It’s possible that I shall make an ass of myself. But in that case one can always get out of it with a little dialectic. I have, of course, so worded my proposition as to be right either way (K.Marx, Letter to F.Engels on the Indian Mutiny)
Thursday, May 26, 2022
BY GREGORY ELICH
MAY 24, 2022
National Assembly of Serbia. Photograph Source: Boris Dimitrov – CC BY-SA 3.0
Little more than half a year has passed since Belgrade hosted the Non-Aligned Summit on the occasion of the 60th anniversary of the movement’s founding, and Serbia is increasingly under fire for upholding the organization’s principles.
Russia’s ill-considered invasion of Ukraine has provided US imperialism with the opportunity of a lifetime, supercharging NATO and US military expansion and transforming the conflict into a proxy war. By sending arms to Ukraine and urging it on to total victory rather than a negotiated settlement, the hope in Washington is that the war can be prolonged. The expectation is that sanctions would then have enough time to bring about the collapse of Russia, which would advance the project of isolating the People’s Republic of China.
Washington is in no mood to countenance neutrality, and no effort is spared to persuade or bully other nations into imposing sanctions on Russia. While the US has met with limited success in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, Europe is a different matter, where only one nation maintains a neutral stance – Serbia.
Serbia voted in favor of the UN resolution deploring the Russian invasion of Ukraine and calling for the unconditional withdrawal of forces. It also supported the UN resolution on the humanitarian consequences of the war and is donating €3 million to aid Ukrainian refugees and internally displaced persons. [1]
Serbia planned, however, to abstain in the vote to suspend Russia from the UN Human Rights Council. Before the vote was scheduled, Western officials met with Serbian Foreign Minister Nikola Selaković, warning him that Serbia faced punishment unless it joined the West in expelling Russia. Russia’s Gazprom is a majority shareholder in the Petroleum Industry of Serbia. That relationship provided the EU with a decisive leverage point to get its way. Serbia is wholly dependent on Russia for its oil supply, and the earliest possible avenue for diversification is two years away if a planned pipeline from Bulgaria meets its target date. [2] It was pointed out that the EU would be meeting on the day of the UN vote to decide whether or not to allow Serbia to import Russian oil, which has to pass through EU territory. Selaković was told that unless Serbia voted against Russia, it risked a complete cutoff of its supply of crude oil. Furthermore, he was cautioned that Serbia’s path to joining the EU would be blocked, and Western investments would be withdrawn. The EU’s vote on Serbia’s oil supply was initially scheduled for 4:00 PM on the day of the UN vote but was delayed by two hours to see how Serbia voted before the EU would make its decision. Russia made calls to Serbia, too, although no threats were made. [3] After Serbia switched its vote to comply with the EU’s position, the EU granted it an exemption to import Russian oil. [4]
However, Serbia is drawing a firm line in its refusal to sanction Russia. Economic sanctions are a form of siege warfare in which collective punishment is visited upon an entire population. For Serbia to impose sanctions is to join someone else’s war, an action incompatible with its non-aligned status. Serbia knows well the harm done by sanctions, based on the economic ruin it experienced when it was the target of sanctions during the 1990s. It is easy for those in the West to dismiss or ignore the reality of sanctions. No one who has lived through sanctions can do the same. As one Serbian political analyst noted, “Sanctions are an instrument of war; they are often more devastating than bombs, and Serbia is not at war with Russia.” [5]
Coercive economic sanctions unilaterally imposed by states can be regarded as contravening international law in their impact on the human rights of targeted populations, including denial of food, medical care, employment, and even life itself. Sanctions are, of course, the first tool of choice for Western nations.
“People talk about choosing sides. No, we have our own side, Serbia’s side,” Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić asserts. “We were bombed by 19 NATO countries and sanctioned. We haven’t imposed sanctions against anyone…because we don’t believe sanctions change anything. You can pressure and force Serbia, but that is our genuine opinion.” [6]
Aleksandar Vučić had a more personal experience with Western respect for international law when he was targeted for assassination in 1999. One night after the United States dropped three laser-guided bombs onto the home of Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević in a failed attempt to murder him and his wife, [7] it next tried to kill Vučić, who was information minister at the time. Vučić received a fax from CNN inviting him to a live broadcast interview. CNN asked him to arrive for makeup at Radio Television Serbia in Belgrade at 2:00 AM sharp for a program scheduled for half an hour later. At 2:06 AM, NATO missiles pulverized the building, killing 16 people. The first missile struck the makeup room, where NATO expected Vučić to be. Luckily for Vučić, he was running behind schedule and arrived after the attack. [8]
Washington was again disappointed in its hope to see Vučić removed from the scene when he trounced his conservative opponent in this year’s presidential election. That leaves US and EU officials with only their arsenal of bullying tactics. Every day, Western diplomats contact Serbian officials, relentlessly pushing their demands. According to an unnamed Serbian source, “Serbia is threatened with diplomatic channels by withdrawing all investments from Serbia, even sanctions in the banking sector, and some European countries go so far as to mention removing Serbia from the Schengen list,” [9] which allows citizens visa-free entry to EU nations.
Western officials dispense with diplomatic niceties when delivering their threats. “You cannot understand the scale of the rudeness of those who threaten this country,” Vučić observed, “and the bottom line is that they want to break Serbia’s freedom spirit and ability to make decisions on its own.” [10]
Last month, in talks characterized as “difficult,” a delegation of US senators visited Belgrade in a failed attempt to persuade Serbia to impose sanctions on Russia. The senators also complained about Serbia’s purchase of a Chinese FK-3 surface-to-air defense system.[11] If the US expected this high-powered delegation to bend Serbia to its will, it was sorely disappointed.
