” Kim told AFP.

“But it’s important work — there’s a sense of civic duty in it.”

AFP has debunked AI-generated election disinformation in South Korea, including a video of the 2025 presidential frontrunner Lee Jae Myung — now the country’s leader — purportedly faking a hunger strike.

Beyond fake content about candidates, conspiracy theories about vote-rigging in recent years have also dented public trust in elections.

Jailed ex-president Yoon Suk Yeol sent hundreds of armed troops to the NEC during his short-lived bid to impose martial law in late 2024, repeating widely disproven far-right claims of vote hacking.

On the street outside the office, pro-Yoon protesters have hung a banner reading: “Investigate the rigged elections immediately!”

Both Choi and Kim declined to be photographed or filmed, citing growing threats and online bullying targeting election workers.



– Strict laws –



“In such a short time, it has become so difficult for voters to tell what is real and what is not,” said Jung Hui-hun, a digital forensic specialist at the NEC’s cyber investigations unit, as he ran videos through state-developed software tools to detect AI imagery.

Officials say the programmes are about 92 percent accurate, with human experts reviewing the most sophisticated material.

Once confirmed, authorities demand that either the poster or the platform remove the content for violating the 2023 law, which bans AI material that involves candidates and looks realistic enough to confuse voters in the three months before a poll.

Repeat offenders, or those who create content deemed particularly harmful, can face up to seven years in jail or a maximum fine of 50 million won ($34,000).

“The rules may seem excessive to those outside South Korea, especially in places like the US that highly prioritise freedom of expression,” Kim Myuhng-joo, director of the Korea AI Safety Institute, told AFP.

But as swiftly as South Koreans embraced AI, many grew aware of its dangers, Kim said, citing the election conspiracy theories and a public scandal around deepfake pornography targeting women and girls.

“Public consensus has formed that we need tough regulations over the use of AI when it comes to election transparency,” Kim said.

A survey last year showed 75 percent of South Koreans believed AI-generated content could sway election results, and nearly 80 percent supported stronger efforts to detect and punish its use.

Jung, the digital forensic specialist, acknowledged the country’s response had “many limits” but voiced hope it would spur debate on how to tackle AI-fuelled disinformation.

“We’re still trying to figure out what is the best solution… but I think we are moving forward — slowly but surely,” he said.


Canada’s Cohere embraces ‘low drama’ amid AI giant tumult


ByAFP
May 15, 2026


Montreal-based Joelle Pineau joined Cohere last year after nearly eight years leading Meta's Fundamental AI Research lab - Copyright AFP ALAIN JOCARD


Alex PIGMAN

In an industry that runs on hype and grand gestures, Canadian AI firm Cohere is charting a different course from Silicon Valley. No talk of superintelligent machines, no public feuding, just one question: can it make money?

“Cohere is a very low drama company,” chief AI officer Joelle Pineau told AFP in a recent interview, noting that she counts many friends at OpenAI and Anthropic — and that Cohere is quite different.

The company was co-founded in Toronto in 2019 by Aidan Gomez, an AI researcher who co-authored a seminal paper that laid the foundations for modern AI systems, underscoring the central role of the Canadian AI research ecosystem in the field’s development.

Pineau, who joined Cohere last year after nearly eight years leading Meta’s Fundamental AI Research lab, said the company’s understated approach extends to one of the hottest buzzwords in the industry: artificial general intelligence, or AGI, the hypothetical point at which AI surpasses human intelligence.

“We don’t spend a lot of time talking about AGI,” Pineau said, dismissing the theorizing as a distraction.

Instead, she said, the company rallies around a decidedly less glamorous slogan — “ROI over AGI” — a reference to the return on investment that has yet to materialize across much of the cash-burning AI industry.

Pineau said the company’s focus on business clients shapes how the firm thinks about AI risk, cutting through what she described as fear-mongering around hypothetical scenarios.

“We’ve had a number of people who’ve gone around and essentially made people scared of AI as opposed to really understanding the real risks,” she said, arguing that time spent catastrophizing could be better spent addressing tangible safety challenges.

Those real risks, she said, include workforce disruption, data privacy and infrastructure security — concerns that Cohere’s enterprise customers in financial services, healthcare and government are actively grappling with.

“People are worried whether that’s going to impact their jobs, their ability to have a livelihood,” Pineau said. “These are completely legitimate questions.”

