Saturday, May 28, 2022

Nicaraguan migrants to the U.S. increased by 735%: 12,000 detentions in April alone

Between January and April 2022, 53,714 Nicas were apprehended at the U.S. border. The total for the same period the year before was 6,433

The number of Nicaraguans migrating to the United States has been multiplied by eight, if we compare the first quarters of 2021 and 2022 in terms of the number of migrants apprehended by US immigration authorities at that country’s southern borders. From January to April of last year, a total of 6,433 migrants from Nicaragua were registered at the border; meanwhile, from January to April of the current year, they totaled 53,714 according to data released from the US Customs and Border Protection Office.

The numbers of Nicaraguans leaving the country reached a record last year, when more than 120,000 left for other countries, with the destination of choice being the United States. That year, there were 87,530 Nicaraguans detained at the US border. This strong tendency continued in 2022, surpassing an average of 10,000 Nicas registered each month – more than 300 each day.

The significant increase in Nicaraguans emigrating comes amid the deepening sociopolitical crisis that has persisted in the country since 2018, when massive citizen protests were crushed by the Ortega- Murillo regime’s repression. The government’s violent crackdown left over 355 dead, thousands of wounded, hundreds of political prisoners, and tens of thousands of people displaced.

In 2021, as the presidential elections approached in Nicaragua, the regime ramped up their repression, imprisoning the seven leading candidates that had aspired to run against Daniel Ortega. Authorities also jailed business leaders, journalists, human rights advocates, diplomats, political analysts, and civic leaders. At the same time, they consolidated a de facto police state. In the electoral process that resulted, an estimated 80% of eligible Nicaraguan citizens opted not to go to the polls, according to the independent organization Urnas Abiertas [Open Ballot Boxes]. The international community considered the resulting “victory” of Ortega and Murillo a political farce.

Those repressive waves sparked the first significant increase in migration, and from that point on, it hasn’t slowed. The repression continues as well, and the persecution has sharpened, especially against civil society, with the cancelation of 199 NGOs in 2022 alone, and a fresh wave of attacks against the Catholic Church.

Adding to the sociopolitical crisis is a severe economic downturn. After three years of recession in Nicaragua, there’s a dearth of formal employment and a rise in the cost of living. Currently, the cost of supplying a household with basic goods is estimated at US $184 more than the highest minimum wage offered in Nicaragua.

Migration continues despite risks and obstacles

Nicaraguans continue leaving their country in favor of an uncertain journey to the United States. It’s now the preferred destination, leaving Costa Rica in second place with 20,000 requests for asylum filed by Nicaraguans between January and March of this year. This tendency continues, despite the sizable risks entailed in this nearly 2,500-mile journey to the US border.

The last months have seen an increase in denunciations from the families of some migrants who are kidnapped by cartels or criminal bands in Mexico. They have also denounced the inhumane conditions in which some coyotes have transported them, putting their lives at risk. A tragic example was that of Clorinda Alarcon, a 20-year-old pregnant mother who died of asphyxiation this past March, while locked in the back of a large truck with dozens of other migrants, including children.

In recent weeks, at least 20 Nicaraguans have also drowned in the Rio Grande, the river that marks the border between the US and Mexico. Migrants heading to many of the major US border posts must cross this river in order to surrender themselves to the US authorities and ask for asylum. Their only other choice, attempting an illegal crossing, also involves crossing this river.

Added to these life-threatening obstacles are those resulting from the US Government’s immigration policies, aimed at slowing the flow of migrants that has been estimated at 900,000 people in the first months of 2022 alone.

Nicas are the ones most affected by the US “Remain in Mexico” policy

In December 2021, the United States reestablished an immigration policy officially called Migrant Protection Protocols, more commonly known as “remain in Mexico”. This policy forces migrants seeking asylum in the United States to remain in Mexico, while US immigration judges process their applications.

From then on, this policy has disproportionally affected Nicaraguan migrants, who represent over 60% of those turned back. A total of over 3,000 Nicaraguans were returned to wait in Mexican border cities since December.

Reporters from Confidencial visited one of these cities, Ciudad Juarez, and spoke with two young people who were fleeing Nicaragua due to political persecution. They had been sent back from the border to live in shelters with limited conditions, fearfully aware that they’re in one of the world’s most dangerous cities. US authorities didn’t respond to our request to learn the reasons why Nicaraguans make up the majority of those who’ve been sent back under this policy.

Despite controversy, Title 42 allowing “express removal”, continues in force

The other US norm aimed at stemming the flow of migrants into that country is Title 42, a provision that has been in force since the pandemic began in 2020. Title 42 refers to a public health statute that allows the US government to bar people from entering the country during public health emergencies. Despite some attempts on the part of the Biden administration to end the use of this norm to turn away migrants, a Louisiana judge ruled on May 21 that it must continue to be enforced. They’re not deportations, but nearly immediate removals, in which the migrants end up back in Mexico or sent by air to their countries of origin.

Organizations that defend migrant rights have accused the measure of violating human rights, since it contradicts the right of people to ask for international protection. In fact, according to another U.S. court order made public early in March 2022, migrant families with children can’t be expelled under Title 42 if they express fears of being persecuted or tortured if returned to their country. Such family groups must be interviewed by asylum officials.

The U.S. borders “aren’t open”, and the country continues removing migrants “when appropriate” under Title 42. According to a message and two-minute video posted on Twitter May 24, by Alejandro Mayorkas, US secretary of Homeland Security: “the U.S. continues to enforce its immigration laws and restrictions on our southern border have not changed. Individuals and families continue to be subject to border restrictions, including expulsion.”

 Article Includes information from EFE

This article was originally published in Spanish in Confidencial and translated by Havana Times


'We have the power': Poles march for LGBTQ+ rights in Gdansk


By Isabella Ronca and Hedy Beloucif

GDANSK, Poland (Reuters) - Thousands of Poles marched to demand an end to homophobia on Saturday, as the northern port city of Gdansk hosted its seventh annual Equality March under the slogan "We have the power".

Waving the rainbow flags of the LGBTQ+ community and the blue, pink and white transgender flag, the marchers made their way through the city holding placards with slogans like "We make love not war" and "Jesus would walk with us".

According to a police spokeswoman around 7,500 people took part.

"It's very difficult to be queer in Poland, so it's nice to find a place where you can be yourself," said 24-year-old Sabina Joeck.

Gay rights are a highly divisive issue in predominantly Catholic Poland, and the country's ruling nationalists have made battling what they term LGBTQ+ "ideology" a key plank of election campaigns in recent years.

Religious conservatives are bitterly opposed to what they say is an ideology bent on undermining the traditional family, while more liberal Poles say such attitudes result in widespread discrimination.

A handful of protesters opposed to the march looked on holding Catholic rosary beads and a banner alleging that the LGBTQ+ "lobby" sought to sexualise children.

"I am not against homosexuals, these are just ordinary people like us," said a protester who gave her name as Margaret. "But I don't want them to get to our children."

Human rights groups reject accusations that teaching about LGBTQ+ issues in schools seeks to sexualise children.