Talk is not the only means of bullying available to the West. Air Serbia is the only European airline company with active routes to Russia, a fact that has not gone unnoticed. Over two days in a row last month, NATO warplanes closely followed Air Serbia flights coming from Moscow, the second of which tracked the airliner inside Russian airspace. It was a clear attempt at intimidation, prompting Vučić to announce that his government would “request information from NATO to see who was trying to be the smart guy and with what fighter planes they were endangering civil aviation and civilians on a flight…” [12]
Most of Serbia’s trade is with European nations, so it aspires to join the EU. During the decade that it has been a candidate, Serbia has been asked to clear one hurdle after another as it chases a moving target. The main sticking point is the insistence by EU and US officials on Serbia agreeing to the independence of Kosovo, its province that was ripped away through NATO violence. No politician in Serbia could be elected as president who would agree to the violation of the nation’s territorial integrity, and that creates an insurmountable impasse on advancing to EU membership. “As sweetly as you are now talking about the territorial integrity of [Bosnia-Herzegovina] and Ukraine,” Vučić recently responded to an unsympathetic German reporter, “why didn’t you say so in 1999 about Serbia? When it comes to territorial integrity, I would ask you to step into our shoes. In 1999, no one was interested in Serbia’s territorial integrity.”[13]
Despite the challenges in attaining EU membership, Vučić argues that economic factors necessitate that “our strategic path is the path to Europe,” and Serbia has no alternative. [14] How that goal can be achieved in the face of Western intransigence is another question. For many in Serbia, weary of Western threats and overweening demands, the concept of joining the EU is beginning to curdle. Unrelenting demands, pressure, and blackmail have taken a toll, and for the first time, a poll of Serbian citizens showed a majority are opposed to membership. [15]
Certainly, Interior Minister Aleksandar Vulin, founder of the Movement of Socialists, a coalition partner with Vučić’s Serbian Progressive Party, has started to sour on EU membership. Vulin regards the demand for sanctions as a clear signal “that the EU does not want Serbia” and adds, “They measure our love for Europe with hatred of Russia…I don’t want to hate anyone.” [16] Vulin believes that for Western leaders, “it is more important for Russia to be defeated than to achieve peace in Ukraine.” Serbia, he says, does not want to play that game. “The countries that bombed us, I would not say that they have the moral right to ask us to join their own policy.” [17]
It is also apparent that the benefits of EU membership do not apply equally to all, as Zoran Milanović, president of neighboring Croatia, pointed out recently regarding his nation’s place in the union. “We give a lot. We win a little bit. Some things cross all borders, how they treat us and small nations.” [18]
Serbia’s strong economic relationships with China and Russia have long rankled Western leaders, who have never ceased trying to disrupt them. However, it is not in Serbia’s interests to bend to US and EU dictates. Russian and especially Chinese firms have played an instrumental role in Serbia’s ambitious infrastructure improvement project. Furthermore, China and Russia offer the most robust support Serbia can rely on in the United Nations to counter US attempts to formalize its violent theft of the province of Kosovo.
Western officials are unrelenting in demanding that Serbia consent to Kosovo’s independence. Last year, US President Joe Biden sent an insulting “congratulatory” message to Vučić on Serbia’s Statehood Day holiday. Biden encouraged Vučić to “take the hard steps” toward EU membership, including “instituting necessary reforms” and “mutual recognition” with Kosovo. [19] Earlier this month, with the support of Western officials, the province of Kosovo applied for membership in the Council of Europe. [20] It also announced its goal of joining NATO. [21]Serbian intelligence services also learned that “two large countries” – it is not hard to guess which – are actively providing “serious logistical support” to Kosovo to compel more countries to recognize its independence. [22]
Responding to these provocative developments, Vučić remarked, “It is clear that key western countries are running this game,” and that Serbia would oppose them peacefully and diplomatically but with “no surrender.” The problem, he added, “is that everyone thinks they have the right to create Serbia’s policies” and that “they have the right to order how Serbia will behave.” [23]
Recently, G7 foreign ministers quickly followed up on the pressure campaign by issuing a statement calling upon Serbia to impose sanctions on Russia and “normalize” relations with Kosovo. [24] “G7 leaders hammered on the immutability of Ukrainian borders and urged Belgrade to join them unconditionally,” Vučić observed, “even though those same countries in Serbia rudely violated the principle of border immutability two decades ago and robbed us of part of our territory.” [25]
Serbia’s stance has been consistent. “Our only principled position,” announced Serbian Prime Minister Ana Brnabić, “is that we are against sanctions on Russia, as well as that we respect the territorial integrity of Ukraine and consider it wrong to violate that integrity.” [26]
Washington is not so consistent, treating international law as a menu, where an item may be chosen or ignored according to taste. Ukrainian territory is regarded as sacrosanct, whereas the US backed the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and currently campaigns for Serbian and international recognition for its theft of the province of Kosovo. Similarly, it is ramping up efforts to promote Taiwan’s separation from China and encourage separatist tendencies on the mainland. The hypocrisy can be hard to stomach. “My guts turn when I hear of principles and respect for territorial integrity,” Vučić complained. “They ask us to respect someone’s integrity, and what about ours?” [27] Concerning the unceasing pressure on Serbia to recognize Kosovo, Vučić commented, “As they say, Ukraine will not give up its integrity at any cost, and then you demand that from Serbia. For Serbia to give up its integrity, it can only happen with a gun to the forehead.” [28]
It is now Washington’s moment. The United States believes it can capitalize on the conflict in Ukraine to more thoroughly impose its will on other nations and compel obedience in furtherance of geopolitical domination. Serbia, situated in Europe, is in a particularly vulnerable position. The population of Serbia is nearly united in opposing sanctions on Russia, with the percentage in support measuring in a single digit. An even lower number favors EU membership at the cost of recognizing Kosovo.[29] Yet, the EU sets those as the two primary conditions Serbia must meet for it to be welcomed into the union. Western punishment for Serbia’s independence is already taking a toll, according to Vučić: “The price we pay is huge; we essentially have no access to the capital market.” [30]
In the weeks and months ahead, Serbia can expect to be confronted by escalating threats and blackmail. Vučić vows that although his government will “try to preserve peace and the future of Serbia,” it will not be easy. “I have never seen or dreamed of experiencing this in my life,” he said. “I have never seen such pressure. We face hysteria, and no one wants to hear, let alone listen. Unprecedented hysteria; diplomacy no longer exists.” [31] Western arrogance is not going to dissipate. It is in the DNA of imperialism. As a small nation, can Serbia maintain its sovereignty and independence and hold out against the combined might of the West? And what punishment will it have to take?
Notes.
[1] “Brnabic: Serbia to Donate 3 Mln Euros to Ukraine,” Tanjug, May 5, 2022.
[2] “Србија Даје Помоћ Од Три Милиона Евра: За помоћ деци и расељенима унутар и ван Украјине,” Večernje Novosti, May 5, 2022.
[3] “Вучић о гласању у УН: Првобитна одлука била је да будемо уздржани,” Politika, April 7, 2022.