On the competitive threat from Chinese AI models, she pushed back against alarmist framing while acknowledging security considerations. The risk of malicious code injection through AI-generated software, she noted, is not unique to any one country.

“It’s not only the Chinese who can do this — any developer who decides that they want to do this” has mechanisms to do so, she said, adding that robust safety practices were good hygiene regardless of a model’s origin.

– ‘Spicy takes’ –

Pineau said Cohere was well-positioned to capitalize on demand from European and Asian markets wary of dependence on US technology platforms.

The company last month announced a deal to acquire German AI firm Aleph Alpha, creating a combined entity valued at around $20 billion with dual headquarters in Toronto and Berlin.

The deal, backed by both the Canadian and German governments, is designed to position Cohere as a sovereign alternative for businesses to American AI giants in the European market, as well as in Asia.

“Given the geopolitical context, some of them are afraid of just getting locked out of US tech solutions,” she said. “We are more than happy to offer an alternative.”

While Cohere will continue to call Toronto its global home, Pineau said the company’s ambitions stretch well beyond its borders. With offices in San Francisco, New York, London and Paris — and now a deepening presence in Germany — the goal is unambiguously international.

Still, she suggested the founders’ origins might leave a lasting imprint on the firm’s character.

“There may be some particular Canadian folklore that comes with it — some of the values of the co-founders that are going to permeate,” she said.

Asked whether leaning into splashier narratives — like rivals’ warnings of AI doom — might attract more investor attention and generate more publicity, Pineau suggested wryly that “maybe we’d get a lot more air time” by playing along.

“Maybe we’ll try some spicy takes once in a while,” she added.


Thursday, May 07, 2026

We Are Watching the Rise of Democratic Fascism

Source: Jacobin

“American fascism would . . . be correspondingly democratic in the American fashion.”

— Bertolt Brecht, Journals

At the end of last year, Donald Trump deployed more than two thousand Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents to Minneapolis and St Paul, essentially occupying the Twin Cities and making his previous deployments of the National Guard to Washington, DC, and other Democrat-run cities look like a neighborhood patrol in comparison. Agents hunted down and arrested some three thousand migrants and murdered Reneé Good and Alex Pretti, two US citizens who had joined protests against the operation.

The blitz in Minneapolis made it clear that Trump intended for ICE to function not just as an authoritarian police force with an outsize budget, but as his own political militia. This was evident not least in ICE’s blatant unprofessionalism, with agents often wearing casual clothing and receiving only minimal training, while purposefully and repeatedly undermining local governments and police departments. But it was also meant to be a spectacle: a public display of cruelty toward migrants that simultaneously demonstrated the limits of peaceful protest to his opponents. Even the podcaster Joe Rogan compared ICE to the Gestapo.

Though Rogan’s analogy may have been flawed, it hints at the more fundamental issue of the nature of the Trump administration. During his first term, that question appeared to be settled. Despite his noxious rhetoric, Trump’s track record in office was more or less what could be expected from a Republican president, and with his loss in 2020, it seemed US politics would largely return to normal. That is, until January 6, 2021, when a mob whipped up by Trump’s conspiracy-mongering about a stolen election stormed the Capitol in an attempt to prevent the peaceful transition of power. By then, it should have become clear that Trump was more than just another populist with authoritarian leanings. But was he, then, a fascist?

Historical fascism first came to power some hundred years prior to January 6, in October 1922, when Benito Mussolini led fifty thousand Blackshirts and seized power in the March on Rome (or rather, compelled conservative elites to hand power to him). The storming of the Capitol was obviously not the March on Rome. Trump never explicitly called on anyone to seize anything, and when his supporters finally managed to make it into the building, they mostly milled around and took selfies.

It was a carnivalesque event featuring a wild hodgepodge of protagonists — far-right militiamen, QAnon followers, Tea Party activists, bikers, gamers, manosphere cosplayers — orchestrated through social media but organized only to a limited extent. In that sense, January 6 was symptomatic of a broader trend: today’s far right is not vertically integrated but effectively decentralized, functioning more like a swarm than a combat formation. Moreover, it exhibits a dangerous banality: unlike its twentieth-century predecessors, it plays out in line with the rules of electoral democracy and within our everyday lives. Fascist propaganda is practically ubiquitous on social media platforms like X and increasingly prominent in pop culture. In Spain, a remix of the Falangist hymn “Cara al Sol” topped the Spotify charts, while in Germany, rich kids and skinheads alike delight in chanting xenophobic slogans to the beat of Italian DJ Gigi D’Agostino’s Eurodance hit, “L’amour toujours.” The fascism of today dances to the tune of democracy.