For Nikodem Mrozek, a 40-year-old mathematician who has taken part in the annual march since its inception, attitudes to LGBTQ+ people in Poland are improving, but the community is still demonised by some politicians.

"Society and the mentality (of people) is getting better and better, but the political situation is getting worse and worse," he said, speaking before the march.

(Reporting by Isabella Ronca and Hedy Beloucif in Gdansk, writing by Alan Charlish in Warsaw, Editing by Ros Russell)

UK
A £6 million superyacht has gone up in flames on the Torquay harbourside just before midday on Saturday.
 


Superyacht worth £6m sinks in Torquay Harbour after setting on fire

Fire crews battled the blaze on the 85ft yacht for hours as witnesses reported minor explosions


Police have declared a major incident and warned residents to close their windows against noxious smoke.
Photograph: Helen Brenton; Rob Hailstone

Miranda Bryant and Nadeem Badshah
Sat 28 May 2022 

A superyacht estimated to be worth £6m has sunk after firefighters battled to extinguish a fire on the vessel while it was moored in a marina in south-west England.

Devon and Somerset Fire and Rescue Service (DSFRS) said there was approximately 8,000 litres of fuel on the 85ft boat that led to people being evacuated from the marina in Torquay.

By around 6pm, the fire was out and crews were working on damping down the pier, a DSFRS spokesperson said.

The spokesperson added: “The boat has been sunk so it [the fire] is out now. It’s been handed over now to the Environment Agency and the harbourmaster.”

Fire crews were called just before midday on Saturday to reports of the yacht on fire. More than two hours after the incident it was still ablaze as multiple fire crews attempted to put out the fire.


At 3pm the fire service advised all residents in the area near the marina to keep their windows and doors closed due to “noxious fumes”, adding: “Crews are making steady progress extinguishing the fire.”

Crews used the harbour masters boat to help try to put out the flames.

The coastguard area commander for South Devon and South East Cornwall coastline said it was assisting Devon and Cornwall police in closing Torquay seafront.

Witnesses reported “thick acrid plumes of smoke bellowing from Torquay Harbour”.

“We stood and watched for around 10 minutes until the smoke began to affect our chests,” Georgina Cleasby, who was cycling home when she saw the fire, told ITV.
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“There was so much smoke it obscured the sun. We heard a few minor explosions and could also see flames.”

Devon and Cornwall police previously said the boat was “well alight and had broken from the mooring” but had since been secured by the fire service.

They said nearby beaches were also being evacuated for public safety and there were multiple road closures in place, including along the promenade and waterfront areas and parts of Torbay Road, Belgrave Road and Shedden Hill.

Fire services said the cause of the fire was unknown and that an investigation will follow.
AP FACT CHECK: NRA Speakers Distort Gun and Crime Statistics

An AP Fact Check is examining rhetoric from the National Rifle Association's annual meeting.

By Associated Press
May 28, 2022, 

Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas, speaks during the Leadership Forum at the National Rifle Association Annual Meeting at the George R. Brown Convention Center Friday, May 27, 2022, in Houston. 
(AP Photo/Michael Wyke) THE ASSOCIATED PRESS

By AMANDA SEITZ, Associated Press

WASHINGTON (AP) — Speakers at the National Rifle Association annual meeting assailed a Chicago gun ban that doesn't exist, ignored security upgrades at the Texas school where children were slaughtered and roundly distorted national gun and crime statistics as they pushed back against any tightening of gun laws.

A look at some of the claims:

TEXAS SEN. TED CRUZ: "Gun bans do not work. Look at Chicago. If they worked, Chicago wouldn’t be the murder hellhole that it has been for far too long.”

THE FACTS: Chicago hasn’t had a ban on handguns for over a decade. And in 2014, a federal judge overturned the city’s ban on gun shops. Big supporters of the NRA, like Cruz, may well know this, given that it was the NRA that sued Chicago over its old handgun ban and argued the case before the U.S. Supreme Court, which ruled the ban unconstitutional in 2010.

FORMER PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP: “Classroom doors should be hardened to make them lockable from the inside and closed to intruders from the outside.”

THE FACTS: As commonsensical as that might sound, it could backfire in a horrific way, experts warn.

A lock on the classroom door is one of the most basic and widely recommended school safety measures. But in Uvalde, it kept victims in and police out.

Nearly 20 officers stood in a hallway outside of the classrooms school for more than 45 minutes before agents used a master key to open the classroom’s locked door.

And Trump’s proposal doesn’t take into account what would happen if class members were trapped behind a locked door and one of the students was the aggressor in future attacks.



CRUZ: “The rate of gun ownership hasn’t changed."


THE FACTS: This is misleading. The percentage of U.S. households with at least one gun in the home hasn’t significantly changed over the past 50 years. But the number of assault-type rifles, like the one used in the Uvalde school shooting and dozens of other school shootings, has skyrocketed since legislators let a 1994 ban on such weapons expire in 2004.


In the years leading up to and following that ban, an estimated 8.5 million AR-platform rifles were in circulation in the United States. Since the ban was lifted, the rifles — called “modern sporting rifles” by the industry — have surged in popularity. The National Shooting Sports Foundation estimated there were nearly 20 million in circulation in 2020.
___

CRUZ: “Had Uvalde gotten a grant to upgrade school security, they might have made changes that would have stopped the shooter and killed him there on the ground, before he hurt any of these innocent kids and teachers.”

THE FACTS: This claim overlooks the fact that Uvalde had doubled its school-security budget and spent years upgrading the protections for schoolchildren. None of that stopped the gunman who killed 19 pupils and two teachers.

Annual district budgets show the school system went from spending $204,000 in 2017 to $435,000 for this year. The district had developed a safety plan back in 2019 that included staffing the schools with four officers and four counselors. It had installed a fence and invested in a program that monitors social media for threats and purchased software to screen school visitors.

The grant that Cruz claims would have been life-saving was from a failed 2013 bill that planned to help schools hire more armed officers and install bulletproof doors. Uvalde's school did have an officer but the person wasn't on the campus at the time the shooter entered the building. And, Cruz's call for bulletproof doors might not have worked in this case, given that police were unable to breech the locked door of the classroom where the shooter murdered children and teachers.
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EDITOR'S NOTE — A look at the veracity of claims by political figures.
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More on the school shooting in Uvalde, Texas: https://apnews.com/hub/school-shootings
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Find AP Fact Checks at http://apnews.com/APFactCheck

Follow @APFactCheck on Twitter: https://twitter.com/APFactCheck


So where were the 'good guys with guns'? Standing around doing nothing, as usual
 Salon
May 28, 2022

Uvalde law enforcement officers (Photo by CHANDAN KHANNA for AFP)

Nearly 10 years have passed since the last school shooting that killed as many children as were murdered in Uvalde, Texas, on Tuesday. That shooting, at the Sandy Hook elementary school in Newtown, Connecticut, took the lives of 20 children and six adults. It was supposed to be the mass shooting that changed everything, remember? The killings were so horrific, most of the victims so young and innocent, that surely the House and the Senate could come up with some sort of "common sense" gun control measures that everyone could agree on.

This article first appeared in Salon.