Milenković, D., “Четири Претње Пре Гласања: Како су западне дипломате притискале нашу земљу да би је натерале да подржи резолуцију против Русије, Večernje Novosti, April 9, 2022.
[4] Србија ће бити изузета из ЕУ санкција на нафту и гас, Politika, April 8, 2022.
[5] Katić, Nebojša, “Србија и политика санкција,” Politika, April 23, 2022.
[6] Dunai, Martin, “Serbia’s President Aleksandar Vucic Rejects Sanctions on Russia,” Financial Times, April 21, 2022.
[7] “Serbs See Pre-dawn Strike on Milosevic Villa as an Attack on Yugoslav History,” Irish Times, April 23, 1999.
[8] Robert Fisk, “Taken in by the NATO Line,” The Independent (London), July 7, 1999.
[9] “Can Serbia Survive the War in Ukraine? What the West is Threatening Us With?” B92, March 2, 2022.
[10] Александар Вучић за РТС: Незамисливе размере безобразлука оних који прете Србији, биће много тешко, Radio Television Serbia, April 7, 2022.
[11] “US Urges Serbia to Join Sanctions Against its Ally Russia,” Associated Press, April 19, 2022.
“Вучић: Србиjа плаћа велику цену због неувођења санкциjа Русиjи,” Tanjug, April 21, 2022.
[12] “НАТО ловац пратио лет ‘Ер Србије’ у руском ваздушном простору,” Politika, April 7, 2022.
“NATO Warplanes Follow Air Serbia Jet Flying from Russia,” Tanjug, April 8, 2022.
[13] “Покажите Мало Поштовања Према Земљи у Којој Је Убијено 82 Деце!Овако је Вучић одговорио на провокативно питање новинара Дојче велеа!,” Večernje Novosti, May 5, 2022.
[14] “Вучић Поручио Грађанима: ‘Огромни су притисци на нашу земљу, наставићемо да се боримо’,” Večernje Novosti, May 6, 2022.
[15] Katy Dartford and AP, “For First Time, a Majority of Serbs Are Against Joining the EU – Poll,” Euronews, April 22, 2022.
[16] http://www.mup.gov.rs/wps/portal/sr/aktuelno/aktivnosti/03c82eeb-80b9-4650-8ad4-18d2383d72dd
[17] Sideris, Spiros, “Minister: Those Who Bombed Serbia Cannot Ask it to Join Russia Sanctions,” Euractiv, May 6, 2022.
[18] Jurica Kerbler, “Милановић у Вуковару: Нисам ултранационалиста, желим мир између Срба и Хрвата,” Večernje Novosti, May 6, 2022.
[19] https://www.predsednik.rs/en/press-center/press-releases/congratulations-of-the-president-of-the-united-states-of-america-on-the-serbian-statehood-day
[20] Cvetkovic, Sandra and Baliu, Doruntina, “Kosovo Applies for Council of Europe in Move Sure to Anger Serbia,” Radio Free Europe, May 12, 2022.
[21] “Kosovo PM Albin Kurti Expresses Willingness to Join NATO and European Union,” First Channel News, May 18, 2022.
[22] “Четири државе повукле признање КиМ, две велике земље помажу Приштини,” Politika, May 13, 2022.
[23] “Нема повлачења пред уценама и ултиматумима,” Politika, May 13, 2022.
[24] https://www.auswaertiges-amt.de/en/newsroom/news/-/2531266
[25] D. Milinković, “Три Срамне Уцене Г7 Пред Србијом: Отели нам Косово, а траже да поштујемо украјинске границе,” Večernje Novosti, May 16, 2022.
[26] Brnabic: The Main Task is to Preserve Peace and Stability in the Region,” Telegraf, April 20, 2022.
[27] https://vucic.rs/Vesti/Najnovije/a49913-Vucic-Svi-zajedno-moramo-da-radimo-na-istoj-politici-vucic.rs.html
[28] “Vučić for RV Prva: ‘I Won’t Give Territorial Integrity of Serbia at Any Cost, Period,” B92, May 15, 2022.
[29] “Више од 80 одсто грађана Србије против санкција Русији и уласка у НАТО,” Politika, May 20, 2022.
[30] “Vučić for RV Prva: ‘I Won’t Give Territorial Integrity of Serbia at Any Cost, Period,” B92, May 15, 2022.
[31] “Вучић Са Патријархом: Притисци ће бити све већи, ја ово никада нисам видео – наше је да сачувамо мир,” Večernje Novosti, May 18, 2022.
“Vučić with the Patriarch: ‘Unprecedented Hysteria, Diplomacy No Longer Exists,” B92, May 18, 2022.
Gregory Elich is a Korea Policy Institute associate and on the Board of Directors of the Jasenovac Research Institute. He is a member of the Solidarity Committee for Democracy and Peace in Korea, a columnist for Voice of the People, and one of the co-authors of Killing Democracy: CIA and Pentagon Operations in the Post-Soviet Period, published in the Russian language. He is also a member of the Task Force to Stop THAAD in Korea and Militarism in Asia and the Pacific. His website is https://gregoryelich.org Follow him on Twitter at @GregoryElich.
In a courtesy call, presumptive Philippine president Ferdinand Marcos Jr. and Japanese Ambassador Kazuhiko Koshikawa discussed their countries’ trade, investment, and security ties.
May 24, 2022
By JAPAN Forward
MANILA, Philippines — Japan’s ambassador to Manila, Kazuhiko Koshikawa, paid a courtesy call on the Philippines’ presumptive president Ferdinand Marcos Jr. on Monday, May 23, discussing infrastructure assistance and job opportunities in Japan for more Filipinos.
Koshikawa came to Marcos’s campaign headquarters- turned- transition office with two other ambassadors — those of South Korea and India — and the chargé d’affaires of the United States embassy.
In a press briefing after the meeting, Marcos said that, in his individual discussions with the envoys, they agreed that “the survival and stability of the global economy, even just the regional economy, is going to depend on the partnerships we make with the other countries.”
He added, “We have to open as much of the economy as we can to trade.”
Koshikawa, he said, spoke about projects that could be pursued via official development assistance through the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA).
“He showed us many possibilities in terms of…transportation infrastructure…and also employment,” Marcos said. “Japan would like to see an increase in the employment of Filipinos in Japan. So we will pursue those opportunities.”
