Monday, December 23, 2024

Swallowing Syria


 December 23, 2024
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Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on the summit of Mt. Hermon in Syria, Dec 17, 2024. (Photo: Screenshot/GPO).

I am finding it very hard to swallow the disaster that has occurred in Syria, or to digest its consequences. It makes me sick.

Though it foresaw the looming disaster, my last article was written just before the flight of Assad and the fall of Damascus, and it was still possible to imagine there might be another out to be played. Well, it’s now, definitely, game over, and there’s no denying who won and who lost. The result is depressing and demoralizing.

To reprise what I said in that article, “If Now that Syria is lost to the Erdogan-sponsored Jihadi forces, Russia, Iran, Lebanon, the Axis of Resistance, and the Palestinian people will have lost something very important, something that cannot be recovered without a…more deadly fight than would have been required to prevent the loss.” Correspondingly, US imperialism, Zionism, and Turkish neo-Ottomanism have won a strategic geopolitical victory that gives them advantages that will be hard to overcome.

Since 2012, I’ve written at least 17 articles about the vicious “multiple, concentric proxy war” the US, Israel, Turkey, and the Gulf States (especially Qatar), with their jihadi pawns, have waged to destroy the Syrian state. By 2015, it had become “the most expensive US covert action program in history.” Along with many others, I critiqued and attacked the Axis of Chaos’s arrogant and insouciant destruction of a country and a region, creating hundreds of thousands of casualties and refugees, destroying ancient and vibrant cities and towns, replacing secular pluralism with head-chopping takfiri sectarianism—all to eliminate a polity independent of and resistant to U.S. imperialism, Zionist colonialism, and Turkish ambition. I and many others had been glad to see that project interrupted by a Russian intervention, and, even though most of us knew that it was not stopped, we were too complacent about the ongoing destructive effects of the ongoing U.S. occupation and sanctions (per US thug Diana Stroul) and way too complacent about the persistence and armament of the Turkish-controlled jihadi redoubt in Idlib.

Over the last couple of years, many of us focused on the waning hard and soft power of U.S. imperialism in relation to the rising military power of Russia and China and their allied economic bloc in BRICS, as well as to the waning of Zionism’s hard and soft power in relation to the rising power of Iran, Hezbollah, and the Axis of Resistance and in relation to the world’s (especially the world’s youth) rising understanding of the illegitimacy of Zionist colonialism.

All these factors are still true and in play, but we have foolishly underestimated how strong, tenacious, and diverse the Zio-imperialist team is, and we have to recognize that. We didn’t see him as the team slugger, but, in Syria, Erdogan came in and hit a walk-off home run. And we didn’t even know what inning we were in. It’s going to be a long, hard season.

Here’s where we now stand, what we have to accept:

Syria is gone. The “nation” of Syria exists only as a wished-for abstraction; it is no longer, and will never again be, the geopolitical polity that it was. It is now a territory divided into sectarian—ethnic and religious—cantons, with no central administration or military power, subject to the political and military whims of actual states, especially the United States, Israel, and Turkey, who planned and executed that outcome.

The current “leadership” in Syria is comprised of the rebranded Al-Qaeda, now named Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), led by Abu Mohammed al-Golani. As I’m writing, Golani is still a “terrorist” with a USG $10-million-dollar bounty on his head, although he’s also meeting with Western media personalities and cabinet officials, who are frantically rebranding him. Haircut, beard trim, new suit, and even a new name, Ahmed al-Sharaa, and voila, the old ISIS/al-Qaeda “terrorist” becomes an internationally respected, diversity-loving, moderate rebel.

In fact, the HTS/al-Golani-al-Sharaa “leadership” controls nothing. Its job, that it’s doing very well, is to stand down and allow Israel to bomb the former country over 800 times to destroy every bit of the former Syria’s military and its research facilities, to take its main water resources,  and to invade, seize, and settle all the former Syrian territory it wants. HTS’s job is to allow its immediate puppet master, Erdogan, to remind the world that, if it weren’t for that pesky World War a hundred years ago, Aleppo and Damascus would be part of Turkey. HTS’s job is to “shift” the former Syria into a full “free-market” economy so that US and European capital can buy up all its assets. And HTS/Golani has no more important job than constantly to proclaim that their new regime has no quarrel with Israel or the West, and will peacefully accommodate whatever the fuck Israel, or Turkey or the US/Blackrock want to do with the corpse of Syria. It makes me sick.

Syria was defeated and eliminated primarily by a non-stop twelve-year offensive of direct and proxy military attacks by a number of regional and extra-regional powers—an assault that no less-than-superpowerful country could be expected to defeat. Sure, Assad’s Baathist authoritarianism—which Western countries overlooked and even embraced when convenient—can be criticized; authoritarianism itself, we should all recognize, makes for political weakness. But it’s beyond naïve to think that the foreign forces leading the attack on Syria had any actual interest in their proclaimed goals of “democracy” and “rights,” or will institute a regime better embodying them. It was a foreign invasion using fanatical jihadi proxies to destroy the country, not to make it more “democratic.”

Indeed, Golani is a big fan of uber-authoritarian Saudi Arabia and promises that his movement “will not be a platform to threaten or unsettle any Arab or Gulf country…The Syrian revolution ended with the regime’s fall, and we will not allow it to spread elsewhere.” In other words, not a revolution for “democracy.”

