Thursday, September 19, 2024

BIODIVERSITY COP(16)

Ahead of COP16, groups warn of rights abuses linked to ‘30×30’ goal

Aimee Gabay
18 Sep 2024


In October, Indigenous leaders, government representatives, scientists and activists will meet at COP16, the U.N. Biodiversity Conference, in Colombia, where discussions on plans to expand protected area coverage are expected to take center stage.
The 30 by 30 goal, which calls for 30% of Earth’s land and sea to be conserved by 2030, continues to be criticized by several human rights organizations who say its lack of clarity on where and how to expand protected areas may result in human rights abuses and forced evictions.


In a new report by the Oakland Institute, researchers highlighted some of the implications of protected area expansion on the Batwa Indigenous community in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), including abuses by rangers and soldiers.
Advocates say the COP16 discussions should include clear indicators to track respect of human rights and integrate locally led conservation initiatives that fit within the sociocultural context of each country, rather than top-down approaches.

Two years since global policymakers agreed on the concept of protecting 30% of the world’s land and waters by 2030, there’s still little clarity on how achieving this goal will impact Indigenous communities who safeguard some of the most biodiverse areas on Earth.

In October this year, government representatives are set to meet at the U.N. Biodiversity Conference (COP16) in Colombia to talk about their plans to implement the so-called 30 by 30 target and other goals under the 2022 Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework.

But although the framework calls on states to recognize and respect Indigenous rights and territories, experts and advocacy groups such as Minority Rights Group (MRG), Survival International and Amnesty International say the lack of clarity on the logistics of the 30 by 30 goal makes it prone to conflict. And if implemented poorly, it could result in millions of people being evicted from their ancestral territories.

“Around the globe, protected areas have led to widespread evictions, hunger, ill health and human rights violations,” Stefania Carrer, a litigation and advocacy officer at MRG, told Mongabay. “MRG is concerned that the push to achieve the 30 by 30 target will result in an increase of fortress conservation projects worldwide, inevitably leading to more of these grievous rights violations.”

For now, efforts to protect lands by evicting communities persist despite wording in the biodiversity agreement to “recognize Indigenous and traditional territories,” “respect the rights of Indigenous peoples and local communities,” and explore inclusive other effective area-based conservation measures (OECMs).

One high-profile case of an Indigenous community being evicted from a protected area is that of the Maasai in northern Tanzania. In August 2024, hundreds of Maasai organized a protest against their forced eviction from their ancestral lands in what’s now the Ngorongoro Conservation Area and the denial of their rights. Citing reasons of conservation, local authorities have destroyed thousands of Maasai homes in recent years, leaving 20,000 Maasai homeless, according to an Oakland Institute report.

“They are doing all this to the Maasai communities because they want to push people out and give the wildlife priority, and the only way to do that is to prevent Maasai people from grazing so these areas are just for wildlife,” one Maasai leader who requested anonymity due to fear of reprisals told Mongabay.

In Kenya’s Mau Forest, the government began demolishing homes and evicting members of the Ogiek community at the end of 2023. This came despite two rulings by the African Court on Human and People’s Rights recognizing Ogiek land rights and calling for their collective land titles.

A new report by the Oakland Institute highlights some of the social implications of protected area expansion that fail to recognize human and Indigenous rights. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, Indigenous Batwa peoples have been subjected to violent abuse by rangers and military personnel when they sought to return to ancestral lands slated for forest and wildlife conservation. The issue, researchers say, is the government’s militarized approach to conservation that focused on the creation of “people-free wilderness” areas.

Frederic Mousseau, the institute’s policy director and coordinator of the research team behind the report, told Mongabay that drastic measures to combat the destruction of biodiversity and the climate crisis are “certainly welcome.” However, he said, “the current practices of the conservation industry [are] a major threat [to] the livelihood and the basic human rights of the people who are least responsible for biodiversity loss and climate impacts.”

In the Oakland Institute report, the authors say that national measures taken to address the issues associated with protected area expansion have been inadequate in countries like the DRC.

Many governments still reject and mistrust the idea of Indigenous peoples having ownership and governance rights over lands in biodiversity hotspots while also being able to meet the other conservation targets. Though nations may put in place or celebrate initiatives of inclusive community conservation, the reality on the ground is much different, rights groups say

.
Batwa women in Uganda. Image by Jason Houston for USAID via Flickr (Public domain).


How exactly to do it?

One issue experts say can lead to human rights abuses and conflict is the lack of clarity in the 30 by 30 goal on where and how to expand protected areas. Although the text of the biodiversity framework is explicit about the need for equitable outcomes and recognition of Indigenous and traditional territories, the goal itself is “quite vague” and “there are multiple different ways in which it could be implemented, with very different social implications,” according to Chris Sandbrook, professor of conservation and society at Cambridge University in the U.K.

A study published earlier this year warns that an overemphasis on easily quantifiable targets, such as percentage of surface area, hinders attention to other elements of conservation policy, such as human rights, the inclusion of communities, and equitable management. Too much attention is paid to the “how much to conserve” and not enough on the “how to conserve,” the study says.

“I have real concerns about risks to people living in those areas,” Sandbrook told Mongabay, “but I also admire the language of the target and see it as an opportunity to flip the narrative around area-based conservation to one that is first and foremost about the rights of local residents rather than being about saving species.”

However, this takes a lot of time and resources. The creation of governance structures, such as legal frameworks, that enable successful locally led conservation initiatives is crucial, and these need to fit with the particular sociocultural conditions in each country, he said.

The design of locally relevant indicators to measure progress remains a challenge around the world as it’s much harder to quantify the achievement of targets like human rights, social impacts and local participation, said Malena Oliva, a researcher at the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) and lead author of the study. For example, indicators related to Indigenous peoples include trends in the practice of traditional occupations, respect for traditional knowledge, and land use changes.

According to Carrer at MRG, conservation experts and decision-makers should ensure that the monitoring framework adopted to track progress toward the 30 by 30 goal and other biodiversity framework targets should include indicators on respecting human and Indigenous peoples’ rights by state parties.