What Is — and What Isn’t — Fascist?

Even during Trump’s first term, debates raged around the extent to which his rule constituted a new form of fascism. While progressives and liberals tended to apply the label quite, well, liberally, critics emphasized that many vital elements of historical fascism were simply not present under Trump. Voices on the left in particular emphasized the roots of Trump’s politics in American democracy and its continuities with the country’s settler-colonial origins.

Fascism is a drastic, historically charged word that is often used merely to provoke a moralistic reaction. In analytical terms, however, it is entirely appropriate to treat fascism as something that is not — or is no longer — exclusively historical. A tsunami of political regression is sweeping across the Western world, and episodes of violence are on the rise, whether shootings of Black Lives Matter activists, the storming of the Capitol, the right-wing riots in the UK, or death threats against politicians in provincial Germany. A slew of parties whose politics go much further than the illiberal authoritarianism of a Viktor Orbán are now within striking distance of power. In eastern Germany, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) — whose far-right current dreams of “system change,” meaning an end to parliamentary democracy — is polling at 40 percent.Fascism is a drastic, historically charged word that is often used merely to provoke a moralistic reaction.

That by no means implies that all right-wingers are fascists. During the 2024 presidential campaign, Kamala Harris repeatedly called Trump a fascist. What she really meant was that he was an autocrat. The same is true of philosopher Jason Stanley, for whom the United States is already fascist — which is obviously not the case. While the Democrats may be an incompetent, feckless opposition, they are neither outlawed nor persecuted. Militias are not dragging Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez off to the camps. Stanley applies the term to all ultranationalist movements in which the nation is represented by a single leader. By doing so, he loses sight of fascism’s specific characteristics. He also regards the American South during slavery as a form of fascism. Surely, any system that denies a group of people equal rights and subjects them to forced labor is profoundly unjust, but American slave-owning democracy guaranteed free elections, the separation of powers, and comprehensive civil rights for the white majority — things that would be inconceivable in a fascist society. Furthermore, Stanley blurs the distinction between social movement and political regime, lumping together all ultranationalisms regardless of how they emerge or whether they exercise power.

In Germany, many now deploy the term from a gradualist perspective, describing a “fascization” synonymous with the radicalization of neoliberalism or even bourgeois society as a whole. But by expanding the concept of fascism into a catchall category applicable to a wide range of historical injustices, we lose the ability to develop a clear, specific analysis of the present. We also risk underestimating the transformative nature of fascist forces by blurring the qualitative difference between democratic authoritarianism and fascism. After all, just as many deportations were carried out under Barack Obama and Joe Biden, but only Trump turns them into a public spectacle for his supporters to relish.

Neither Tragedy Nor Farce

If the concept of fascism is to be applied to the present day, it must first be placed in historical context. Despite certain similarities in program and style, what is referred to as fascism today is not the same as Nazism, a mass movement based on a virulently racist ideology combining ethnonationalist propaganda with violent pogroms. Nor is fascism returning as a tool to crush the workers’ movement in an era of acute class struggle.

Historically, fascism refers to a specific form of the extreme right during the interwar period characterized by a cult of the leader, organized street violence, dictatorship, and a drive to eliminate all opponents and enemies of the people whether real or imagined. Against this backdrop, authoritarian governments are not necessarily fascist: Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and former Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán may have sought to transform their countries into explicitly illiberal democracies, but they are not dictators.Contemporary far-right currents exhibit more differences from than similarities to historical fascism, while imperialism and colonialism today take on a distinctly different form.

Contemporary far-right currents exhibit more differences from than similarities to historical fascism, while imperialism and colonialism today take on a distinctly different form. For one thing, the European and Atlantic powers are not at war with each other. And while recent wars for geopolitical dominance such as in Afghanistan or the Middle East have certainly produced a lot of veterans, their numbers pale in comparison to the masses of surplus men who found themselves discarded and alienated from mainstream society after World War I.