Ha! Ten years have passed, and what has happened? Exactly nothing. Why? At least in part because within days of the Sandy Hook shooting, the National Rifle Association, one of the largest contributors to the political campaigns of (mostly Republican) politicians in the country, swung into action to stop any momentum for new gun laws before they could even get going.

Wayne LaPierre, CEO of the NRA, called a press conference in Washington and with a single sentence, began a refrain about guns and gun violence and gun control that is still with us today: "The only thing that stops a bad guy with a gun, is a good guy with a gun," LaPierre said that day. What we might call the LaPierre Rule has become gospel for gun owners, gun manufacturers, and the political party that opposes any sort of gun control, the Republican Party. LaPierre's Rule devolved into sub-rules, such as this gem: The solution to gun violence isn't fewer guns, it's more guns in the hands of more people.


The NRA began a campaign after Sandy Hook to put an armed police officer in every school and to push for "open carry" laws across the country. These are state laws that allow you to openly carry a gun — of any kind, handgun or rifle — on your person or in your car without a permit. At this point, 31 states have open carry laws on their books. Fifteen states require a permit to carry a handgun, and only five, including the District of Columbia, have laws that ban the carrying of handguns in public.

Last year, the state of Texas passed its own law allowing the open carrying of handguns and other firearms without a permit. That law was passed less than two years after mass shootings in El Paso and Odessa killed 30 people. The solution to bad guys having guns is more guns, see? Texans don't want to make guns harder to buy, or to limit the times and places citizens can carry their guns. They want to make it easier. They want more guns on the street, not fewer guns.

Figures on gun ownership in Texas vary. One study I saw, by World Population Review, says that 45.7 percent of Texas citizens over the age of 18 own a gun. Another study, by the Rand Corporation, says that 37 percent of adults in Texas live in a household with a firearm. A recent report on NBC said that Texas has the highest percentage of gun ownership in the country. After the shooting on Tuesday, a tweet by Gov. Greg Abbott from 2015 surfaced in which he said, "I'm EMBARRASSED: Texas #2 in nation for new gun purchases, behind CALIFORNIA. Let's pick up the pace Texans." The tweet was posted following a report in the Houston Chronicle that gun purchases in Texas had topped one million for the year.

In Uvalde, the "good guys with guns" wearing police uniforms stood around for almost an hour before storming a classroom and killing the murderer of 19 children and two teachers.

No matter which figure you use, that's one hell of a lot of "good guys with a gun" in the state of Texas, don't you think? If all that's necessary to take down a bad guy with a gun is a good guy with a gun, the question after the Uvalde shooting is, where were they? Even the good guys with guns wearing police uniforms, it was revealed on Friday, waited almost an hour before they stormed the classroom where the shooter was, and 19 of them waited until they could be backed up by a SWAT team from the Border Patrol before they finally used their guns to kill the murderer of 19 children and two teachers.

The shooter, an 18-year-old resident of Uvalde, had purchased two AR-15 semiautomatic rifles and more than 1,600 rounds of ammunition and 50 — fifty — high-capacity magazines only days after his birthday on May 16. Texas laws require only that you be 18 years old to buy a rifle in the state, but at that age, you can buy any kind of rifle, including a semiautomatic AR-15 style weapon. The shooter was able to buy two of the AR-15s in the days after his birthday when he was apparently already making plans to kill children at an elementary school in Uvalde. Much has been made of the fact that he was not old enough to buy a beer, but he was old enough to buy a rifle capable of firing two to three bullets per second. He was also able to buy the seven 30-round magazines, containing at least 210 bullets.

On Friday we heard reports that citizens of Uvalde, including at least one parent of a child who was killed, were outside the school yelling at armed police officers to go inside and take on the shooter. Cell phone video shot at the scene at 12:37 p.m., while the shooter was inside the school killing children, show one officer holding up his hands trying to prevent a person from filming him and shooing a crowd of people away from the doors of the school. One person can be heard calling to the others that they should enter the school and storm the shooter because the cops aren't doing anything. Another video shot at the same time showed numerous police officers in full tactical gear restraining parents who were trying to enter the school to retrieve their children. One father was pepper-sprayed in the face and a mother was handcuffed. In the background, a police officer in armored gear is hiding behind the bed of a pickup truck aiming his AR-style police rifle at the door of the school.

So some of the good guys with guns were doing exactly what so many cops are accused of every day: menacing civilians and pushing them around and threatening to arrest them for doing nothing that was even remotely illegal.

A spokesman for the Texas Department of Public Safety said Friday that the gunman was in the school for nearly an hour before a SWAT team from the Border Patrol arrived and was able to get into the classroom where he was and kill him. By that time, all the children in the classroom were dead.

Also absent from the scene in Uvalde were any of the 13 million people who own guns in the state of Texas, all those good guys with guns that Wayne LaPierre has told us are the only thing that can stop "a bad guy with a gun."

Watching the coverage of the aftermath of mass shootings in this country has become commonplace. The shooting at the Tops Supermarket in Buffalo happened two weeks ago, and here we are looking at images of yet another exterior of yet another building where someone carrying an AR-15 semiautomatic rifle walked in and killed people, this time children this time. The scene is always the same: Heavily armed police officers clad in camouflage uniforms, protected by bulletproof vests and wearing helmets, along with an entire panoply of military-style tactical gear, are milling around talking to each other. A few of them are dispatched to do what the army calls "set up a perimeter," which in the case of mass shootings amounts to stringing yellow crime-scene tape around the scene and then guarding it so civilians can't get near the scene and presumably contaminate evidence. In Uvalde, at least one armored personnel carrier could be seen near the school after all the shooting was over and all the kids were dead.

There are always a lot of heavily armed police officers at the scene of mass shootings after they have occurred. It is beyond me why they think it's necessary to show up looking like they're about to be dispatched to serve on the front lines in Ukraine or some other war zone. But there they are, wearing enough body armor and carrying enough firepower to assault an infantry battalion, and what are they doing? Standing around.

Every time there's another mass shooting, more money flows into police departments to buy military-spec rifles and military-spec shotguns and military-spec body armor. Why? To look cool as they stand around in the parking lot while people die.

It's all of a piece. Every time there is another mass shooting, more and more money floods into the budgets of police departments and they go out and buy military-spec M-4 rifles and military-spec shotguns and military-spec body armor and military-spec helmets and military-style camouflage uniforms. Why? Because they're cool, that's why. If they're going to go up against one of these mass shooters, every one of whom is outfitted in military-style tactical gear and carrying military-style AR-15 rifles, then by God, they're not going to be one-upped! Just like Greg Abbott and his exhortation to Texans to buy more guns so they could catch up with California (!), the cops are going to buy more guns and more body armor — more of everything — so they can be ready the next time they're called upon to stand around in a parking lot of a building after 10 or 20 people have been shot and their dead bodies are strewn around the floor somewhere inside.

There's a weird, ironic perfection to the fact that the NRA's convention began on Friday in Houston, offering Wayne LaPierre, who is still the CEO of that august organization of gun-lovers, the chance come up with yet another exhortation to his masses. One year they tried "my dead hands," as in, if you want my guns you'll have to pry them from my dead hands. Then came Wayne's good guys with guns.