“The respect for land and other connected rights must become a priority in the implementation and monitoring of the 30 by 30 goal,” she said.

For the Oakland Institute’s Mousseau, discussions so far have failed to address the many industrial forces that contribute to the destruction of biodiversity, such as industrial fishing, mining and logging. “We need to address the devastation caused,” he said. “We continue with all the exploitation and all these extractive industries with no word about them, and then on the side, we create protected areas. There’s this disconnect which is really shocking.”


Banner image: A Maasai cattle herder in Ngorongoro Conservation Area. Image by Albert Herbigneaux via Flickr (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0).

Citation:

Oliva, M. & García Frapolli, E. (2024). Conservation backfire: Local effects of international protected area policy. Environment Science & Policy, 153, 103676. doi:10.1016/j.envsci.2024.103676


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Latoya AbuluEditor
The Hague becomes first city to ban fossil fuel advertising

16th September 2024
Hazel Davis
MARKETING BEAT

The Hague has become the first city in the world to enact legislation banning advertisements that promote fossil fuel products and high-carbon services.

This groundbreaking move, which takes effect from January 2025, will see a halt to advertising for petrol, diesel, aviation and cruise ships on billboards and public spaces across the Dutch city.

While cities like Edinburgh and Amsterdam have introduced motions and voluntary agreements to curb fossil fuel advertising, The Hague’s legislation is the first legally binding ban of its kind. This decision follows the UN Secretary-General António Guterres’ call for governments and media to enact bans on high-carbon advertising, akin to the restrictions already placed on tobacco products.

The development signifies a growing trend towards regulating the promotion of environmentally harmful products, a move that could transform the advertising landscape.
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Cities and businesses worldwide will be watching closely to see how this impacts consumer behaviour and brand strategies.

Adapting to changing regulations will be crucial for advertisers working in this space. The Hague’s ban may prompt companies to rethink their advertising strategies, focusing on sustainability messaging and supporting greener initiatives.

Campaigns for fossil fuel advertising restrictions are already gaining momentum in cities such as Toronto and Graz.

Amsterdam is considering enshrining its own rules into law. These efforts reflect a broader shift towards responsible marketing, where promoting climate-conscious products and services could become the new norm.

Avoiding Greenwashing: 
What Companies in the UK, EU Need to Know

The global call for companies to reach the target of being net-zero in their operations (meaning that any carbon emissions are balanced by absorbing an equivalent amount from the atmosphere), and the critical need to transition from business-as-usual, have spawned an ...


September 17, 2024 - By Sandra Seah
TFL THE FASHION LAW

Image : H&M

The global call for companies to reach the target of being net-zero in their operations (meaning that any carbon emissions are balanced by absorbing an equivalent amount from the atmosphere), and the critical need to transition from business-as-usual, have spawned an exponential growth in the number of “green” products all marketing to an audience eager to join the sustainability bandwagon. However, in this fast-growing “green” market, the disturbing trend of greenwashing has diminished consumers’ and businesses’ confidence in sustainable business practices, products, and services even if companies are actually operating in accordance with their green claims.

As António Guterres, UN Secretary-General, famously put it, “We must have zero tolerance for net-zero greenwashing.” It is, therefore, unsurprising, that there is a fast-growing body of rules governing green claims to incentivize genuine sustainability practices, improve the trustworthiness of green claims and to penalize greenwashing. While greenwashing may have started from product-level claims in the retail sector, it has now evolved into firm-level claims that impact every single sector in the world.

This article provides a non-exhaustive outline of the current laws, codes, and guidelines in relation to greenwashing in the European Union and the United Kingdom in order to give a general overview of how global businesses can navigate the current web of greenwashing rules …

European Union

Empowering Consumers Directive

The Empowering Consumers Directive (Directive 2024/825) aims to better protect consumers against unfair practices. The Directive took effect on 26 March 2024. Member states must apply the new rules by September 27, 2026. This Directive amends the Unfair Commercial Practices Directive (Directive 2005/29/EC) and the Consumer Rights Directive (Directive 2011/83/EU), which is currently in force in EU Member States. The Empowering Consumers Directive will apply primarily in the B2C (business-to-consumer) context, with some relevance to the B2B (business-to-business) context as well.

The Empowering Consumers Directive sets a high bar for the use of “generic environmental claims,” with “examples of generic environmental claims includ[ing] ‘environmentally friendly’, ‘eco-friendly’, ‘green’, ‘nature’s friend’, ‘ecological’, ‘environmentally correct’, ‘climate friendly’, ‘gentle on the environment’, ‘carbon friendly’, ‘energy efficient’, ‘biodegradable’, ‘biobased’ or similar statements that suggest or create the impression of excellent environmental performance.

Such generic environmental claims should be prohibited when recognized excellent environmental performance cannot be demonstrated” (Recital 9, Empowering Consumers Directive).

However, whether a term is a generic environmental claim is context specific. If a sufficiently clear and prominent explanation accompanies the claim, it may be considered non-generic. “For example, the claim ‘climate-friendly packaging’ would be a generic claim, whilst claiming that ‘100 percent of energy used to produce this packaging comes from renewable sources’ would be a specific claim, which would not fall under this prohibition, without prejudice to other provisions of Directive 2005/29/EC remaining applicable to those specific claims” (Recital 9, Empowering Consumers Directive).

Green Claims Directive

The Empowering Consumers Directive will be complemented by the proposed Green Claims Directive. The European Parliament adopted its first reading position on the proposed directive on March 12, 2024. The Green Claims Directive seeks to: (i) increase environmental protection and accelerate the green transition; (ii) protect consumers and companies from greenwashing; (iii) improve the legal certainty as regards environmental claims; and (iv) boost the competitiveness of economic operators that make genuine efforts to go green.