The sociopolitical and economic conditions are also different. The 2008 financial crisis gave right-wing forces renewed momentum, but today’s economic crises and the associated social fallout are not comparable to the 1930s, when mass unemployment ate away at people’s sense of purpose and clouded their judgment. Today central banks and governments regularly intervene to mitigate crises. The stock market has reached new highs in recent years, and, much unlike the Great Depression, the United States neared full employment during Trump’s first term. By the same token, we have inflation, but no hyperinflation, and instead of a powerful socialist alternative vying for power, our current historical moment is characterized by a profoundly weak left. In this respect, the 2020s are certainly not a repeat of the 1920s and 1930s — neither as tragedy, nor as farce.

Fascism’s Counter-Modernity

The new fascism can thus only be understood within its own historical context. Trump’s authoritarianism reflects an American society that is still shaped by the legacy of slavery, and in which inequality, racism, and violence condition public life far more distinctly than in Europe. Nativism plays a role, as does white supremacy. In Europe, by contrast, far-right parties tend to mobilize a kind of state-oriented nationalism that seeks to combat alleged threats to national unity.

One of the main driving forces behind historical fascism was the fight against social equality, which explains to a large extent its determination to annihilate the social democratic and communist movements. Though the fascists may not have been direct agents of capital enlisted to save capitalism, as Joseph Stalin’s Comintern claimed, fascism would nevertheless have been inconceivable without the support of sections of big capital. Nor was it an irrational movement of sinister seducers and the seduced, as earlier scholarship on fascism claimed. Nevertheless, as Max Horkheimer famously said, “Whoever is not willing to talk about capitalism should also keep quiet about fascism” — for capitalism and fascism are both systems that naturalize inequality.Contemporary fascism, we argue, is rooted in a specific structure of feeling found in modern societies: the quest for a different kind of modernity.

Contemporary fascism, we argue, is rooted in a specific structure of feeling found in modern societies: the quest for a different kind of modernity. Modern society claims to oppose natural hierarchies and allow reason and rationality to triumph over faith and superstition. It seeks to subjugate nature to humanity, yet simultaneously acknowledges humanity’s natural finitude and limitations. The central promise of modern society, however — that of social integration through upward mobility — no longer holds. The specter of social decline has led to a kind of generalized negativity. Liberal modernity has thus brought forth a destructiveness directed against itself: a new fascism that offers destruction as a means of healing.

Fascism proves attractive in times of rapid social change not least because it fosters a collective narcissistic identification. Every angry and disoriented individual can merge with the community of the nation, which in turn is demarcated from individualistic, multicultural society. The various factions of this community are united by the destructive rebellion against liberal democracy and the desire to restore social hierarchies.

That is why fascism neither was nor is opposed to modernity in the strict sense. In fact, it exhibits many facets of modernity, such as in the way it deals with technology or the economy. Fascism, then, strives not for anti-modernity, but rather an alternative counter-modernity: a mythic order that promises ethos and stability in contrast to the cold rationalities and fluid, crisis-ridden nature of modern bourgeois society. Moreover, it sees itself as an eternal order defined by greatness, in which even the individual can attain such greatness (Peter Thiel or Elon Musk come to mind).

The Oxford historian Roger Griffin developed an influential definition of fascism in the early 1990s. In his view, fascism is a revolutionary movement with a “mythic core,” an imaginary of the nation and its rebirth as a form of “populist ultranationalism.” Fascism always required a national myth about the past in order to turn it toward the future. For fascism was not merely about restoring a bygone utopia, but also about the fantasy of a grand future — a narcissistic identification with the nation to which world-historical greatness was ascribed. Here, one is reminded of the Nazis’ feverish hallucinations of a “thousand-year Reich”.

The Joy of Violence

Fascism scholar Robert Paxton goes beyond Griffin’s ideological dimension on one crucial point, emphasizing the element of practice. According to Paxton, fascism is a “form of political behavior marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation, or victimhood and by compensatory cults of unity, energy, and purity.” Unity, strength, and purity are achieved through exclusion and violence directed against political opponents and minorities. Violence is a defining feature of fascism, but it carries far more significance: it is affective, redemptive, liberating, a means of transgression as well as transcendence through which one becomes one with oneself. Violence also plays a role in the myth of the nation as victim, just as one is oneself a victim of elites, external threats, and foreigners.There was no room for individualism in historical fascist thought: society consisted of regiments and divisions, not individuals.