Maybe this year Wayne will explain to us that the reason we've had all these school shootings and mass killings is because we don't have enough good guys with guns. More good guys! More guns! That'll show these mass murderers! Next time one of them shoots up a school, we'll have even more people standing around outside picking their camo-clad asses as the bodies of the dead lie there inside submitting to the ministrations of the crime scene investigators.

More guns, and more crime scene investigators! That'll show 'em that in Texas, we're second to nobody!


Police don't stop crime -- so what are they for?

John Stoehr
May 28, 2022

Police outside Robb Elementary School following a shooting on May 24, 2022, in Uvalde, Texas.
 © Dario Lopez-Mills, AP

Sometimes it’s the little things that evoke the biggest feels. I have been writing about the Uvalde massacre most of the week. I have been so focused on facts and arguments, I haven’t sobbed. But the tears came this morning after reading a report by KENS, a TV news station local to that Texas community, where 19 fourth-graders were shot to pieces.

The report was an eyewitness account by a survivor of the shooting. The boy, whom the reporter did not identify, said he and a friend “heard the shooting through the door.” He added that, “I told my friend to hide under something so he won't find us. I was hiding hard. And I was telling my friend to not talk because he is going to hear us.”

The boy told the reporter what happened after police came through the classroom door Salvador Ramos had locked behind him. “When the cops came, the cop said: 'Yell if you need help!' And one of the people in my class said 'help.' The guy overheard and he came in and shot her.”

That’s it. That’s the detail that got me. A child desperately needing to trust a caring adult. A child shot to pieces for needing and trusting.

Because of a cop’s incompetence.

The boy’s eyewitness account is more damning in context.

The Post reported Thursday that Ramos strolled into the school “unobstructed” with a long gun. Officials had said he encountered three cops. First, an in-school cop. Then, two others arriving on the scene. Officials had said the latter two officers sustained injuries.

Turns out all that was a lie.

Police arrived “four minutes” after Ramos entered the building, officials conceded. Meanwhile, while Ramos was shooting 19 fourth-graders to pieces, they dithered outside for an hour.

A video shows some carrying semiautomatic rifles. It shows one cop with his taser drawn, at the ready. Another cop restrains what appears to be a parent in order to prevent them from entering the building.

This is the context in which the boy’s testimony is even more damning than the incompetent cop who got a girl killed for needing to trust.

Irma Garcia and Eva Mireles were the boy’s teachers, the KENS reporter said. They were shot to pieces. They saved his life, he said.

“They were nice teachers," he said.

"They went in front of my classmates to help.


“To save them.”

We have entered a familiar period after shooting massacres during which officials justify what police did and why. We are hearing Thin Blue Line advocates saying it was reasonable to hang back. After all, the scene was dangerous. The suspect had a semiautomatic rifle.

This familiar pattern, by which police authorities presume the public is on their side, and won’t question them too much, is fraying as more details emerge as to what the police didn’t do and why they didn’t do it.


On the video, you can hear rapid-fire gunshots followed by mothers wailing in despair, pleading with armed police to save their kids.

The good guys with the guns were not that good. Indeed, they were deadly. It was the teachers, who were not armed, who did the most to save their students. The real heroes are dead. The cowards are alive.

But the living get to write history.

Matter of fact, police departments across the country do as much to influence public opinion as they do “crime fighting.” Their influence is so great the public finds it completely understandable when cops refuse doing their jobs in the face of mere scrutiny. It’s so strong cops can get away with murder on account of murder being seen as a tragic but sometimes necessary response to the dangers of facing an infestation of criminals and crime. It’s so huge few complain about Uvalde’s cop shop sucking up 40 percent of the town’s yearly budget.

The influence of American police departments on public opinion is deeply rooted in the reason cop shops exist – yes, to “protect and serve,” sometimes, but more often to serve as the last line of defense against democratic forces threatening to flatten the old orders of social and political power. Cops are white power incarnate.

So expect to hear familiar rhetoric about “brave men and women in uniform who put their lives on the line to protect communities.”

Don’t believe it.

Turn that story around.

What are cops for?


First, they don’t stop crime.


“If larger police forces make us safe, then by that logic, the U.S. would already be the safest society in the world as over $115 billion is spent on policing a year, a budget larger than any other country’s military budget except for China,” wrote Kinjo Kiema. “Over 50 years of crime data shows only 2 percent of crimes end in conviction. Police don’t stop crime that has occurred, nor do they prevent it from happening.”

Second, police don’t stop violence.

“When researchers account for the impacts of socio-economic and other factors, the reality that police don’t protect us from violence — because their purpose is to use violence to maintain ‘order’ premised on existing relations of power — becomes more clear,” according to research by activists Mariame Kaba and Andrea J. Ritchie.

Third, police create violence.

“Police are violence workers,” Kaba and Ritchie wrote. “Their response to violence is more violence or the threat of violence. This means more police, police contact and police resources automatically means more violence because cops add their own violence to what’s already” there.

“They are the sources of violence.”


What are police for?

As I’m writing this, the Times reports that Border Patrol agents arrived earlier than previously known. But when they got there, the local Uvalde cops “would not allow them to go after the gunman who had opened fire on students inside the school, according to two officials.”

They “had driven up from the Mexican border, one official said. The official said it was not clear to the federal agents why their team was needed, and why the local SWAT team did not respond.”

As I’m writing, the LA Times reported that the kids “begged for police to enter their classroom and save them, repeatedly calling 911, as a team of 19 police officers waited in the corridor for an hour because a commander believed the situation had shifted from active shooter to a barricade subject, a Texas law enforcement officer said today.”

They don’t stop crime.

They don’t stop violence.

They create violence.

That’s another detail that gets me. We need to trust law enforcement.

Yet law enforcement so often has us wondering why we should.

John Stoehr is a fellow at the Yale Journalism Initiative; a contributing writer for the Washington Monthly; a contributing editor for Religion Dispatches; and senior editor at Alternet. Follow him @johnastoehr.
Yorkicystis, the 500 million-year-old relative of starfish that lost its skeleton

The Conversation
May 26, 2022

Starfish on a sandy ocean floor (Shutterstock)

After four years of digging for fossils in a churchyard in York, Pennsylvania, amateur paleontologist Chris Haefner made an intriguing find. “I knew it was worth keeping,” he said. He posted his discovery on Facebook.

I spotted his post, and realized it was a major discovery: I study fossil invertebrates at the Spanish Research Council. When I contacted Haefner, he agreed to donate the fossil to London’s Natural History Museum.

Working with colleagues in the U.S. and U.K., we determined that this was a 510 million-year-old relative of today’s starfish and sea urchins. It is highly unique, new to science, and has only a partial skeleton. We named it Yorkicystis haefneri, after its finder.

Yorkicystis has revealed new information about how early life was evolving on Earth at a time when most of today’s animal groups first appeared.


Sea urchins are among Yorkicystis‘ surviving relatives.

Samuel Zamora, CC BY-ND

The Cambrian explosion


Yorkicystis lived during the “Cambrian explosion,” 539 million to 485 million years ago. Before this time, bacteria and other simple microscopic organisms lived alongside Ediacaran fauna, mysterious, soft-bodied creatures that scientists know little about.