Philippines and Japan
Later on Monday, Marcos tweeted about his “fruitful discussion” with Koshikawa:
Marcos, son of the dictator Ferdinand Marcos who was deposed through a people power revolt 36 years ago, won by a landslide in the recently concluded presidential election. His running mate Sara, daughter of the outgoing President Rodrigo Duterte, also won with an overwhelming lead.
The presumptive president, once officially proclaimed in the coming days, will assume office midday on June 30 for a six-year term.
He inherits from the outgoing government the enormous task of rebuilding the economy, with debts having piled up as a means to finance pandemic response in the past two years. At the media briefing Monday, he mentioned that his administration could only have a better handle of the finances for projects once the national budget for 2023 is passed.
On May 20, Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida spoke on the telephone with Marcos to congratulate him – the third head of government to do so after United States President Joe Biden and Chinese President Xi Jinping.
“Prime Minister Kishida expressed his resolve to continue cooperation on the economic front, such as infrastructure development…as well as in the security and coast guard law enforcement fields…among others,” a statement from the Japanese embassy said.
“In response, President-elect Marcos stated that the relations with Japan are of utmost importance to the Philippines, and communicated his intention to deepen cooperation with Prime Minister Kishida in a wide range of areas,” it continued.
The two leaders agreed to hold an in-person meeting as soon as possible.
Japanese Aid
As of December 2020, JICA has 79 ongoing projects across the Philippines,
Economic infrastructure
Investment promotion and industrial development
Disaster risk reduction and management
Agriculture and agribusiness development
Environment and energy
Health and social development
Peace and development in Mindanao
After the Marcoses and their cronies were ousted in 1986, official documents surfaced, revealing that during the dictatorship of the father Marcos, he and his associates had received commissions from loans that were meant to fund Japanese projects in the Philippines. Lessons from the scandal became a factor in the passage of Japan’s ODA Charter in 1992.
RELATED:
High Court rules against work injury compensation over man's fatal heart attack
Selina Lum
Senior Law Correspondent
PUBLISHED
MAY 24, 2022
SINGAPORE - An operations supervisor at a laundry factory who decided to go to work after experiencing chest pains earlier that morning died of a heart attack hours later in hospital.
Last year, his employer and its insurer were ordered by an assistant commissioner at the Ministry of Manpower to pay his family $204,000 in work injury compensation for his death on Oct 20, 2018.
On Monday (May 23), the High Court overturned this decision and ruled that the family of Mr Tay Tuan Yong, 56, was not entitled to be compensated under the Work Injury Compensation Act.
Mr Tay's employer SM Laundry & Linen and its insurer Sompo Insurance, which were both represented by Mr Mahendra Prasad Rai, had appealed against the compensation order.
Under the Act, an employer is liable to compensate an employee for any "injury by accident" that occurred in the course of employment.
In a written judgment, Justice Ang Cheng Hock said the assistant commissioner was wrong to conclude that there was an "injury by accident" because Mr Tay had high cholesterol, which caused him to suffer an unexpected heart attack while he was at work.
The judge said it was insufficient to say that there was an "accident" simply because the injury - in this case, a heart attack - had occurred unexpectedly.
"Something external must have happened in the course of employment that triggered the heart attack suffered by Mr Tay, even if one accepts that he had pre-existing medical conditions that predisposed him to having a heart attack," he said.
Justice Ang added that Mr Tay's family have not proved that there was anything that occurred in the course of work that caused him to suffer a heart attack.
The judge said the evidence suggests that the events that led to Mr Tay's death were set in motion at 7am on the date of incident, or possibly even earlier.
Mr Tay had a medical history of high cholesterol and hypothyroidism, and smoked about 20 cigarettes a day.
In the three to four days prior to the incident, he suffered intermittent episodes of chest pains and breathlessness.
At about 7am on Oct 20, 2018, Mr Tay experienced an onset of chest pains but arrived at his workplace at about 9am.
He left work at about 10am to go to a clinic. He was referred to Changi General Hospital, where he died at close to 2pm.
Mr Tay's son testified that his father had mentioned that he was tired from working long hours and clocked more than 100 hours of overtime each month.
Mr Tay's boss, Mr Lim Chuan Aik, said Mr Tay could go home at 5pm each day but chose to stay late to wait for a female employee.
Mr Lim said he formed the view that Mr Tay was not doing work in the one hour he spent at the workplace that day.
Mr Lim said Mr Tay later phoned him from the clinic to tell him about a mistake in a work-related delivery matter.
Dr Baldev Singh, who testified for Mr Tay's family, opined that the worry that Mr Tay must have felt in making the phone call "sealed his fate".
Dr Wong Cheok Keng, who testified for SM Laundry and Sompo Insurance, was of the view that, bearing in mind Mr Tay's existing condition and risk factors, he was "already a ticking time bomb" and heading towards a heart attack.
BY BRENDAN COLE
Two people were reportedly killed in an apartment block fire in a Russian city only days after a fatal blaze at a residential building in the same region.
Elsewhere, a landfill site in Siberia was engulfed in flames at a time when authorities are dealing with a record number of fires in Russia, which have included unexplained blazes believed to be linked to the war in Ukraine.
In the first incident, around 100 people were evacuated from a building at around 5.30 a.m. Tuesday in the city of Kemerovo, located around 1800 miles southeast of Moscow.
Three dozen responders were at the building on Voroshilov Street in the Leninsky district of the city and the fire was extinguished within around half an hour.
The regional department of Russia's emergency situations ministry, which Newsweek has contacted for comment, said that there was smoke coming from the window of an apartment on the seventh floor which also spread across two floors above it.
Of those who fled the building, around a quarter had to be helped by emergency responders.
A resident told local news outlet NGS42.RU that the bodies of two people were found in the apartment, a man and a woman, although this has not been confirmed.
On May 20, a woman and two men died after a fire in an apartment block in the same region. Local media reported that neighbors said the three had been drinking for days and called firefighters when they detected smoke in the building located in the city of Mezhdurechensk, around 200 miles south of Kemerovo.
In the far-flung city of Yakutsk, firefighters tackled a blaze on Tuesday which threatened a nearby forest. Video footage on social media shows smoke billowing from a landfill on the outskirts of the city, around 3000 miles east of Moscow in the Sakha Republic, south of the Arctic Circle.