The Green Claims Directive aims to regulate the substantiation and communication of green claims as well as regulate the proliferation of environmental labels. This is to ensure that consumers receive trustworthy, comparable, and verifiable environmental information. It will set the minimum requirements for the substantiation and communication of voluntary environmental claims and use of environmental labels in business-to-consumer commercial practices (Article 1, Green Claims Directive). Green claims would have to be independently verified by an officially accredited, third-party verifier.

(1) Communication of environmental claims: The proposed Green Claims Directive sets out that all environmental claims (Article 5): shall only cover environmental impacts, aspects or performance that are assessed in accordance with the substantiation requirements laid down in the directive and are identified as significant for the respective product or trader; shall include information on how consumers may appropriately use the product to decrease environmental impacts (where relevant); and shall be accompanied by information on the substantiation of claims (including information on the product or activities of the trader; aspects, impacts, or performance covered by the claim; other recognized international standards, where relevant; underlying studies and calculations; how improvements that are subject to the claim are achieved; the certificate of conformity and coordinates of the verifier).

Additionally, the Directive proposes that comparative environmental claims relating to an improvement of the environmental impacts/aspects/performance of the product compared to that of another product from the same trader or from a competing trader that is no longer active on the market or from a trader that no longer sells to consumers, must be based on evidence demonstrating that the improvement is significant and achieved in the last five years (Article 6).

(2) Environmental labeling schemes: Building on the Empowering Consumer Directive, which bans environmental labels based on self-certification, the proposed Green Claims Directive provides additional safeguards to improve the quality of eco-labeling schemes. The proposed directive requires environmental labeling schemes to comply with the following requirements (Article 8(2)):

> Information about the ownership and the decision-making bodies of the environmental labeling scheme is transparent, accessible free of charge, easy to understand and sufficiently detailed;

> Information about the objectives of the environmental labeling scheme and the requirements and procedures to monitor compliance of the environmental labeling scheme are transparent, accessible free of charge, easy to understand and sufficiently detailed;

> The conditions for joining the environmental labeling schemes are proportionate to the size and turnover of the companies in order not to exclude small and medium enterprises;

> The requirements for the environmental labeling scheme have been developed by experts that can ensure their scientific robustness and have been submitted for consultation to a heterogeneous group of stakeholders that has reviewed them and ensured their relevance from a societal perspective;

> The environmental labeling scheme has a complaint and dispute resolution mechanism in place; and

> The environmental labeling scheme sets out procedures for dealing with non-compliance and foresees the withdrawal or suspension of the environmental label in case of persistent and flagrant non-compliance with the requirements of the scheme.

Article 8 also introduces additional provisions targeted at the proliferation of labeling schemes, notably:

> A prohibition of the establishment of new national or regional environmental labeling schemes (thereafter environmental labeling schemes may only be established under EU law) (Article 8(3));

> A validation procedure for new schemes established by public authorities in third countries, requiring these schemes to be assessed and approved by the European Commission, to ensure that these schemes add value in terms of their environmental ambition, their coverage of environmental impacts, of product category group or sector, and their ability to support the green transition of SMEs as compared to the existing EU, national or regional schemes (Article 8(4)); and

> A validation procedure for new schemes established by private operators from the EU and third countries, requiring these schemes to be assessed and approved by member states, to ensure that these schemes add value in terms of their environmental ambition, their coverage of environmental impacts, of product category group or sector, and their ability to support the green transition of SMEs as compared to the existing EU, national or regional schemes (Article 8(5)).

(3) Ex-ante verification of environmental claims & labeling schemes: The substantiation and communication of environmental claims and labels will have to be third party verified and certified before the claim is used in a commercial communication (Article 10). The verifier, an officially accredited, independent body, will perform this ex-ante verification of claims submitted by the company wishing to use it. Thereafter, the verifier will decide whether to issue a certificate of conformity.
United Kingdom
Consumer Protection from Unfair Trading Regulations 2008

The Consumer Protection from Unfair Trading Regulations (“CPUT“) governs business-to-consumer advertising and marketing in the UK. Regulation 5 of the CPUT prohibits false and misleading commercial practices and Regulation 6 prohibits hiding or obfuscating material information.

Advertising Guidance, CAP Code & BCAP Code

The Advertising Guidance on The Environment: Misleading Claims and Social Responsibility published by the Committee of Advertising Practice (“CAP”), which offers guidance on interpreting and applying rule 11 of the UK Code of Non-broadcast Advertising and Direct & Promotional Marketing (“CAP Code”) and rule 9 of the UK Code of Broadcast Advertising (“BCAP Code”), states that businesses should:

> Not use unqualified “carbon neutral”, “net zero” or similar claims, and clearly explain the basis for such claims (rules 11.1 and 11.2, CAP Code; rules 9.2 and 9.3, BCAP Code);

> Justify absolute claims with a high level of substantiation (rule 1.3, CAP Code; rule 9.4, BCAP Code). This means that businesses must include accurate information about whether (and the degree to which) they are actively reducing their own carbon emissions or relying on carbon offsetting; ensure that claims based on carbon offsetting comply with standards of evidence for objective claims as set out in the Guidance, and include information about any offsetting schemes used; and provide any necessary qualifying information about a claim sufficiently close to the claim for consumers to be able to see and understand the qualifications easily;

> Justify comparative claims with verifiable evidence (rule 11.3, CAP Code; rule 9.4, BCAP Code);

> Ensure that claims based on future projections are clear, based on accurate data, supported by a verifiable strategy to deliver the goal and, if relevant, suitably qualified (rule 11.3, CAP Code; rule 9.4, BCAP Code);

> Base environmental claims on the full life cycle of the advertised product, unless the marketing communication states/qualifies otherwise, and must make clear the limits of the life cycle (rule 11.4, CAP Code; rule 9.5, BCAP Code);

> Not suggest that their claims are universally accepted if there exists a significant division of informed or scientific opinion (rule 11.5, CAP Code; rule 9.6, BCAP Code);

> Not imply in marketing communications that a product’s formulation has changed to improve the product in the way claimed, if the product has never had a demonstrably adverse effect on the environment (rule 11.6, CAP Code; rule 9.7, BCAP Code);

> Not mislead consumers in marketing communications about the environmental benefit that a product offers; for example, by highlighting the absence of an environmentally damaging ingredient if that ingredient is not usually found in competing products or by highlighting an environmental benefit that results from a legal obligation if competing products are subject to that legal obligation (rule 11.7, CAP Code; rule 9.8, BCAP Code);

> Include an indication of the product’s energy efficiency class in marketing communications for specific energy-related products that include energy-related information or disclose price information (rule 11.8, CAP Code and rule 9.9, BCAP Code, read with the EU Directive (EC) No 2010/30/EU and the Energy Information Regulations 2011); and

> Make product fiche information about products that fall under delegated regulations available to consumers before commitment (rule 11.9, CAP Code and rule 9.10, BCAP Code, read with the EU Directive (EC) No 2010/30/EU and the Energy Information Regulations 2011).