The Cambrian brought a huge proliferation of species that emerged from the seas. They included groups of organisms that would eventually dominate the planet and representatives of most of today’s animal groups.

Within a few million years, complex animals with skeletons and hard shells appeared. Why this happened remains unclear, but a major change in ocean chemistry, with a higher concentration of calcium carbonate, likely played a key role.

Echinoderms weren’t the first of these found in the geological record. Brachiopods – marine animals that lived protected within seashells – predated them. So did arthropods, a group that had well-formed calcite exoskeletons, including trilobites.

For context, dinosaurs appeared 294 million years after the dawn of the Cambrian.
The first echinoderms

There are more that 30,000 extinct echinoderm species, but they are very rare in places with exceptional Cambrian preservation, like the Burgess Shale in Canada and Chengjiang in China.

Some of the first primitive echinoderms were quite different from their present-day relatives, which have five arms extending from the center of their bodies, a structure called “pentamerous symmetry.”

Cambrian echinoderms had a wide range of body structures. Eocrinoids had vase-shaped bodies protected by geometrically patterned plates and a number of armlike structures. Helicoplacoids, shaped like fat cigars, were plated in calcite armor with a “mouth” that spiraled around its body. Blastoid species took various shapes, often resembling exotic flowers.

The Edrioasteroidea looked similar to today’s sea star, and with five arms that radiated from its mouth, it is the organism that Yorkicystis haefneri most resembles. So we classified it within this group on the evolutionary tree.
Yorkicystis, the echinoderm without a skeleton

While many Cambrian organisms formed sophisticated skeletons and defense structures to protect them from predators, Yorkicystis did the opposite. It “demineralized” its skeleton. It was a partially soft animal, with no protection over much of its body.

To understand this organism’s anatomy, we partnered with a paleoillustrator to visualize this creature from the fossil evidence we had. Hugo Salais first modeled each part of the skeleton in 3D and then used that to create a reconstruction, a high-resolution replica.

From this replica, we observed that only its arms, or ambulacra, were calcified, protecting its “food grooves” — its feeding parts, which are yellow in the fossil. A series of plates covered its tentacles and opened and closed during feeding. The rest of its body was soft, represented in the fossil by a dark, carbon-enriched film.

Most present-day echinoderms, which are found from the world’s coastlines to the ocean’s dark abyssal depths, have an internal skeleton. The exceptions are sea cucumbers and some species that live buried beneath the seabed. Their skeletons, like Yorkicystis, are formed by porous calcite plates.


Representatives of Cambrian echinoderms with a mineralized calcite skeleton. A. Ctenocystoid. B. Cincta. C. Helicoplacoid. D. Solute. E. Eocrinoid. F. Edrioasteroid.
Samuel Zamora, CC BY-ND


Bringing Yorkicystis to life

As paleontologists, we seek to understand extinct organisms. Yorkicystis presented a major challenge, since no similar animal is known, neither living nor extinct.

Very little is known about why and how some echinoderms lost parts of their skeleton. But advances in molecular biology have revealed that there is a specific set of genes responsible for the formation of a skeleton in echinoderms. All living echinoderms carry these genes; we assume that extinct groups did, too.

But in Yorkicystis, there is a marked difference between the calcification of its rays, or arms, and the lack of it on the rest of its body. It raises the hypothesis that the genes involved in skeleton formation may have acted independently in different parts of Yorkicystis‘ body. It’s a mystery that only molecular biologists will be able to unravel.

Our studies have allowed us to form some hypotheses about this animal, though many questions remain. We believe that without a skeleton in an important part of its body, Yorkicystis was able to conserve energy for other metabolic processes such as feeding or breathing. It also enhanced flexibility, allowing for more active respiration by means of pumping.

There’s another intriguing possibility: The lack of skeleton might be related to some kind of stinging protection system, like that used by present-day anemones that paralyze prey with stinging cells on the tentacles that surround their mouths. That question, though, and many others, can’t be answered with just a fossil.

But the amazing discovery of Yorkicystis has provided more insight into a period in divergent evolutionary history at the dawn of the Cambrian explosion, a time when some organisms adopted skeletons to avoid predators – and others adapted in very different ways.

Samuel Zamora, Científico Titular (Paleontólogo), Instituto Geológico y Minero de España (IGME - CSIC)

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

US review traces massive New Mexico fire to planned burns




SANTA FE, N.M. (AP) — Two fires that merged to create the largest wildfire in New Mexico history have both been traced to planned burns set by U.S. forest managers as preventative measures, federal investigators announced Friday.

The findings shift responsibility more squarely toward the U.S. Forest Service for initiating a natural disaster that has destroyed at least 330 homes as flames raged through nearly 500 square miles (1,300 square kilometers) of high-altitude pine forests and meadows. The wildfire also has displaced thousands of residents from rural villages with Spanish-colonial roots and high poverty rates, while unleashing untold environmental damage.

Roughly 3,000 firefighters, along with water-dropping planes and helicopters, continue to fight the blaze as it approaches mountain resorts and Native American communities. Firefighting costs already surpass $132 million, climbing by $5 million a day.

Fire and law enforcement officials offered a cautious but hopeful Friday night status report, with fire behavior analyst Stewart Turner noting they need to watch the so-called “red flag” conditions — warm, dry weather with high winds — starting Saturday.

“The weather is a big concern for us,” Turner acknowledged, saying even an errant pine cone rolling down a slope and crossing a control line could spread flames. “Red flag warning is a big message for tomorrow.”

He said dry conditions are expected through Tuesday, but some moisture and even thunderstorms are possible starting Wednesday.

Congresswoman Teresa Leger Fernández described a rising sense of outrage as the fire triggers new evacuations of families and livestock. Fear of flames is giving way to concern about erosion and mudslides in places were superheated fire penetrates soil and roots.

“The destruction these two fires caused is immeasurable and will be felt for generations,” said Leger Fernández, sponsor of a bill that would reimburse residents and businesses routed by the fire.

The Forest Service has not yet released detailed planning documents for the original planned burns that might indicate whether fire protocols were followed.

Scientist and forest managers are racing to develop new tools to forecast the behavior of planned fires amid climate change and an enduring drought in the American West. The intentionally set blazes, known as prescribed burns, are aimed at limiting the accumulation of timber and underbrush that, if left unattended, can fuel extremely hot and destructive wildfires.

The Biden administration announced in January a $50 billion plan to stave off catastrophic wildfires that would more than double the use of planned fires and logging to reduce trees and other vegetation that serve as tinder in the most at-risk areas. Prescribed burns often are used in wildland areas that are too vast to thin by hand or machine.

The two fires east of Santa Fe joined in April to form the massive blaze at the southern tip of the Rocky Mountains, in the Sangre de Cristo range.

One of the fires was previously traced to April 6, when a planned burn, set by firefighters to clear out small trees and brush, was declared out of control.

On Friday, investigators said they had tracked the source of the second fire to the remnants of a planned winter fire that lay dormant through several snowstorms only to flare up again last month.