There was thus no room for individualism in historical fascist thought: society consisted of regiments and divisions, not individuals. Historical fascism understood itself as the total integration of all social life. Economically, fascism was also a means of renewing capitalism — a capitalism purged of class struggle, its place taken by the national community. The fascist movement purges the nation of its opponents for the sake of transcendence. Everything that stands in the way of its rebirth must be destroyed. Fascism therefore always involved the existence of militias, in which the energies of fascist men can be unleashed according to “rhythm, intoxication, compulsion, and woe,” according to “marching, stamping, climbing, chasing, thrusting, and triumphing,” as the German sociologist Klaus Theweleit once put it.

Italian historian Enzo Traverso summed up the conceptual problem at the heart of our debate in his book The New Faces of Fascism: “In short, the concept of fascism seems both inappropriate and indispensable for understanding this new reality.” What we are dealing with, according to Traverso, is neither a return of the old fascism nor something completely different and new, but rather a hybrid, heterogeneous political movement that draws on the politically restorative imagination of the past, but whose future remains unclear. When asked whether Trump is a fascist, the analysis is binary: either he is or he is not, or one checks off a list of characteristics to see whether enough criteria are met. This perspective is far too static, taking too little account of the dynamics and evolution of the radical right.

A Democratic Fascism?

The original fascists wore the fascist label with pride. This began to change after the crimes of the Holocaust came to light, prompting Theodor W. Adorno to comment on the transformation of the far-right parties’ relationship to democracy: “Openly anti-democratic aspects are removed. On the contrary: they constantly invoke true democracy and accuse the others of being anti-democratic.” It is in this sense that we propose the term democratic fascism to describe the far right emerging today.The concept of democratic fascism appears contradictory, since fascism as a political regime was the negation of democracy.

At first glance, the concept of democratic fascism appears contradictory, since fascism as a political regime was the negation of democracy. But in the simplistic, catchphrase-driven use of the term, too little attention is paid to the process through which fascism emerges and comes to power within the democratic order, in order to destroy it later on. In Germany, only a few weeks passed between Adolf Hitler’s lawful election and the Enabling Act. In Italy, it took Mussolini three years to establish a full-fledged dictatorship.

The concept of democratic fascism thus reflects the fact that fascism today manifests itself in a contradictory and ambiguous situation. The Trump administration is not a fascist regime, and Germany does not face a fascist putsch. Far-right extremists can achieve certain goals even within a democracy. Despite all their differences, however, historical and contemporary fascist forces share a very similar self-image: they see themselves as national revolutionaries. This was most clearly articulated by Heritage Foundation President Kevin Roberts, who told supporters, “We are in the process of the second American revolution, which will remain bloodless if the left allows it to be.”

The contemporary fascist movement sees itself as renewing democracy with the ultimate aim of undermining it. At least for now, dictatorship is not on the agenda. Thus, the core of democratic fascism is its ambivalent relationship to democracy. Unlike historical fascists, who consistently and openly declared their intent to destroy parliamentarism, democratic fascists (even if they occasionally flirt with monarchist fantasies) seek only to strip democracy of its liberal institutions.

So far, Trump’s brand of fascism has been more of a form of what Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way call “competitive authoritarianism.” There is real competition for political power and elections take place, even if authoritarian incumbents tip the scales of political competition in their favor. The opposition is legal, but the judicial system and the media no longer act independently and undermine political competition. Nevertheless, democratic fascism is based on a fundamentally different conception of democracy than the one we know. It is often grounded in the writings of the German legal scholar Carl Schmitt, the “chief jurist” of the Third Reich who once described the Nazis’ Nuremberg Race Laws as a “constitution of freedom.” Today, Schmitt is one of the central points of reference for Peter Thiel and J. D. Vance.

For Schmitt, democracy was not to be confused with universal suffrage and parliamentary debate — true democracy was the “identity of rulers and ruled.” Democracy, he argued, existed when the general will of the people was expressed in a national leader. This presupposed “a people whose members are similar to one another and who have the will to political existence.” Schmitt made it unmistakably clear what this meant: “Democracy requires, therefore, first homogeneity and second — if the need arises — elimination or eradication of heterogeneity.” In democratic fascism, the homogeneity of the general will manifests itself in majoritarianism — the reshaping of democracy in the interests of the “native” majority, who see their very existence as fundamentally threatened by the expansion of minority rights and whose political and social freedoms must therefore be curtailed. Combined with mass deportations, it is essentially a modernized variant of Schmitt’s thinking.