The CAP Code applies to environment claims in non-broadcast marketing communications in the UK, including online, via social media, and in print. The BCAP Code, on the other hand, applies to environmental claims in all advertisements (including teleshopping, content on self-promotional television channels, television text and interactive TV advertisements) and program sponsorship credits on radio and television services.
CMA Guidance: Environmental Claims on Goods & Services

The Guidance on Making Environmental Claims on Goods and Services (2021) published by the Competition & Markets Authority (“CMA”) aims to help businesses in the UK understand and comply with their existing obligations under consumer protection law when making environmental claims. The guidance sets out 6 principles to follow when making sustainability claims in the UK: (1) claims must be truthful and accurate; (2) claims must be clear and unambiguous; (3) claims must not omit or hide important information; (4) comparisons should be fair and meaningful; (5) the full life cycle of products/services should be considered; and (6) claims must be substantiated.

Based on these principles, the Green Claims Code Checklist provides useful guidance on the questions that a business should be able to answer for its claims in the affirmative:

> The claim is accurate and clear for all to understand.

> There is up-to-date, credible evidence to show that the green claim is true.

> The claim clearly tells the whole story of a product or service; or relates to one part of the product or service without misleading people about the other parts or the overall impact on the environment.

> The claim does not contain partially correct or incorrect aspects or conditions that apply.

> Where general claims (eco-friendly, green, or sustainable for example) are being made, the claim reflects the whole life cycle of the brand, product, business, or service and is justified by the evidence.

> If conditions (or caveats) apply to the claim, they are clearly set out and can be understood by all.

> The claim will not mislead customers or other suppliers.

> The claim does not exaggerate its positive environmental impact or contain anything untrue – whether clearly stated or implied.

> Durability or disposability information is clearly explained and labelled.

> The claim does not miss out or hide information about the environmental impact that people need to make informed choices.

> Information that really cannot fit into the claim can be easily accessed by customers in another way (QR code, website, etc.).

> Features or benefits that are necessary standard features or legal requirements of that product or service type, are not claimed as environmental benefits.

> If a comparison is being used, the basis of it is fair and accurate, and is clear for all to understand.
What Companies Can Do

In a nutshell, the impending and already-enacted laws and guidelines that center on greenwashing are aimed at addressing unsubstantiated, misleading, and exaggerated “sustainability” claims; unsubstantiated, misleading, and exaggerated claims about future targets; unsubstantiated, misleading, and exaggerated comparative claims; and the use of unaccredited “green” labels. To address these problems, regulations have been – or will be – formulated to prohibit the use of generic, unqualified, and unsubstantiated green claims, to limit the permissible use of comparative claims and claims about future targets, and to regulate the use of green labels and green label schemes.

While there is no substitute for genuine conscionability and accountability in adopting and carrying out a sustainable business and marketing/selling genuinely “green” products or services, regulation is likely to prove a meaningful step in the right direction. At the same time, if business communities can sensibly strategize, measure, verify, report, and continue to track and improve, we think that the specter of greenwashing claims will diminish.

Sandra Seah is a corporate lawyer at Bird & Bird. She has extensive experience in local and cross-border mergers and acquisitions, joint ventures and collaborations, and other general corporate matters.

SUSTAINABLE AVIATION  FUEL

An NFL First: 49ers and United Airlines Launch SAF Pilot Project to Reduce Carbon Emissions From Air Travel

SPORTS & GREEN WASHING

Sep 18, 2024 




y.
SANTA CLARA, Calif. – United and the San Francisco 49ers announced today that the team has become the first in the NFL to purchase sustainable aviation fuel (SAF). As an initial step toward addressing emissions concerns, the team has purchased enough SAF to cover its game-related flying on United from San Francisco to Los Angeles this Sunda

SAF is an alternative to conventional jet fuel that can reduce greenhouse gas emissions by up to 85% on a lifecycle basis – from production to end use - because it is made from renewable materials rather than oil. United's SAF is certified by an independent third-party as meeting several sustainability criteria, including its carbon intensity.

United was the first airline to create a goal of reaching net zero greenhouse gas emission by 2050, without relying on voluntary carbon offsets, and remains a U.S. industry leader in the purchase and use of SAF. The airline purchased more sustainable fuel than any U.S. airline in 2023 and has used a blend of SAF at five airports in the U.S. and Europe including San Francisco International Airport – among the most locations of any U.S. airline.

"SAF has the potential to be a powerful tool to help reduce carbon emissions from flying, but the industry is still in its infancy, supply is limited, and most people don't know what it is," said United CEO Scott Kirby. "We're proud to partner with like-minded organizations like the 49ers to demonstrate and elevate to a broader audience why it's important to support real solutions like SAF."

The 49ers have a strong history of leading community-based initiatives and environmental stewardship in San Francisco. Levi's® Stadium was the first United States professional football stadium to have achieved a LEED Gold certification, and its solar panels generate enough energy to power every 49ers home game. United was also a founding partner of the 49ers' "Faithful to the Planet" initiative, a charitable project led by the 49ers and several corporate partners to fund programs that reduce pollution in the oceans, and plant and protect new trees.