A local news outlet tweeted that around 5,300 square feet was on fire, which 25 responders were trying to put out.
Earlier this month, Russia's Emergencies Ministry reported more than 4,000 wildfires in the country so far this year. Fires in Russia during the spring and summer months are common, but a number of unusual blazes and explosions have occurred since the start of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, which have not been formally explained.
These include fires at fuel depots in Belgorod and Bryansk near the Ukrainian border, a gunpowder factory in the Urals city of Perm and an aerospace research institute in Tver. The incidents have sparked speculation that they were acts of sabotage by Ukraine.
Military enlistment offices in Russia have also been hit by arson attacks since the beginning of the war in Ukraine, according to media outlets.
A court in Moscow has issued an arrest warrant for well-known journalist Maikl Naki, who is currently outside of Russia, accusing him of distributing false information about the Russian military as Moscow's war against Ukraine continues.
Naki reacted to the Basmanny district court's May 24 decision by saying on Twitter that the judge who announced the ruling, along with state investigators, "will face trials before me, I have no doubt about that."
Naki is a former journalist at the radio station Ekho Moskvy, which halted operations in March after the Prosecutor-General's Office said the broadcaster, known to be critical of Russian President Vladimir Putin, was distributing what authorities called information "calling for extremist activities, violence, and premeditated false information" about Russia's unprovoked invasion of Ukraine.
Media across the country have been instructed by the government that Russia's actions in Ukraine cannot be called a "war" or an "invasion," and should instead be referred to as a "special military operation."
Naki has his own YouTube channel with 726,000 subscribers. He uses it to regularly report about the war in Ukraine.
The founder of the Conflict Intelligence Team, Ruslan Leviyev, is a suspect in the same case. The Basmanny district court issued an arrest warrant for Leviyev on May 18.
Leviyev's team investigates armed conflicts in Ukraine and other parts of the world. Leviyev is a frequent guest on Naki's YouTube channel.
Ukraine’s historic Black Sea resort turns to the war effort.
By Leif Reigstad
MAY 24, 2022
The Grande Pettine Hotel in Odesa, destroyed by a rocket on May 8.
ODESA, UKRAINE—On a hot and sunny summer day along the Black Sea beachfront, Igor cast his fishing line over the edge of a long pier. Wearing nothing but a blue Speedo and the faded red beach towel wrapped around his neck, the leathery-skinned Odessan was at a different spot from his preferred place for finding Gobi fish and mussels, where he’d been fishing for 10 years. His usual place had been wrecked by a recent rocket attack.
An engineer by trade, Igor was out of work because of the war, and he’d been coming here to fish all day to keep busy. He didn’t seem to care that Russian ships were just out of sight somewhere off the coast, training their armaments on this picturesque and historic city. The evidence of their destructive might was visible just a short walk down the shoreline, where the charred remains of a ritzy waterfront hotel sat in a massive pile of rubble a week after being struck by a Russian missile. As Igor fished, the soft booms of defensive artillery sounded in the background. “I don’t even consider going to a shelter,” he told me. “If it hits, it hits.”
Odesa had been considered an early target of Russian President Vladimir Putin, whose efforts on the southern front were stalled at Mariupol and, so far, have been largely stopped at Mykolaiv, preventing ground forces from reaching this crown jewel on the Black Sea. Odesa has since become a symbol of Ukraine’s stubborn resistance. It was roughly 75 miles along the coast from here that Russia’s warship Moskva was famously sunk, and while a curfew remains in effect and city officials still warn that Russian attempts at a marine landing remain possible, it seems extremely improbable that the war will reach Odesa anytime soon in the way that it’s reached the Donbas region or the villages surrounding Kyiv.
Still, rockets continue to strike, and every so often mines wash in with the tide. A few days after I met Igor, a beach bathroom was destroyed by rocket. But none of this seemed to bother beachgoers bathing on the white sands. Their easy-going enjoyment of the waterfront seemed emblematic of the Odessan spirit.
As in most of the cities that sit far from the front lines, life here has continued amid the war. At the city’s Privoz Market, a maze of shops selling everything from seafood to showerheads, shoppers bought cheese and fresh bread from Georgians, dried fruit and nuts from Uzbeks, and fresh fruit and wine from Moldovans, including bushels of the brightest-red strawberries I’ve ever seen. One woman selling hunks of salty cheese told me the market never closed, not even on February 24, when the recent invasion began.
While the market remained open, it wasn’t quite as busy as usual, according to my fixer, Olga Pariieva. The streets of Odesa were similarly busy, yet missing the hordes of tourists and cars typical for this time of year. It felt peaceful, particularly given the surrounding context of a country at war. Locals were out enjoying the green parks and cobblestone streets, lined by ornate buildings from the 18th and 19th centuries, crumbling masterpieces in shades of pastel pink and sea-green. At the Odesa City Garden, the proverbial heart of the city, a street violinist played Leonard Cohen’s “Hallelujah” over the distant sounds of air raid sirens. “Odesa never gives up,” Pariieva told me. “You cannot do this to Odesa.”
But much of the historic downtown is blocked by checkpoints, and some landmarks, like the National Opera, are completely shut off from the public. And while Odesa traditionally moves at a more relaxed pace than the typical big city, civilians here have been mobilizing to support the war effort in parts of Ukraine that have been more directly impacted.
In a four-star hotel in the city’s equivalent of Miami’s South Beach—a cluster of glass skyscrapers and night clubs—volunteers were unpacking and sorting packages of combat medical kits, thermal tactical optics, and camo uniforms. The hotel’s restaurant was converted into a donation center at the beginning of the war, and since then volunteers have been sorting donations and cooking meals for soldiers in the kitchen. Piles of potatoes and onions lay atop red velvet couches where once wealthy socialites sat popping bottles of champagne.
In an atrium beneath a gold chandelier, lead organizer Victoria Krotova showed me a photo on her phone of a brand-new silver pickup truck that they’d arranged to be delivered to the front. Swiping to the next image on her phone, she showed me the same truck, several days after it reached the front, turned into a useless piece of scrap by Russian artillery.
“The day the war began, I woke up and immediately understood that part of my life before the war was finished,” she said, wearing a white sweatshirt that read “There’s always hope,” and standing near a table on which sat a package of Pampers next to a pair of thermal vision goggles. “People will never be the same. It will never be the same as it used to be.”