Trump might be building an authoritarian state to target minorities or the opposition, but he wants to scale back the state’s reach in most other areas, whether education or the environment. Whereas the Nazis sought to control and direct “ordinary people” and the business class, Trump’s state seeks to get out of their way. Businessmen should be able to do what they want — make profits — with state support but without state direction. Historical fascism was an unbridled behemoth, as Franz Neumann called it, a state of lawlessness. Today’s fascism is more like a joint venture in a deregulated state that neither environmental regulations nor antidiscrimination laws can stop. Instead of the total integration promised by historical fascism, democratic fascism is more like a radicalization of neoliberal disintegration.Democratic fascism is not based on a party following, but on a highly politicized public sphere, a hyperpolitics that forms bonds within affective networks.

Democratic fascism is not based on a party following, but on a highly politicized public sphere, a hyperpolitics that forms bonds within affective networks. It constitutes a polymorphous political spectrum unmoored from any rigid set of characteristics. Republicans who have converted to Trump supporters, MAGA enthusiasts, libertarian authoritarians from Silicon Valley, Evangelical Christians, Proud Boys, and angry Tea Party supporters have formed an alliance under Trump’s leadership, but each follows its own logic. If there is such a thing as a common denominator, it is that they are all anti-egalitarian, anti-cosmopolitan, and exclusionary.

In this regard, democratic fascism is obsessively focused on its enemies, while envisioning a modernized form of the nation. Democratic fascists want to roll back the liberalization of personal lifestyles but have no problem with open homosexuality, provided it reproduces social hierarchies. Their attacks on trans people are directed against the non-binary that undermines such hierarchies.

Racism, too, has different layers. Population policy is a key instrument of national governance: the goal is to reduce “low-IQ,” “garbage” migration, as Trump puts it, but not to create a homogeneous national community. When it comes to gender relations, the Right around Trump is strongly femonationalist, attacking abortion rights and promoting traditional family models, but not fundamentally questioning women’s participation in the workforce or political decision-making.

Trump, the Resentment Entrepreneur

Though the new fascism also refers to a mythical national past, it only partially imagines something like a transcendent order. Instead, it is more a kind of restorative origin myth. Donald Trump’s slogan, “Make America Great Again,” is about restoring something: America is to be great again. The new empire has become profane and secular — we want an empire that rules the world, but one that is great on its own.

A broad spectrum of fantasies of order can be found within MAGA’s intellectual milieu, ranging from monarchical market economies with a CEO as emperor, private cities and private states, to dark utopias of technological singularity and colonizing Mars. Trump’s visions of the future, by contrast, appear quite down-to-earth. Transgressive fantasies are found only in memes or hallucinatory AI-generated clips in which he appears alternately as a Roman emperor, a vengeful and punishing superhero, or a golden statue in an ethnically cleansed Gaza.

Neofascists are also less concerned with molecularly restructuring the entire society into a national body: there is no intention to create a comprehensive totalitarian state that dictates politics, the economy, and daily life, despite bans on gender-neutral language, restrictions on abortion rights, and the persecution of Palestine solidarity. Neofascism is about the restoration of a neo-authoritarian hierarchical society, rather than the creation of a totalitarian state.

Trump is not (yet) a dictator, nor is he a fascist of the classical school who promises transcendence and salvation. He comes across more like a vulgar mafia boss. But his political style, as Christopher Browning described it, is fascist: “The inflammatory rallies; the incessant mongering of fear, grievance, and victimization; the casual endorsement of violence; the pervasive embrace of conspiracy theories; the performative cruelty; the feral instinct for targeting marginalized and vulnerable minorities; and the cult of personality.” The fascist spectrum necessarily includes flirting with what the sociologist Michael Mann once called “moralized violence,” used to justify said violence as necessary, legitimate, and right.

The fascist style can also be observed in the AfD, where provincial party leader Björn Höcke gleefully quotes the German philosopher Peter Sloterdijk, who in 2016 spoke of “well-tempered cruelty” when outlining his vision for European migration policy. From a global perspective, both democratic and historical fascism are in many respects aesthetically and affectively oriented. The pioneering thinker of the German New Right, Armin Mohler, once summed this up succinctly: Fascist rhetoric is not about logical connections, but rather about “setting a certain tone, creating a climate, evoking associations.”