"We are thrilled to join United's Eco-Skies Alliance, and take this important step towards reducing our carbon footprint," said Brent Schoeb, Chief Revenue and Marketing Officer for the 49ers. "As the first NFL team to invest in SAF, this is a meaningful part of our commitment to more sustainable practices, and we're grateful to United for leading the way in this space."

About United's Eco-Skies Alliance

As a result of purchasing SAF, the 49ers joined United's Eco-Skies AllianceSM, an innovative program designed for participating companies to work together to share the "green premium" or the cost associated with purchasing lower emission fuels – SAF is 2x to 4x more expensive than traditional jet fuel.

The Eco-Skies Alliance program was launched in April 2021 and has collectively contributed toward the purchase of nearly 15 million gallons of SAF. With its up to 85% greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions reductions on a lifecycle basis compared to conventional jet fuel, this is enough SAF to reduce approximately 150,000 metric tons of GHG emissions, or enough to fly passengers close to 1 billion miles.

Fossil fuel firms 'spent £4bn on sportswashing' says report

NOT JUST SAUDI ARAMCO
Image source,Getty Images
Image caption,

Saudi Arabia’s national oil giant Aramco have deals in F1, football and cricket

  • Published

Fossil fuel companies have invested more than £4bn in sports sponsorship "in an attempt to divert attention from their role in fuelling the climate crisis and harming human health”, according to a new report.

Green think-tank New Weather Institute (NWI) analysed more than 200 active deals, claiming “sport is increasingly one of the areas oil and gas companies are using to greenwash their reputation".

Its report, ‘Dirty Money - how fossil fuel sponsors are polluting sport’, found that football had the most partnerships with the energy and petrochemical industry (58), followed by motorsports (39), rugby union (17), and golf (15).

Team GB gold-medal winning Olympic rower Imogen Grant says it shows sport is “being used to improve the perception of companies that are doing terrible things to our environment, directly impacting the sports they are sponsoring".

"A lot of that is coming from massive state-owned fossil fuel sponsors but it's not a deal sport can accept for much longer," she told BBC Radio 4's Today programme.

NWI says Saudi Arabia's national oil giant Aramco was the biggest fossil fuel sponsor of sport, paying almost £1bn across 10 active sponsorships, followed by petrochemical companies Ineos (£588m), Shell £355m) and TotalEnergies (£257m).



Earlier this year Aramco announced a partnership with world football governing body Fifa. It is also a major sponsor of Formula 1 and has a global deal with the International Cricket Council, the sport's world governing body. It declined to comment.

Ineos, which has invested in a range of sports teams, also declined to comment, although its chairman Sir Jim Ratcliffe has previously denied allegations of 'sportswashing' by campaigners.

TotalEnergies - whose sponsorship of the 2023 Rugby World Cup was criticised by Greenpeace - has been contacted for comment.

It has previously said: "Our sports sponsorship represents a tremendous open-air laboratory where TotalEnergies can trial the new solutions that it has pioneered to support and guide its customers and partners towards the mobility of tomorrow's world and carbon neutrality."

Shell, which sparked controversy by sponsoring British Cycling in 2022, said it has "invested £4.2bn in low-carbon solutions last year, which was 23% of its capital spending".

It added: "This is to support the development of low-carbon energy solutions including e-mobility, low-carbon fuels, renewable power, hydrogen, and carbon capture and storage."

NWI is calling on sports organisations and governing bodies to introduce "tobacco-style bans on sponsorship from fossil fuel companies, and actively seek and encourage more sustainable sources of funding".

Andrew Simms, co-director of NWI, said: "Oil companies who are delaying climate action and pouring more fuel on the fire of global heating, are using big tobacco's old playbook and trying to pass themselves off as patrons of sport.

"But air pollution from fossil fuels and the extreme weather of a warming world threaten the very future of athletes, fans and events ranging from the Winter Olympics to World Cups.

"If sport is to have a future it needs to clean itself of dirty money from big polluters and stop promoting its own destruction."

Opinion

Only a sustainable bioeconomy can save us

SIMON ZADEK
 Sep 18, 2024

The World Bioeconomy Forum estimates the current value of the global bioeconomy at $4 trillion, with some projections showing that this could rise to $30 trillion or more by 2050.


The world economy continues to over-exploit nature, despite being fully dependent on it. It is easy to see why this is unsustainable, especially in light of dangerously escalating climate change. With the biodiversity financing gap estimated to be about $700-900 billion per year, calls are growing ahead of October’s United Nations Biodiversity Conference in Cali, Colombia (COP16) to “invest in nature.” But these well-meaning efforts miss the bigger picture. Investing in nature will not save it so long as the global economy consumes more natural resources than the planet can sustain. It is like trying to shift to a low-carbon economy by using expensive carbon-storage schemes, while simultaneously allowing fossil fuel-intensive industries to emit ever more greenhouse gases.


Instead, what is needed is a regenerative global economy that preserves and restores nature and, in so doing, helps the world achieve crucial climate goals. In short, we must work toward a sustainable and equitable bioeconomy.


The bioeconomy comprises a wide range of sectors and business activities. Most obvious are regenerative forms of agriculture, fishing, forestry, and aquaculture. There are also the many ways that technology is combined with land- and sea-based production, from bio-based plastics to bioenergy and biopharmaceuticals. Lastly, there are the many opportunities to financialize nature’s value through high-integrity and equitable nature-based carbon and biodiversity credits.


The potential is enormous. The World Bioeconomy Forum estimates the current value of the global bioeconomy at $4 trillion, with some projections showing that this could rise to $30 trillion or more by 2050. But the bioeconomy is not automatically sustainable or equitable. It can destroy nature, such as through overfishing and deforestation.


Similarly, it can deepen inequalities: land grabs by foreign investors have already been reported, leaving nature-rich countries and local communities in the Global South worse off.