Investigators said the prescribed “pile burn” was initiated in January at Gallinas Canyon in the Santa Fe National Forest outside Las Vegas, New Mexico, and concluded in the final days of that month. Fire was reported again in the same vicinity April 9 and escaped control 10 days later amid dry, hot and windy conditions, Forest Service investigators found.

Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham in a statement called the investigation results a "first step toward the federal government taking full responsibility" for the New Mexico wildfire. She highlighted her pending request to President Joe Biden to direct the Federal Emergency Management Administration to pay for 100% of costs related to a broad range of recovery efforts.

Forest Service Chief Randy Moore last week announced a 90-day pause and review of protocols for planned fires that limit the buildup of flammable vegetation. He cited extreme fire danger and unfavorable weather and did not specifically link the review to New Mexico's fires.

“It will also ensure the prescribed burn program nationwide is anchored in the most contemporary science, policies, practices and decision-making processes, and that employees, partners and communities have the support they need to continue using this critical tool to confront the wildfire crisis,” the agency said in a statement Friday.

Moore said prescribed fires go as planned in more than 99% of cases. Notable exceptions include the 2000 Cerro Grande Fire that swept through national security installations and residential neighborhoods at Los Alamos.

So-called pile burns can often include wildland debris collected over months or even years. Forest managers cut back trees and gather debris into mounds, preferring to burn forest fuels in the winter when planned burns are easier to control.

In January, Santa Fe National Forest workers started burning through a series of piles across an area of 0.6 square miles (1.5 square kilometers), after advising the public of possible smoke hazards.

___

Attanasio is a corps member for the Associated Press/ Report for America Statehouse News Initiative. Report for America is a nonprofit national service program that places journalists in local newsrooms to report on under-covered issues. Follow Attanasio on Twitter.

Morgan Lee And Cedar Attanacio, The Associated Press
Bishop Flores: 'Sacralized' guns and 'hope' after darkness

A Pillar interview


The Pillar
May 26,2022


Bishop Daniel Flores of Brownsville, Texas, is chairman of the U.S. bishops’ committee on doctrine, and is frequently hailed as a leading intellectual among the U.S. Catholic episcopate.

After a May 24 school shooting in Uvalde, Texas, killed 21 people, most of them children, a national conversation on guns began, as it often has after the mass shootings that punctuate American life.

Flores attracted attention among Catholics when he weighed in May 25, with a tweet lamenting that Americans “sacralize death’s instruments, and then are surprised that death uses them.”

Bishop Flores talked with The Pillar Wednesday about guns, human conversation, and the theological foundations of the U.S. bishops’ approach to gun control legislation.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.


Bishop, I think most people are aware that the bishops’ conference has a long history of advocating for specific gun control measures at the federal level, and that bishops have done the same at the state level.

But less often discussed is the theological foundation for that advocacy. What is the beginning of a theological approach to questions about guns and society?

That’s a good perspective to spend time on, because this conversation gets reduced very quickly to a political sense - to one party’s views as opposed to another. And, at least for us, I think we have to look with a wider lens.

It’s true that the [bishops’] conference has spoken about different policies, and advocated for various kinds of reforms in terms of gun control.

But the larger framework, theologically, is the Church’s expectation that civil society must seek after the common good - and that means protecting the vulnerable and exercising a reasonable prudence with regard to the order of things. And that's a responsibility not primarily of the Church, but for the human good that any society would have no matter what political system it happens to operate under.

There is a moral dimension to how we organize ourselves, for the sake of, for example, the good of children, the good of the elderly, the good of the sick, and so on, there are certain laws that need to be constructed in a way that promote the best possible stewardship of human life, and of a peaceable community, so that everyone can live in peace in their local communities and in their countries. That’s a basic moral good.

You go back to something like Mater et magistra and even to Pius XII talking about the responsibilities of civil society.

And again, this is not the Church saying, “Okay, this is how you need to organize things.”

But instead, given their particular circumstances, it’s the responsibility of the political order and the social order to deliberate and to take seriously the responsibility for the ordering of things, for the good of the whole. So that’s a moral responsibility.

And, you know, the question of guns becomes a part of that. Indeed, with any kind of weaponry — there is a legitimate right of the state to exercise a vigilant and reasonable stewardship and control over the access to weapons or things which could potentially cause great damage to the good of the whole.

That’s a basic stance, and especially in modern society, it’s an important one, because it delineates the Church’s responsibility of forming her own people to be active and participatory in the political process that comes to a kind of consensus as to how we order things in a way that protects our children, protects our elderly protects, protects people who are vulnerable, especially when it comes to the potential of violence. So that's the basic moral framework

And then we can look at each locality: each country, and state, and city, or region, and so forth, in terms of how that plays itself out. It’s not just one size fits all necessarily. The circumstances here in this country are different than they are necessarily in another country, so we, of course, have to be most concerned about how we order things here, and that's the issue in our frame of responsibility.

But there is a responsibility to govern these things and to order them.

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As we think about that moral responsibility, you tweeted Wednesday morning about “sacralizing death’s instruments,” which is a very powerful phrase. Can you talk more about that?

Well, I was referring to the fact that the discourse we’ve had now for decades about any attempt to control weapons that can cause grave damage — some of which moves have been enacted into law and others which have been resisted — is countered with a description that [gun ownership] is basically an individual’s sacred right, that no matter what the cost, it must be preserved.
 


And when I say “sacralized,” I mean that we make it seem almost as if it detracts from human dignity, or the human good, simply to say that we need to have some reasonable limit on these things. To say something is sacralized is to say it’s almost taken out of any possibility for conversation.

It is a strong statement, but we do sometimes speak about things that way, and I must say that in some sense, we have kind of sacralized the whole idea of the individual right, such that it trumps any communal concern. It becomes an untouchable aspect in the discourse, that the common concern for the good of the vulnerable is not in any way sufficient to limit the individual right to determine whether or not I want to own this kind of a gun, or that kind of gun, or, you know, a hand grenade for that matter.

So when you sacralize it, you kind of make it basically closed for discussion, because we practically treat it as if it were sacred.

And that’s a strong phrase, but to a certain extent, I think there’s an analogy here. It’s not the same thing, but that’s the thing about an analogy: it’s not the same thing.

I hear the same language with regard to the state’s right to exercise the death penalty. It becomes almost something that is seen as inviolable, because it is simply the right of the state to do so. And we know it’s almost an untouchable topic, we’ve just so elevated it.

Whereas, I think the Church would have us look at both those issues, but particularly the gun issue right now, as a topic that should be reasonably discussed as to what the limits are. Access to these weapons should be a discussion that is focused on how we both respect the legitimate concerns of people who want to protect themselves or not be severely limited when they go hunting, but also the fact that some weapons out there pose a grave threat to the good of the whole. And that discussion almost gets cut off when we've kind of elevated the individual right beyond proportion.

So that’s why I want to say that this is a topic, as with many other topics, that must be discussed, in which we look for a consensus that protects the good of the whole. And that’s what the Church would ask for. The Church doesn’t want to write the laws. The Church wants people of reasonable judgment to discuss this — that’s why we elect officials, so that they can have that conversation and work out a way forward.