Right now, Krotova said they desperately need uniforms—specifically, MARPAT camo, the pattern type used by the US Marines—and more cars.
Despite the hotel’s plush setting, the horrors of war were close. Another volunteer knew a woman who was killed, along with her mother and her 3-month-old baby, when a rocket struck an apartment complex on Easter weekend. When I visited the site in late May, there was still a gaping hole in the building, and a red toy airplane and two roses lay on a stairwell nearby. According to the City of Odesa’s Telegram channel, 30 apartments there were completely destroyed, and 62 more were damaged.
Abulfat Aliev, the owner of a Turkish imports business on the apartment complex’s ground floor, was on his way to work when the rocket struck. He got a security alert saying that his front door had been forced open, and arrived to see the smoldering remains of apartments and a line of charred cars piled on the street in front. “There were flames and smoke, everything was on fire,” he said. “It was horrible. People died, people lost their homes, their memories, things that can’t be replaced.”
At another apartment complex in Odesa, near a large mall that was struck by a rocket, broken windows peered out over an empty playground in the courtyard. Few people remained here. One resident, Lena Sukhotskaya, told me her daughter and grandson were playing here one day when they saw rockets whizzing overhead. They left shortly after that. When a rocket struck the mall nearby, another resident, Natalia, told me she was inside the hallway, clutching her elderly mother so tightly that she nearly suffocated her; they tried to run down to the basement, but the electricity went out and it was too dark; people were falling down. She told me that one small child was screaming so loudly that they thought he’d been hurt; but he was just terrified, and refused to let anyone touch him to look for injuries.
During my week in Odesa, several more rockets struck: a fertilizer plant was destroyed in one attack, and a 4-year-old girl lost her leg when a residential area was hit in Zatoka, a resort town just south of the city.
Amid the constant threat from above, some places in the city can feel like a ghost town. At an amusement park near the waterfront, attendants sat bored next to their rides. There was a tangled mass of stationary bumper cars, and carnival music echoed eerily throughout the nearly empty grounds. A double-decker carousel twirled around a few times for their painted horses’ only riders: a 2-year-boy and his mother, Katya.
“We come here for the distraction,” Katya told me. “I still haven’t gotten used to the rockets. I’m afraid it might come for us next time, hit our house.” She said she hasn’t left Odesa because her mother lives here, and she won’t leave her behind. Then she began to cry. In English, she said, “Stop the war. Stop killing children.”
Olga Pariieva contributed reporting and translation from Odesa.
How the Russian Orthodox Church is vying for influence in Africa
DMYTRO HORYEVOY
1 DAY AGO
Russia is strengthening its presence in the continent through the church, which operates in line with Moscow's foreign policy.
Late in 2021, the Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) decided to establish an exarchate in Africa. Two dioceses were established: one in North Africa, with its centre in Cairo, and the other in the south of the continent, with a see in Johannesburg.
Bishop Leonid Gorbachev, the head of the new exarchate, also runs the recently established Armenian diocese of the ROC.
This was an unprecedented decision by the canons of Orthodoxy, where there is fairly strict adherence to territorial jurisdiction: the borders of a church region, province, or a whole patriarchate are considered inviolable and those who violate them are liable to trial.
The Patriarchate of Alexandria currently oversees the entire continent of Africa. Its mission in the equatorial part of the continent is relatively young and dates back to the second half of the last century.
One hundred years ago, the Phanar and the Patriarchate of Alexandria struck a deal — recognising the former's responsibility for the Orthodox diaspora throughout the world in exchange for the responsibility of the church in Africa for the latter. The Russian Orthodox Church had always acknowledged this.
But now, the ROC insists that the Patriarchate of Alexandria has never extended its jurisdiction beyond Egypt.
The territory of the Patriarchate of Alexandria is twice protected by church law: by general principles of inviolability and a specific canon. A violation of these principles is akin to a gross violation of international law. This has the potential to open a Pandora's box of interchurch relations, endangering the entire architecture of modern Orthodoxy.
What was the reason for such a violation of the canons and the common Orthodox ethics of behaviour? The ROC hasn't made it a secret that its move is in response to the Patriarch of Alexandria recognising the autocephaly of the Orthodox Church in Ukraine (OCU).
But the Patriarchate of Alexandria had recognised the OCU in early November 2019, more than two years ago.
Gorbachev also stated that the Moscow Patriarchate would not leave Africa, and the church would only "strengthen and expand".
That is, even in the case of a hypothetical withdrawal of recognition of the OCU by Alexandria and, therefore, the elimination of the root cause of the conflict (according to the Russians), it would not be enough to end the Russian presence.
Thus, it is possible that Ukraine was only a pretext for church expansion. It is more likely that it is about the ROC's role within Russia's neo-colonial ambitions in Africa.
Moscow, which has established relations with African countries from the Soviet era, has signed a memorandum of understanding on space cooperation with Zimbabwe. State-backed corporations are extracting minerals, and various private military companies are protecting friendly regimes.
It is highly likely that the decision to establish an exarchate was agreed upon — or at least discussed — with the foreign ministry.
In this context, the church serves as a source of soft power; Russia is strengthening its presence in Africa with the informal institution of the church, which, nominally separate, is operating in line with the national foreign policy.
The Moscow Patriarchate has a whole range of activities in Africa, including includes the promotion of Russia in the region, building its positive image as well as denigration of the "collective West". Its role may also include spiritual support to various Russian mercenaries and lobbying in places where the Kremlin fails to achieve its goals.
The ROC is also using finances to support its mission. Orthodox priests used to receive a salary of about $100 from the Patriarchate of Alexandria, a reasonable sum by local standards. Moscow has doubled the salary. By the end 2020, 102 priests allegedly — the ROC has not published any names, personal records, or documents, keeping these priests secret — joined the ROC.
Consequences
The Patriarchate of Alexandria, a victim of Moscow's aggression on its ecclesiastical jurisdiction, asked Patriarch Bartholomew to convene the Synaxis of Pentarchy, a special council of the ancient Eastern Patriarchates, which can condemn the actions of the ROC.
There are three scenarios for sanctions against the Russians. The first two are personal sanctions that would be applied to different members of the clergy, from ordinary clerics (ROC priests in Africa — Andrei Novikov and Georgy Maximov) to members of the Synod and Patriarch Kirill himself. They could be stripped of their ministry for violating the canons.