For example, one major question on the biodiversity agenda is how to ensure fair sharing of the profits earned from the digital sequencing of genetic resources. DNA sequence data – called “digital sequence information” (DSI) in policy circles – have revolutionized the life sciences and are fueling innovation in sectors such as food security, medicine, green energy, and biodiversity conservation. Open access to the SARS-CoV-2 viral sequences was partly responsible for the rapid development of diagnostic kits and vaccines.


DSI also has many commercial applications and offers new opportunities for economic development. It is promising that negotiators recently agreed on a draft recommendation for operationalizing the fair and equitable sharing of benefits from DSI, including the creation of a global fund, to be considered at COP16.


Brazil, in its current role as G20 president, has taken the lead in advancing an equitable, sustainable bioeconomy. This includes establishing the G20 Initiative on Bioeconomy, which recently defined ten voluntary high-level principles that will help policymakers cultivate a bioeconomy that promotes social inclusion, provides sustainable jobs, and accelerates progress toward climate and nature goals. There are high hopes that Brazil will continue this work during its presidency of the UN Climate Change Conference in 2025, and that South Africa will advance a similar agenda when it assumes the G20 presidency at the end of the year.


Several steps can be taken now to facilitate investment in the bioeconomy. Creating common measurement standards and natural capital accounting could help agencies like UN Trade and Development and the World Trade Organization improve bio-trade arrangements and address subsidy problems. Nature pricing could help drive investment by increasing the economic value of a sustainable bioeconomy. Devising trade and investment rules, addressing data shortfalls, and ensuring systematic analysis are vital for developing a robust bioeconomy. Regional groups such as the European Union and the African Union are well-positioned to begin implementing these changes.


Developing a successful bioeconomy requires an integrated approach, and that starts with enabling policies. Regenerative agriculture, like bioplastics and bioenergy, struggles to compete with carbon-intensive alternatives that often receive significant subsidies. “Bio-businesses” that rely heavily on technology need a supportive ecosystem of business partnerships, research and innovation, regulation, and public financing that is often lacking in low- and middle-income countries.


Such challenges make it harder for Global South countries to advance value-adding sectors that sustainably use their natural assets. Moreover, while several governments are increasingly developing bioeconomy strategies, sovereign-debt crises, and the resulting fiscal pressures, are often a barrier to unlocking domestic public finance or crowding in private investment.


Development finance institutions can and do play an important role in the Global South.


In 2024, for example, the International Finance Corporation committed $56 billion to private companies and financial institutions in developing countries. But many of these institutions lack a bioeconomy strategy or focus, even though investing in the equitable and sustainable use, conservation, and regeneration of natural resources can protect biodiversity, ramp up climate action, generate decent jobs, and accelerate the uptake of clean tech. Realizing these opportunities requires more than one investment at a time. Only by coupling national and regional strategies with international cooperation can we build the sustainable, equitable bioeconomy we need. 

Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2024


Simon Zadek The author Co-CEO of NatureFinance
Climate Finance: What You Need To Know Ahead Of COP29

By Benjamin LEGENDRE
Published 09/17/24
IBT
Climate finance will be at the top of the agenda at the upcoming COP29 in November AFP

Developing countries will need trillions of dollars in the years ahead to deal with climate change -- but exactly how much is needed, and who is going to pay for it?

These difficult questions will be wrestled at this year's United Nations climate conference, known as COP29, being hosted in Azerbaijan in November.

It is the buzzword in this year's negotiations, but there isn't one agreed definition of "climate finance".

In general terms, it's money spent in a manner "consistent with a pathway towards low greenhouse gas emissions and climate-resilient development", as per phrasing used in the Paris agreement.

That includes government or private money channelled into low-carbon investments in clean energy like wind and solar, technology like electric vehicles, or adaptation measures like dikes to hold back rising seas.

But could a subsidy for a new water-efficient hotel, for example, be included in climate finance?

The COPs -- the annual UN-sponsored climate summits -- have never defined it.

The Climate Policy Initiative, a nonprofit research group, estimates that $10 trillion per year in climate finance will be needed between 2030 and 2050.

This compares to around $1.3 trillion spent in 2021-2022.

But in the parlance of UN negotiations, climate finance has come to refer to something more specific -- the difficulties that developing nations face getting the money they need to adapt to global warming.

The line between climate finance and conventional development aid is sometimes blurred.

But experts commissioned by the UN estimate that developing countries, excluding China, will need an estimated $2.4 trillion per year by 2030.

Under a UN accord adopted in 1992, a handful of countries deemed wealthy, industrialised, and the most responsible for global warming were obligated to provide compensation to the rest of the world.

In 2009, these countries -- the United States, the European Union, Japan, the United Kingdom, Canada, Switzerland, Turkey, Norway, Iceland, New Zealand and Australia -- committed to paying $100 billion per year by 2020.


They only achieved this for the first time in 2022. The delay eroded trust and fuelled accusations that rich countries were shirking their responsibility.

At COP29, nearly 200 nations are expected to agree on a new finance goal beyond 2025 -- but deep divisions remain over how much should be paid, and who should pay it.

India has called for $1 trillion annually, a ten-fold increase in the existing pledge, but countries on the hook to pay it want other major economies to chip in.

They argue times have changed since 1992. Economies have grown, new powers have emerged, and today the big industrialised nations of the early 1990s represent just 30 percent of historic greenhouse gas emissions.

In particular, there is a push for China -- the world's largest polluter today -- and the Gulf countries to pay, a proposal they do not accept.


Today, most climate finance aid goes through development banks or funds co-managed with the countries concerned, such as the Green Climate Fund and the Global Environment Facility.

Campaigners are very critical of the $100 billion pledge because two-thirds of the money was distributed as loans, often at preferential rates, but seen as compounding debt woes for poorer nations.

Even revised upwards, it is likely any future commitment will fall well short of what is needed.

But it is viewed as highly symbolic nonetheless, and crucial to unlocking other sources of money, namely private capital.

Financial diplomacy also plays out at the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the G20, where hosts Brazil want to craft a global tax on billionaires.