Thus far, liberals have tried to stop Trump and other far-right radicals with lawfare. This strategy was bound to fail. First, under capitalism, the balance of forces is reflected in the legal system, and Trump represents the class of property owners. Secondly — and much more importantly — fascism is an affective atmosphere. Trump was able to gain power by addressing a structure of feeling, a profound alienation from capitalist modernity. He is the perfect resentment entrepreneur, both as a producer and as a representative. The Left has not yet found an effective, durable response to him. Still, people are more resilient than we might fear. The resistance to ICE in Minneapolis was so effective in part because it dispelled the American right’s narrative: multiethnic communities demonstrated more cohesion than the right-wing prophets of apocalyptic social decline could ever have imagined.

Translation by Loren Balhorn.


Carolin Amlinger is a sociologist of literature and research associate at the Department of Linguistics and Literary Studies at the University of Basel. She is coauthor of Offended Freedom: The Rise of Libertarian Authoritarianism.

Oliver Nachtwey is a professor of sociology at the University of Basel. He is coauthor of Offended Freedom: The Rise of Libertarian Authoritarianism.

Loren Balhorn is editor in chief of Jacobin’s German-language edition.

This article was originally published by Jacobin; please consider supporting the original publication, and read the original version at the link above.Email

Carolin Amlinger is a sociologist of literature and research associate at the Department of Linguistics and Literary Studies at the University of Basel. She is coauthor of Offended Freedom: The Rise of Libertarian Authoritarianism.

Thursday, April 02, 2026

A German Journalist’s ‘Civil Death’

Source: Consortium News

The following note appeared in the thread of my “X” account at 7:47 Saturday morning. It was posted by Hüseyin Dogru, a German journalist who lives, such as he and his family can, under European Union sanctions:

Hüseyin Dogru is not given to histrionics or self-dramatizations, if this is what you’re thinking. He has been on the E.U.’s (increasingly long) sanctions list since May 20 of last year. While Dogru joins others dedicated to the truth of our time and the defense of their own integrity, he is the first E.U. citizen to be sanctioned and the first journalist to land on the list because of his work. 

What is Dogru’s crime? Don’t ask: He has not committed one, has not been charged with one, and has not been permitted any opportunity to respond in court to those accusing him of … of practicing his profession and exercising his rights to free expression. 

I will get to the particulars of the official documents in a sec. For now, this: Hüseyin Dogru, whose family is of Turkish origin, was born in Berlin and is a German citizen. As a journalist he has been critical of Israel, taken a strong position against the genocide in Gaza and written in support of the Palestinian cause. More later.

With the seizure of his spouse’s bank accounts last Friday, Dogru and his family now face what amounts to a starvation blockade of the kind the Trump regime (not to change the subject) currently imposes on Cuba and Israel imposes on Gaza. 

This story reads like something out of Dostoyevsky or Kafka, I have to say. We are talking about a family of five going hungry in the capital of the Federal Republic of Germany as punishment for… what?… for seeing with his eyes open, for thinking about what he sees, then commenting on what he sees?

I would love to suggest various ways readers could support the Dogru family, but there are none. Were someone to donate so much as a loaf of bread to help sustain them the German authorities would count it a criminal offense punishable by a prison term of up to several years. 

I discussed this question of assistance with a German friend over the weekend. The only way to come to the aid of Hüseyin Dogru, we determined, would be to hand him, in person, an envelope of euros or a bag of groceries. And this would be to take a risk, of course.    

The above quoted social media post was addressed to some names readers will recognize: Yanis Varoufakis, Stella Assange, Alan MacLeod, Clare Daly, Mary Kostakidis, Chris Hedges and on down a long list. The best coverage of the Dogru case I have seen has appeared in Berliner Zeitung, which I have read courtesy of the translations sent me by Eva–Maria Föllmer Müller, a German friend and colleague.

European Media Silence

As to the rest of European media, including Germany’s, there has been a resolute silence these past 11 months. In a series of social media posts over the weekend, Dogru reported that many people have written — your columnist is among them — to offer him and his family some mode of support.  

Here are two of his replies: “People ask me what we can do. Legally, I cannot comment, as it could link me to the act and put my family at risk. All I can say is that resisting injustice through civil disobedience is legitimate and morally justified.”