The toughest scenario calls for institutional sanctions: the abolition of Moscow Patriarchate and liquidation of the ROC by annulling its autocephaly.
This could be done in the following way.
The fundamental document that established patriarchy in Moscow and recognised the autocephaly of the ROC was the charter of 1593, signed by the four Eastern Patriarchs. The modern Eastern patriarchs (or some of them) can simply revoke the signatures of their predecessors under this document, due to violations, and it will automatically become invalid.
Three of the five representatives of the Pentarchy have already recognised the OCU and been sanctioned by the ROC, meaning they have motives to condemn the ROC.
The other two — the Antioch (Syria and Lebanon) and the Jerusalem (Palestine, Jordan) — are neutral on the Ukrainian issue but may take a different stance on the ROC's moves in Africa.
The Bishops' Council of the OCU is scheduled to take place on May 24, but is unlikely to make any major decisions. Moscow is also planning to hold its own Bishops' Council, which it postponed from its scheduled date in May to autumn or winter. Formally, this is because of European sanctions, making it difficult for bishops to visit Moscow. But Patriarch Kirill of the ROC is also wary of facing rather uncomfortable questions from Ukrainian bishops.
The Russian Orthodox Church has instrumentalised the independence of the Ukrainian church and has shown that it is willing to do anything to attain its goals. Because of this, world Orthodoxy is entering a severe crisis that brings the threat of a new global schism.
A version of this article first appeared in TRT Russian.
Status of Non-Russians within Russian Federation has Deteriorated Since Putin Launched His War in Ukraine, Experts Say
Paul Goble
Tuesday, May 24, 2022
Staunton, May 9 – The Reforum project has surveyed five experts both from within Russia and now residing abroad, and they concur that since the start of Putin’s war in Ukraine, the status of the non-Russian peoples within the current borders of the Russian Federation has deteriorated, sometimes sharply.
Gasan Guseynov, an ethnic Azerbaijani who teaches at Riga’s Free University, says that the idea of a Russian world is not inherently imperialist but is being used by the Kremlin to suppress non-Russians (reforum.io/blog/2022/05/09/pochemu-rossiya-voyuet-s-naselyayushhimi-eyo-narodami/).
With its insistence that the ethnic Russians are “the state-forming nation,” he says, Moscow has “declared war on all its minorities which cannot do anything to oppose that idea” because anyone who tries is immediately subject to harsh repression. The wars in Chechnya show just how far the center is prepared to go.
Aleksandra Garmazhanova, head of the Free Buryatia Foundation, says that the Russian authorities are doing everything they can to make the non-Russians ashamed of their identity and to think that Russians are “’a higher race’” membership in which is something that they should aspire to.
“We talk about the defense of Russian in Ukraine, but who is defending Udmurt I Russia? We are indigenous peoples and much closer to the Ukrainians than to the imperial idea of the Russian world.” As a result, many non-Russians feel they have no choice but to leave Russia.
She says that she and others have formed the Buryats Against the War movement and continue to demand the formation of a genuine federation because “in fact no Russian Federation exist now … The majority of Buryats want change and feel that it is abnormal not to know one’s native language.” And she says that ever more Buryats feel that way, including many officials.
Sergey Yerofeyev of Rutgers University and the Polish Institute of Advanced Studies, says bluntly that “present-day Russian nationalism is racism. Racism can lead not only to gas chambers.” And the fact that this has not happened in Russia does not mean that the predominant ideology there is not racist.
Vasily Gatov of the Reforum group says that “Russian racism is very specific” in a horrific sense: “People are not so much boosting the Russian people as denigrating others.” There is nothing wrong with Russians being proud of being Russians but there is something very wrong in their not doing that but rather seeking to lord it over others.
Dmitry Berezhkov, editor of the Russia of Indigenous Peoples portal, argues that “Russia is not the remnant of an empire: it was and is an empire and now is beginning to lose its colonies.” Moscow seeks to hide and block this by creating pocket officials who will mouth its line, but that only delays the inevitable.
Putin’s war in Ukraine has hit minorities in Ukraine and Ukrainians in general the hardest, but “the indigenous peoples of Russia are also suffering from this situation.” One way that has hit them is that Western firms understood environmental protections but now that they have left, the Russian, Chinese and Indian replacements do not.
The Kremlin has created a situation in which the indigenous peoples are afraid to speak out in their own defense. At present, he continues, many of them have decided that their only choice is to leave, a trend that will only intensify as the war in Ukraine and repression at home intensifies.
Since the start of the war, Berezhkov says, “the indigenous peoples have completely lost the opportunity to present any opinion which diverges from that of the powers that be. We want to “return this possibility to them” and a month ago established an international committee of the indigenous peoples of Russia to do so.
The new diasporas of non-Russians and Russians must act as “a third front” in the current war and is opposed by the peoples of the Russian Federation. Only if they do so, he suggests, will there be any possibility to achieve needed change in their country.
24.05.22 |
[Kostia Gorobets is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Transboundary Legal Studies at the University of Groningen.]
The Russian war of aggression in Ukraine that has caused enormous human suffering and destruction has also produced conflicting narratives. Or instance, the fact that Russian authorities and state media are so careful in trying to avoid using the word “war,” and speak of a “special military operation” instead, is quite remarkable. Many casually brush off this term as a silly piece of Russian newspeak, as though not worthy of attention. However, Russia has not chosen to name its war in this way randomly. The language it uses is not of a mere academic interest; paying attention to it may reveal a lot in terms of Russian political long-term aims and plans. These plans, of course, have nothing to do with prevention of genocide or protection of Russian-speaking population in Ukraine (which suffers most from this war). Russia is trying to rebuild its empire, and the language of “special military operation” is a reflection of this goal.
The language and logic of empire relies on inequality and subordination. There can be no equal relations between the empire and its constitutive parts. And so, there is no place for war within the empire, because the very concept of war assumes equality in status: one state (or empire) is at war with another state (or empire). This is precisely why Vladimir Putin and Russian state media are so persistent in claiming that it is the West, NATO, the US, the neo-Nazis, the Anglo-Saxons, or some other worthy enemy who they are really at war with. It is these mighty adversaries who are equal in status and whom Russia wants to speak and fight with. To be great, you need to have great enemies.