The idea of new global taxes, for example on aviation or maritime transport, is also supported by France, Kenya and Barbados, with the backing of UN chief Antonio Guterres.

Redirecting fossil fuel subsidies towards clean energy or wiping the debt of poor countries in exchange for climate investments are also among the options.

Another proposal, from COP29 host Azerbaijan, has floated asking fossil fuel producers to contribute to a new fund that would channel money to developing countries.

As for the "loss and damage" fund created at COP28 to support vulnerable nations cope with extreme weather events, it is still far from up and running, with just $661 million pledged so far.



© Copyright AFP 2024. All rights reserved.
Azerbaijan unveils COP29 agenda amid financial deadlock

DW
September 17, 2024

The summit aims to determine how much money developing countries need and who should contribute to the fund. With just two months until the event, negotiations remain at a standstill.


Azerbaijan has proposed a "COP Truce" to stop conflicts during the summit
Image: Jakub Porzycki/NurPhoto/picture alliance

COP29 host Azerbaijan unveiled a slew of initiatives for the November summit on Tuesday in an attempt to overcome stalled funding negotiations.

The primary challenge of COP29 is to agree on a new funding goal to help developing countries deal with climate change. However, discussions remain deadlocked.

In response, the COP29 presidency has proposed more than a dozen side initiatives that don’t require party negotiations.

Azerbaijan’s Ecology Minister Mukhtar Babayev, who holds the rotating COP presidency, said that side agendas use "the convening power of COP and the hosts’ respective national capabilities to form coalitions and drive progress."

These voluntary, parallel initiatives are common at COP summits, but they are separate from the lengthy negotiations that lead to binding agreements.

The agenda will "help to enhance ambition by bringing stakeholders together around common principles and goals," Babayev said.


What initiatives have been proposed?

Among the key initiatives introduced by Azerbaijan is the creation of a climate action fund with voluntary contributions from fossil fuel-producing countries and companies.

The fund aims to raise $1 billion (€900 million) to finance projects in developing countries.

Azerbaijan, which is heavily reliant on fossil fuels, is expected to make the first contribution to this fund.

Other proposals include reducing emissions from the tourism sector, increasing energy storage capacity, and creating a global market for clean hydrogen.

The host nation has also suggested a "COP Truce" to halt conflicts during the summit.


Developing countries call for more financial support

This year’s summit in Baku aims to determine how much funding developing countries need to address global warming and where the funds will come from.

This new agreement is set to replace the $100 billion per year commitment made by rich nations in 2020. That goal was only met for the first time in 2022 and has long been criticized as insufficient.

In August, the UN presented a draft document outlining seven possible options for the financial agreement.

With two months left before the summit, no consensus has been reached.

COP29 held amid rising temperatures

Despite many nations’ climate commitments, the Earth continues to warm.

Carbon dioxide emissions from burning fossil fuels reached a record high last year.

Additionally, summer 2024 has been Northern Hemisphere's hottest on record, as temperatures continue to rise.

fmf/zc (Reuters, AFP)
Trillions needed, but who will pay? As COP29 looms, rich and poor nations clash over climate finance


This photograph shows a view of the Azerbaijani capital of Baku on July 23, 2024. This year’s United Nations climate conference, known as COP29, being hosted in Azerbaijan in November. — AFP pic

Wednesday, 18 Sep 2024

PARIS, Sept 18 — Developing countries will need trillions of dollars in the years ahead to deal with climate change — but exactly how much is needed, and who is going to pay for it?

These difficult questions will be wrestled at this year’s United Nations climate conference, known as COP29, being hosted in Azerbaijan in November.


People visit Yanardag, a natural gas fire which blazes continuously on a hillside on the Absheron Peninsula near the Azerbaijani capital of Baku on July 22, 2024. Flames soar into the air from a sandstone outcrop on a hillside of the Absheron peninsula near Baku, the capital of Azerbaijan, as it prepares to host the COP29 climate conference from November 11 to November 22, 2024. — AFP pic


What is climate finance?

It is the buzzword in this year’s negotiations, but there isn’t one agreed definition of “climate finance”.

In general terms, it’s money spent in a manner “consistent with a pathway towards low greenhouse gas emissions and climate-resilient development”, as per phrasing used in the Paris agreement.

That includes government or private money channelled into low-carbon investments in clean energy like wind and solar, technology like electric vehicles, or adaptation measures like dikes to hold back rising seas.

But could a subsidy for a new water-efficient hotel, for example, be included in climate finance?

The COPs — the annual UN-sponsored climate summits — have never defined it.




Picture taken on June 29, 2022 with a drone shows turquoise water in a large melt hole on the top of an iceberg in the Disko Bay, Ilulissat, western Greenland. — AFP pic

How much is needed?

The Climate Policy Initiative, a nonprofit research group, estimates that US$10 trillion (RM42.6 trillion) per year in climate finance will be needed between 2030 and 2050.

This compares to around US$1.3 trillion spent in 2021-2022.

But in the parlance of UN negotiations, climate finance has come to refer to something more specific — the difficulties that developing nations face getting the money they need to adapt to global warming.

The line between climate finance and conventional development aid is sometimes blurred.

But experts commissioned by the UN estimate that developing countries, excluding China, will need an estimated US$2.4 trillion per year by 2030.



This aerial photograph taken on January 27, 2024 shows a camel in the desert of Samawa in Iraq's southern province of al-Muthanna. — AFP pic


Who will pay?


Under a UN accord adopted in 1992, a handful of countries deemed wealthy, industrialised, and the most responsible for global warming were obligated to provide compensation to the rest of the world.

In 2009, these countries — the United States, the European Union, Japan, the United Kingdom, Canada, Switzerland, Turkey, Norway, Iceland, New Zealand and Australia — committed to paying US$100 billion per year by 2020.

They only achieved this for the first time in 2022. The delay eroded trust and fuelled accusations that rich countries were shirking their responsibility.

At COP29, nearly 200 nations are expected to agree on a new finance goal beyond 2025 — but deep divisions remain over how much should be paid, and who should pay it.