But it seems like we haven’t been able to move on this. And that’s why people are now very frustrated, and very hurt, by what they continue to see happening. I mean, it’s devastating.

Everybody asks how this can happen. And what can we do that this would not happen. Because it happens so frequently, and so it is a question we have to ask as a society. It’s a question that we have to discuss, and not just sort of shut off — it needs to happen.

One complexity in the conversation about guns in America is that this country began with a revolution, and our founding mythology is centered around the idea of an armed overthrow of tyranny. We sometimes seem to carry an imprint of that in our ideas about ourselves, and about public policy.
How does that align with the Catholic vision of society, and with a Catholic politics, which you’re talking about now?

Listen, one can say that a free people need to have the freedom to defend themselves, but also question why somebody has to have a gun that’s able to kill so many people in a matter of seconds.

It’s not necessarily always an “either-or,” and one can kind of work through some of that.

But it is a different rhetoric than the Church would use, because the Church is interested in, first, the discussion of what is the common good that defends human dignity, especially of the vulnerable. Because human society, being human — not because it's Catholic or not because it's Christian or not because it's pagan — simply because human beings being human beings have a responsibility to protect the vulnerable and to have a certain sense of order and safety in their communities. And that’s a basic good against which other goods must be weighed.

When one is talking about the order of society, and access to guns and things like that, it is at a certain level a question of order — and in the noblest sense of the term, it’s a political question.

And the failure is that we haven’t been able to deal with it in a political way, and in the noblest sense of what politics is supposed to be, which is the gathering of a consensus within the community, to fulfill our responsibilities for the whole.

A political question of order asks that people discuss this and come to consensus — just like immigration is a question of order — and you ask the politicians to do their job, with a sense of responsibility to the common good, and so forth. And it’s a question of political prudence, and people are experiencing the frustration that it’s not being exercised.

In response to your tweet, or in response to the prospect of gun legislation, I see people frequently push back by saying, in one way or another: “It’s not the guns, it’s the nihilism,” or “It’s the atomization of society,” or “It’s not the guns, it’s the culture of death.”
You tweeted that the guns, themselves, are a part of the problem America is facing. So how do you respond to those other viewpoints?

Well, there are a lot of elements to what’s going on right now. You know, even in my lifetime, the social fabric is much different.

I think about this, for example, with regard to kids, and I talk to kids a lot.

Last night I was talking to the kids before a confirmation about what had happened, just for a few minutes before the Mass started. Because kids hear these things and they feel these things, and they live in a socially afraid world and they grow up that way, and they need help to kind of deal with it.

One of the factors is what you might call “atomization.” There has been a breakdown in communal sense of belonging to each other. And I think that was something we took for granted in our local communities. And if we ignore it, it breaks apart, and a lot of ugly things follow.

From the deeper Catholic theological position, you know, both nature and the human soul abhor a vacuum. And a lot of young people feel an emptiness inside of them. So I encourage young people to cultivate your sense of the presence of God in your life. And pursue those, to be strong in goodness, because neutral territory is vulnerable territory.

In other words, if we just kind of take our lives as if the whole question of God and of responsibility to each other in a religious sense is unimportant — the power of evil does not miss a chance.

And there are bigger things operating in the kind of evil the world has seen than we are often aware of. And it’s often because we neglect to do and cultivate the good in the lives of other people, especially of our young people. And this is a deeper problem. It is a responsibility of the Church to form young people in a sense of hope, in a sense of purpose, and a sense of courage, defending what’s good and what’s noble, and what’s vulnerable.

That’s a teaching mission — that is at the heart of the Church’s teaching mission.

As a Church, maybe we aren't as could be as to how crucial is the work that our catechists do day in and day out, or the people in the parish who just hand on a sense of basic goodness to the next generation, because really that's the first line of defense of the local community.

It's the strengths of the young person growing up with a sense of what life is about.

And life is either a gift and you protect it and you try to fill it with goodness, or it's a game, and it's a joke, and life and death are hardly different. And some of our young people make those decisions by the time they're 14, as to whether life is a joke or life is a gift, and you need to kind of live it with respect for other people.

I mean, this is the, these are the deeper sort of frayings that I think we're seeing, and then make certain things possible that wouldn't have been possible to even imagine, when I was, you know, in the fourth grade.

You tweeted that “the darkness first takes our children who then kill our children.”


That’s right. The darkness takes our children, and those children turn around and kill our children.

See, the darkness is their sense of despair, in which the difference between life and death is negligible. This is something that happens in the soul of a young person.

And drugs can be involved, and other issues, but it’s devastating to know a young person who has no hope and then feels that there's no difference between what's good in life and death, and so they just treat life cavalierly.

And I'm just saying that there's a wider social danger that young people get sort of in that state, and they're very vulnerable. How does a young person get to the point where they can go and buy a gun and then say to themselves “In two day, I'm gonna go and kill people.”

What is that? Because this is a phenomenon that we need to attend —where does that come from — because it's very, very grave.
And I think you wouldn’t say that it’s an “either-or” proposition. That either we deal with guns, or with our existential crisis. You seem to be saying they’re related issues.

They absolutely are, because the guns then become sort of, sort of tools in a society where despair is spreading, especially in the younger generations. And then they become the instruments of what we're seeing. So no, it's not either-or, at all — rather one sort of facilitates the other.

Bishop, anyone who looks at Uvalde should know that something that must be done. But there are people who would say — who have already said — that an immediate call for gun control laws is a partisan exploitation of tragedy. How would you respond to that?

I would make an encouragement to look at our mutual responsibility, and whether you’re one party or another, to say: “Can’t we talk about how we make this community, this state, this country safer, especially for our children?”

Because in the end we're gonna have to come to some sense as to how to move forward together.

And so I would say that people should kind of step back — those who would say that there is partisan exploitation —I think sometimes people need to read the reactions: Everywhere, there is great pain and frustration.

Every parent I’ve talked to over the last couple of days says: “That could have been my son. That could have been my daughter. What can we do, Bishop? Do we just keep going on, because nothing’s going to change?”

I hear that question, and I think that’s the question we need to ask each other. Parents are writing me notes asking me how we can know that our schools are safe, and so we try to reassure them that we try to do what we can.

I think that’s where the discussion starts. The partisan politics, I think we have to recognize that for what it is.

But there is a problem in the fraying of society, in the sort of quiet despair that can take over young people, and that makes them vulnerable to use guns in the way that we’ve seen them used — and one feeds on the other.

And we can look at this, and look at this in its different parts, and start asking what we can do to start bolstering a better protection. And protection that starts when they’re very young, and it starts with how we teach them.

Few people, I think, are hopeful, or even optimistic about this. I think a lot of people are experiencing despair, especially that a political solution can be reached which could stop mass shootings like this.

I'm not an optimist, but I am hopeful, and I think there's a fundamental difference there.

God can open up spaces that we don't imagine are actually there, or even could be there.

And I think in some sort of mysterious way this is not unrelated to the whole synodal aspiration of the Holy Father, because he wants to encourage - not just here in this country, but across the world - the local conversation, because not everything can, can ultimately be resolved if you just jump straight to the national thing.