What war can there be with Ukraine? Within the logic of empire, it can in no way have a status equal to imperial Russia’s; it is but a colony and so it only deserves a “special military operation.” Unlike war, a “special military operation” does not imply equality of status. In fact, this term utilizes the logic of inequality, as when state authorities conduct a police or anti-terrorist operation thus exercising their monopoly on the use of force. The narrative of a “special military operation” is imperialistic precisely because it assumes that Russia is using force within its own domain, of which Ukraine is but a part. This involves an element of doublespeak. On the one hand, Ukraine is technically a separate independent state with its own government. On the other hand, Russian authorities consider it to be a fake country invented by some destructive forces, and so it is actually part of Russia, as Putin argued in his infamous article. This is why there is really nothing puzzling about Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s statement that Russia never attacked Ukraine. How can you attack and invade a territory that is yours to begin with?
The narrative of a “special military operation” thus uses the language of policing, not of genuine military confrontation. Note the resemblance in the Russian way of naming the use of its armed forces: “operation on the restoration of the constitutional order in Chechnya” (the First Chechen War), “counter-terrorist operation on the territory of Northern Caucasus region” (the Second Chechen War), “peace enforcement operation” (the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008), and now “special military operation.” Russia does not fight wars, it conducts “operations,” because wars can only be fought with equals.
What does all this reveal about Russia’s invasion? First, it explains why Vladimir Putin has been so reluctant to hold any direct negotiations with Volodymyr Zelenskyy, despite the fact that the Ukrainian President has called for such negotiations, not only since the start of this phase of the conflict, but already since the moment he became a presidential candidate. Obviously, any direct negotiations with Zelenskyy would place him symbolically as Putin’s equal. This is unthinkable and intolerable within the logic of empire. Putin wants talks with Zelenskyy only if such talks would in fact be an act of subjugation and humiliation. Any other scenario would mean Putin’s defeat and Zelenskyy’s victory, and it would also mean the destruction of the imperial narrative.
Second, given how strong and consistent this imperialistic narrative has become, I am somewhat sceptical about intelligence reports that Putin is getting ready to declare war against Ukraine (which he did not do on 9 May, as some expected). Such reports make perfect sense within the logic of an armed conflict between formally equal belligerent parties; it is becoming more and more obvious that declaring the martial law and initiating mobilization is the only way for Russia to keep the war going. But this is not the logic within which Russia operates, and so these reports seem to miss the point. Not only the declaration of war would confirm the fact that Russia’s professional army has failed, but it would also elevate Ukraine to the status of an equal adversary, which would obviously ruin the whole carefully crafted imperialistic narrative. If Putin ever officially initiates a general or partial mobilization (in addition to current unofficial efforts to recruit “volunteers”), it would have to fit the rhetoric of confronting the true enemy. And even that would unlikely solve Russia’s military and political problems. If you declare war on the West, you must live up to the task and fight it. Capturing Kramatorsk, Slovyansk, and Sievierodonetsk in the Donbas would hardly look like crushing victories against the powerful West.
Finally, Western intellectuals in the US, Germany, and elsewhere, must stop calling upon their governments to negotiate peace with Russia, or offer it an off-ramp. Such appeals only reinforce Putin’s narrative that Russia is in fact at war with the West, and not with Ukraine. They also give credence to the imperialistic thinking about Ukraine as an imperial holding or a commodity whose status can be negotiated by “great powers.” By calling the West to negotiate with Russia, these intellectuals are strengthening the imperialistic narrative, which is quite strong in academia as well, by taking part in it.
Language matters. Words that we use to describe things constitute those very things. The language of empire is no exception. It does not merely describe the subjugation and domination, it generates it. Can Russia manage to maintain and prolong its narrative of “special military operation”? This seems less and less likely. The death of any empire begins with the erosion of its imperial narrative. Ukraine’s mission in this war, then, is not merely to survive, but, through preserving and strengthening its agency, to hit the last nail into the coffin of Russian imperialism.
Civil society to Amazon: Terminate your contract to host dangerous U.S. DHS biometric database
24 MAY 2022 | 6:00 AM
Today, Access Now, Immigrant Defense Project, Just Futures Law, and over 35 human rights organizations sent a letter to Amazon Web Services calling on the company to end its agreement to host the United States Department of Homeland Security’s (DHS) Homeland Advanced Recognition Technology (HART) database. The letter was sent in coordination with a protest to be held today outside Amazon’s annual Amazon Web Services (AWS) Summit against the corporation’s growing surveillance network, led by For Us Not Amazon, La ColectiVA, MediaJustice, and the Athena Coalition.
According to a new report from Mijente, Just Futures Law, and the Immigrant Defense Project, HART Attack: How DHS’s Massive Biometric Database Will Supercharge Surveillance and Threaten Rights, DHS intends to use HART to collect vast amounts of biometric data within the U.S. and abroad, including facial recognition, DNA, iris scans, fingerprints, and voice prints. Anyone who seeks entry into the U.S., applies for immigration benefits, or is stopped by U.S. immigration authorities could have their biometric data stored in HART once it comes online.
“With its harmful biometric data collection practices, slurping up everything from DNA to voice prints and iris scans, the U.S. DHS criminalizes Latino communities,” said Ángela Alarcón, Latin America and the Caribbean Campaigner at Access Now. “This is an assault on human rights and must be stopped. The HART data-sharing with governments in Latin America and the Caribbean will increase their monitoring capabilities, exacerbating discrimination against already marginalized communities.”
Once HART comes online, it will be one of the largest biometric databases in the world, teeming with privacy, security, and human rights risks. It will aggregate data from U.S. federal agencies, local and state police, and foreign governments. As stated in HART Attack, even DHS itself has acknowledged the unmitigated and serious data sharing concerns.
“HART is a terrifying tool of mass surveillance and state violence, built on invasive and racially-biased data on hundreds of millions of people. We have already experienced the widespread harm of DHS policing practices at the border, within the United States, and globally, and HART will only make them worse,” said Mizue Aizeki, Director of the Surveillance, Tech and Immigration Policing Project at the Immigrant Defense Project. “There is no reforming HART. If Amazon wants to uphold its commitments to human rights, it must immediately end its hosting and support for HART.”
“Amazon’s continued support of HART will directly lead to more deportations and arrests in Black and brown communities. HART can and will be weaponized,” said Paromita Shah, Executive Director of Just Futures Law. “As long as DHS’ shadowy HART database remains active, our human rights and our privacy will be threatened.”
Read the full letter.