India has called for US$1 trillion annually, a ten-fold increase in the existing pledge, but countries on the hook to pay it want other major economies to chip in.

They argue times have changed since 1992. Economies have grown, new powers have emerged, and yesterday the big industrialised nations of the early 1990s represent just 30 per cent of historic greenhouse gas emissions.

In particular, there is a push for China — the world’s largest polluter yesterday — and the Gulf countries to pay, a proposal they do not accept.



The flags of United Nations member states (from left) Hungary, Iceland, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Jamaica, Japan, Jordan, Kazakhstan, Kenya, Kiribati, Kuwait, Kyrgyzstan, and Laos fly in alphabetical order during the COP27 climate conference at the Sharm el-Sheikh International Convention Centre, in Egypt's Red Sea resort city of the same name, on November 7, 2022. — AFP pic


Where will they find the money?

Yesterday, most climate finance aid goes through development banks or funds co-managed with the countries concerned, such as the Green Climate Fund and the Global Environment Facility.

Campaigners are very critical of the US$100 billion pledge because two-thirds of the money was distributed as loans, often at preferential rates, but seen as compounding debt woes for poorer nations.

Even revised upwards, it is likely any future commitment will fall well short of what is needed.

But it is viewed as highly symbolic nonetheless, and crucial to unlocking other sources of money, namely private capital.

Financial diplomacy also plays out at the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the G20, where hosts Brazil want to craft a global tax on billionaires.

The idea of new global taxes, for example on aviation or maritime transport, is also supported by France, Kenya and Barbados, with the backing of UN chief Antonio Guterres.

Redirecting fossil fuel subsidies towards clean energy or wiping the debt of poor countries in exchange for climate investments are also among the options.

Another proposal, from COP29 host Azerbaijan, has floated asking fossil fuel producers to contribute to a new fund that would channel money to developing countries.

As for the “loss and damage” fund created at COP28 to support vulnerable nations cope with extreme weather events, it is still far from up and running, with just US$661 million pledged so far. — AFP
Developing countries denounce rich nations’ disregard for just transition talks

Published on 17/09/2024, 

One negotiator said it was “very unfortunate” that no developed-country officials travelled to Ghana for UN climate talks on “response measures”



Women illegally gather coal to sell from Jharia mine in Jharkand state, India, in 2008 (Pic: Peter Caton/Greenpeace)

By Joe Lo


United Nations talks on how to make the global green transition fair provoked frustration last week among developing countries as rich nations did not attend in person and refused to discuss thorny issues.

About 30 developing countries sent civil servants to a five-star hotel in Ghana for official UN discussions on “response measures” that are meant to tackle how to maximise the benefits and minimise the negative impacts of a green transition.

All nations agreed at last year’s COP28 climate conference to hold the latest round of talks in a hybrid format. There were no officials present from wealthy governments – and while the US, the European Union and the UK did log on virtually, they kept their cameras largely off during the two-day meeting. Their rare contributions were received badly by developing countries.

The UN negotiations on response measures to climate change have been going on for more than 20 years. The 2015 Paris Agreement reinforced a commitment by governments to consider the concerns of countries “with economies most affected by the impacts of response measures”, particularly developing ones.

In a video message introducing this month’s talks, UN climate chief Simon Stiell said national climate action plans “will have profound societal implications – both good and bad”, adding “it’s crucial that we ensure more people benefit and that harms are mitigated”.

Participants then swapped their experiences on issues such as electric motorcycles with dead batteries being dumped on the roadside in the Maldives and the effects of EU deforestation regulations on Ghana’s cocoa industry.


Slow progress in Baku risks derailing talks on new climate finance goal at COP29

Towards the end of the first day, Egyptian negotiator Khaled Aly Hashem Hussein observed that “it’s very unfortunate that in this room we don’t have a single representative from the developed countries”. This, he said, made it a monologue rather than a dialogue.

Brazil’s negotiator Vitor Mattos Vaz echoed those concerns, saying that no interventions had been heard from developed countries, including contributions via video.

He said governments “can not cherry-pick only the commitments and the tracks [of the Paris Agreement] that they are interested in”. When they do so, “they are eroding the spirit of mutual trust and reciprocal commitment,” he added, calling for the “absence of their comments” to be formally noted.
Don’t mention CBAM

The next day, representatives from the US, EU and UK did speak up. Sewek Gasiorek from the British government said he regretted not being there in person as “it is a very busy time”, with G20 meetings and the United Nations General Assembly running concurrently.

He then clashed with negotiators from South Africa and Saudi Arabia over the extent to which the talks should focus on how measures taken by developed countries affect poorer nations. Gasiorek said “there is no agreement, as has been suggested earlier” that the discussions should be limited to that – which led South Africa’s Mahendra Shunmoogam to accuse him of “revisionist agenda-setting”.




Shunmoogam then asked the EU’s representative, Belgian government official Catherine Windey, how the EU’s carbon border adjustment mechanism (CBAM) – a tax system that is due to be fully in place by 2026 and is regarded by some emerging economies like South Africa as a protectionist measure that will damage their economies – was compatible with the “do no significant harm principle.”

Windey responded that the dialogue “isn’t supposed to address any individual policies of parties, so I’m not going to enter that discussion here”.

One developing-country official at the meeting told Climate Home they had left Ghana feeling they had wasted their time. “It was getting us into the discussion about nothing really of value,” the bureaucrat said.

Talks will continue at COP29 in Baku in November on whether and how to hold a further year’s worth of workshops and dialogue on response measures.


At COP28, governments agreed that “measures taken to combat climate change, including unilateral ones, should not constitute a means of arbitrary or unjustifiable discrimination or a disguised restriction on international trade”. Developing countries are likely to push at COP29 for agreement on more explicit criticism of policies like the EU’s carbon border tax.

(Reporting by Joe Loe; editing by Megan Rowling)

This article was updated on Sept. 18 to add that the talks were planned in a hybrid format and to clarify a comment from the UK’s negotiator.