And then this: “Also a call to journalists who know about my case and had access to the files — you chose to stay silent. You are also responsible for the situation of my children.”

On March 15 Berliner Zeitung published an interview with Alexander Gorski, Dogru’s attorney. Here is a little of what Gorski said when asked how nearly a year’s sanctions has affected Dogru’s life:

“The impact on him and his family is devastating. From one day to the next, his accounts were frozen. He is not permitted to conduct any financial transactions and must have every use of his assets approved by the Bundesbank. Currently, only €506 per month are authorized, with which he must make ends meet….  Furthermore, his bank, Comdirect, repeatedly imposes additional restrictions on the use of these €506…. The risk of committing a criminal offense by having financial contact with my client is very high…. Leading a normal family life under these circumstances is virtually impossible. This situation is often described as “civil death” — and that is exactly what applies here….”

Nine days after this interview appeared, the District Court in Frankfurt am Main rejected an emergency appeal Gorski filed, requiring Dogru’s bank to unblock funds he needs to meet routine obligations — fees to service providers, insurance payments, and the like. The court ruled that Dogru has no “right to an injunction.” 

It was four more days until, last Saturday, the Central Office of Sanctions Enforcement, a federal authority in Berlin, seized the accounts of Dogru’s spouse.

This is the same treatment accorded others on the E.U. sanctions list. “Civil death” is precisely the term.

Jacques Baud, the noted Swiss commentator, is prominent among these others. The paying-attention population of Europe was shocked when he was sanctioned, last December, a case I wrote of in The Floutist under the headline, “Free Speech and its Enemies.”

Here is Baud’s entry in the E.U. Sanctions Tracker, the list of those the E.U. has summarily blacklisted: 

“Jacques Baud, a former Swiss army colonel and strategic analyst, is a regular guest on pro–Russian television and radio programmes. He acts as a mouthpiece for pro–Russian propaganda and makes conspiracy theories, for example accusing Ukraine of orchestrating its own invasion in order to join NATO.”

Hüseyin Dogru’s rap sheet is similarly preposterous. In sum, the E.U. runs miles with his previous association with a now-defunct digital channel called Redfish, which was partly funded by a subsidiary of the Novosti–RT group.  

Here is an extract from Dogru’s entry in the E.U. Sanctions Tracker. His case is No. 20 in the document linked here. In it you find a salad of factual inaccuracies along with the beyond-flimsy case it purports to document against him:

RED [Redfish] has used its media platforms — often publishing under ‘redstreamnet’ or ‘thered.stream’ — to systematically spread false information on politically controversial subjects with the intent of creating ethnic, political and religious discord amongst its predominantly German target audience, including by disseminating the narratives of radical Islamic terrorist groups such as Hamas….

Through AFA Medya [a media company based in Istanbul, the purported sponsor of “RED”], Hüseyin Dogru thus supports actions by the Government of the Russian Federation which undermine or threaten stability and security in the Union and in one or several of its Member States, including by indirectly supporting and facilitating violent demonstrations and engaging in coordinated information manipulation….”

This is a hard bouncing ball to follow, as readers may note. Dogru wrote critically of Israel and the Gaza genocide (among various other topics, including German foreign policy) and this was in the service of spreading Russian disinformation in the cause of destabilizing E.U. member states.  

Got it?

When Berliner Zeitung asked Alexander Gorki, Dogru’s attorney, why the E.U. singled out Dogru, he replied, “We don’t know that. What we observe, however, is that the German government, in particular, is cracking down on people who express dissenting opinions on the Russia–Ukraine war or the issue of Palestine.”

Just parenthetically, Dogru opposed the Russian intervention in Ukraine and quit Redfish in protest immediately after it began in February 2022.

“The Commission in Brussels banned him, a European Union citizen, from the European Union,” Yanis Varoufakis remarked in the course of an appearance on The Chris Hedges Report last week. “They turned him into a non-person, ‘an asset of Putin,’ just because they could.”

It is those last four words that rattle me most. They resonate across the Western post-democracies.  

Eva–Maria Föllmer–Müller contributed invaluable research and translations.il

Patrick Lawrence, a correspondent abroad for many years, chiefly for The International Herald Tribune, is a columnist, essayist, lecturer and author, most recently of Journalists and Their Shadows. Other books include Time No Longer: Americans After the American Century.