You have to talk locally: families talking to families, talking to their local political leaders. And a lot of anger is pent up, but I think if we can have local conversations about it, then maybe people can be actually quite creative as to what we can actually do.

Is there a role for the Church in that “synodal” approach to politics?

Well, I think we facilitate it by kind of inculcating the habit of creating spaces where people can talk to each other, because there's not a habit in our communities at large, for the most part.

And so I think if we kind of create a space for the kind of discussion in which people first know how to listen without interrupting, and then to stop, and then to respond.

And you know not every conversation needs to be about our argument, And so I think we have to give an example, and I do think that's what the Holy Father's asking. Well, and it does become an example for the wider community that we could have some of these conversations.

We are circumventing the human conversation, which I think is one of the deep issues that the Holy Father wants us, frankly, in this globalized world, to rediscover — the importance of those sorts of conversations that are respectful even when there is difference.

Because it’s very easy to get mad at the person on the television, or on Facebook, but we can start with human conversations where things get heard past the screaming - which is very problematic. So I think the Church can be a catalyst of being helpful there, but, as any bishop who has done any synodal work can tell you, our churches - our own parishes - are microcosms of the political divisions going on in wider society.

And so if we can start these conversations and just talk, in a respectful way in the local community, maybe something unexpected will shake out.

Maybe.



Canadian national security task force is preparing for the collapse of the United States
The sonnenrad and the Buffalo shooter: How the 'black sun' became a symbol of hate

The Conversation
May 27, 2022

People embrace at a vigil outside of Tops Friendly Market in Buffalo, New York a day after a mass shooting left 10 people dead, in what authorities described as a racially motivated attack

Just before the supermarket shooting that killed 10 people on May 14, 2022 in Buffalo, New York, the suspected terrorist posted a manifesto online. The top is adorned with a “sonnenrad,” or “black sun,” an old Nordic symbol.




The sonnenrad is composed of 12 repeated runes – letters from ancient Germanic languages – arranged in a wheel. Each rune represents a sound, like in the Latin alphabet, but they also have a meaning when they stand alone.

The sonnenrad is a well-known Nazi and neo-Nazi symbol that has been seen in other white supremacist attacks. For the Nazis, the rune in the design stood for “victory.” What is less discussed but nonetheless important is that the symbol has a spiritual component. It is connected to a contemporary religious movement, folkish Heathenry – a form of contemporary Paganism.

Today, “Heathen” is an umbrella term used by people who practice various forms of spirituality inspired by Nordic cultures. Folkish Heathenry, specifically, was resurrected from Nazi spirituality. In the 1960s, a group in Florida began spreading spiritual ideas inspired by Nazi writings, and they gained adherents throughout the United States. In turn, they also influenced some other heathen groups to embrace white identity politics.

Understanding the sonnenrad’s spiritual roots can provide a better grasp of the implications of its use and its importance to members of the far right.

Many kinds of paganism


Heathens are a minority form of contemporary Paganism, which is itself a minority religion. Adherents not only live throughout the United States but are active in Northern Europe, Australia and New Zealand.

All forms of contemporary Paganism are shaped by pre-Christian spiritual practices. Contemporary Pagans rely on archaeological, historical and mythological accounts, mixed with modern occult practices, to create a religion that speaks to their lives in the 21st century but is inspired by past practices.

As a sociologist of religion who has studied contemporary Paganism for over 30 years, I know that all forms of Paganism share a number of similarities. Contemporary Pagans venerate gods and goddesses, view the Earth as sacred, celebrate the changing seasons in a set of yearly holidays and participate in magical practices. Most members of these religions are white. In a survey I conducted with religion scholar James Lewis, which I discuss in my book “Solitary Pagans,” we found that the majority are socially liberal and open to variety in all aspects of life, including ethnic and racial differences.

People who identify as “Heathens” differentiate themselves in several ways from other Pagans. They celebrate the ancient Norse gods once worshiped in Scandinavia, Iceland and Germany. When discussing ethical issues or exploring how best to know and celebrate the gods, they rely on medieval Icelandic texts about them: most importantly, two called the Prose Edda and Poetic Edda. Runes, normally carved or drawn on stones, are used in their rituals and divination – that is, foretelling the future.

Within Heathenism, there is a growing divide between those who are more liberal or middle of the road politically and folkish Heathens who are politically right-wing. Inclusive Heathens believe all who “hear the Norse gods’ call” should be welcomed into the religion, regardless of race or ethnic background.

Folkish Heathens, on the other hand, state that the religion should be restricted to those of “pure” northern European heritage; in other words, a religion for white people only. They view the religion itself as part of their white identity and have incorporated Nazi writings into their spirituality.

Folkish Heathens joined in the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, in 2017, and since then, more inclusive Heathens have been declaring that folkish Heathens do not represent their religion.

Nazi occultism

Adolf Hitler was not particularly religious, but some of his lieutenants embraced a form of occult worship that focused on the ancient Norse gods. They viewed it as a religion of the “volk” or folk – the common man and woman who the Nazi Party romanticized as the heart of the nation.

Since extreme antisemitism was at the heart of Nazi ideology, the fact that Jesus was Jewish and Christianity grew out of Judaism troubled some Nazis. Therefore, they viewed Norse traditions as an appealing alternative and imagined it as the “true” faith, the religion of the original occupants of Northern Europe. Their religion emphasized healthy outdoor living and a connection of the folk to “their” land. The people and the nation were tied to the land in a mystical manner.

Propaganda suggested that people considered “outsiders” or “others” were like weeds: They needed to be eliminated both for the health of the nation and for the health of the folk, who were imagined as the “true” people of the land. The runes, the worship of Norse gods – particularly of Odin, who was viewed as a warrior god – and the sonnenrad were all part of this spiritual component that infused elements of the Nazi agenda. The sonnenrad, for example, was embedded on the floor of a palace for SS officers.

‘Folk’ views today

Similarly, folkish Heathens in the U.S. have come to see the land as “belonging” to white people, even though everyone except Indigenous peoples immigrated or were brought here. As with the Nazis, the land is viewed as connected spiritually to a “people.”

In his manifesto, the suspected shooter in Buffalo contends that he is not religious, although he ends with the words “I will see you in Valhalla,” the Norse afterlife for warriors. This was the same ending that the terrorist who had killed 51 people at two mosques in New Zealand in 2019 used in his manifesto. The 2022 manifesto relied on this earlier one as a model, and both illustrate the racist conspiracy theory known as the “great replacement.”

The use of Heathen imagery in both of these manifestos is not, however, simply an act of imitation. Folkish Heathens are part of the far right and their imagery, that of a “pure” white world, is appealing to other members of the far right. Folkish Heathens interact with both other Pagans and others on the far right online and in person. Heathen religious rituals and imagery are becoming integrated into far-right groups.

Images like the black sun do not just emerge from the ruins of Nazi Germany, but directly from those who are practicing a contemporary religion. The participation of folkish Heathens is an important piece of the puzzle in understanding the far right.

By Helen A. Berger, Affliate Scholar at the Women's Studies Research Center, Brandeis University


This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.