Syria was also defeated and eliminated, proximally, by something  very wrong in Syria. A similar, multi-pronged and persistent imperialist offensive has been visited on other, weaker, countries—e.g.., Cuba, Venezuela. It does not explain the complete collapse, in about a week, of a 170,000-man army and air force supported by considerably more powerful countries (Russia, Iran). The “rebel” force coming out of Idlib numbered maybe 30,000, of whom maybe 5-10,000 could be called ”seasoned.” According to Putin. when 350 jihadi forces approached Aleppo, the 30,000-man SAA garrison in the city, “retreated without a fight, blew up their positions and left.” Even if he’s exaggerating the numbers, it’s clear the SAA did not put up a fight.

I do not know what explains this, and there has been nothing—Including Assad’s statement—that definitively does. I suspect the $40/month for SAA soldiers vs. $2000/month for jihadis is indicative of many paths to corruption, but I just do not know. The finger-pointing about it is another propitious, intended, and inevitable result that serves the Zio-imperialist purpose of division. I hope, and think it’s important, that we get a clearer answer, but I also think we should refrain from jumping to divisive conclusions.

The Palestinian resistance has been weakened and the Palestinian people put in more grave and immediate danger. This is obviously so in a material and practical sense. Syria was a linchpin of the axis of anti-Zionist resistance. It provided crucial military and political support to the Palestinian cause, and enabled a territorial link that allowed for Iran’s provisioning of Hezbollah. That’s now gone. The “land bridge” from Iran to Palestine has become an air corridor from Israel to Iran.

Netanyahu’s plan was always to defeat the Palestinians by eliminating all of the states who were supporting them, on the understanding that the military, political, and financial  power of a state or states could not easily be replaced. That plan has succeeded via the destruction of a succession of states by the U.S. on Israel’s behalf, and by the co-option of other reactionary Arab states with Abraham-accords type agreements.

The Axis of Resistance is now reduced to Iran, Hezbollah, Yemen, and some militias in Iraq, and Iran, the most powerful support, is in the crosshairs. The ongoing slaughter of Palestinians in Gaza over the last 14 months has demonstrated that not one of the world’s powerful nations is willing to risk the direct confrontation with the US and Israel that would be necessary to stop it. Russia and China are not anti-Zionist countries and will not shift their forces from existential conflicts in their own theaters in order to save the Palestinians. Turkey has shown its true face behind the anti-Zionist mask. Yemen is not powerful enough.

That leaves Iran, which, with Syria gone, is the remaining strong front of anti-Zionist resistance. Iran can only reverse the tide of Zionist colonialism if it visits a punishing defeat on Israel, in the course of a battle with Israel and the U.S. in which it will be nuked. But even seriously anti-Zionist Iran, which has yet to carry out its True Promise III retaliation on Israel, has its own national interests, and may prefer to avoid such a destructive war—though I don’t think USrael, now pumped up on its Syria fix, will allow that. There will be a war on Iran.

Despite much wishful thinking, I would not count on Russia or China to enter such a conflict against the US and Israelto save Iran. If either country has a real mutual defense treaty with Iran, they should announce it now. It makes no sense to hide it until after a war starts. If they don’t announce it, they don’t have it. Russia and China can live with a strong Israel and a weak Iran because they are interested in stability, and are confident of their ability to succeed long-term with that. Russia is more likely to urge Iran to avoid a war and take a deal.

Here’s the nut problem for the Palestinians: No powerful country in the world, with the possible exception of Iran, cares about them as much as the U.S. does about Israel. No country is as anti-Zionist as the U.S. is ZionistThe U.S. will risk itself in a total war to protect Israel and the Zionist project. It’s a non-rational, existential, absolute, “If this Capitol crumbled to the ground…” commitment.  What country is so non-rationally committed to the Palestinian cause? What country is going to take that on to save the Palestinians and end the Zionist project? Iran will soon have to decide whether it will take the only chance to prevent the completion of Nakba 2, which is well on its way to ending with Israel in control, and occupying parts, of Syria and Lebanon and the only people living in the Gaza Strip being Israeli Jewish settlers.

At least as important as the military and practical effects of the Syrian debacle are the ideological and psychological effects. Bad enough to have to swallow that far-away powerful countries we liked to think would help save the Palestinians won’t, because they have other agendas more important to them. Worse, much worse, to have to confront that their close-by Arab and Muslim neighbors, and the Palestinians themselves, have confusing and conflicting agendas that weaken their struggle.

When Hamas “congratulates the…Syrian people on their success in achieving their aspirations for freedom and justice,” one gags on the line being served. What happened in Syria was not a revolution for “freedom and justice” achieved via some uprising of the “Syrian people.” It was an invasion of jihadi fighters from all over the world—funded, and trained by Turkey and the United States for the purpose of destroying and dispersing the Syrian state on behalf of Zionism and imperialism. Does Hamas really not know this?

When Hamas goes on to “reaffirm our commitment to Syria’s unity, [and] the integrity of its territories…[and] strongly condemns the repeated brutal aggression by the Zionist occupation against Syrian territories and firmly rejects any Zionist ambitions or schemes targeting brotherly Syria,” one only has to point out that what has actually been “achieved” by the jihadi invaders, with no resistance from them, is Israel’s destruction of the entire former Syrian military force and the Israeli invasion and seizure of large swaths of Syria—the end of Syria’s unity and territorial integrity.

When HTS leader al-Golani proclaims that Iran was and is their main enemy, and they are proud to have “set the Iranian project in the region back by 40 years…By removing Iranian militias and closing Syria to Iranian influence,” does Hamas not realize he’s talking about “removing” Hezbollah, the strongest anti-Zionist armed force, which has been fighting the last 14 months on behalf of Gaza, with Iran as its main supporter? If Iran is the last strong front of the Axis of Resistance and the only country capable of hurting Israel enough to stop the slaughter in Gaza, how is the congratulatory attitude of Hamas toward HTS going to affect Iran’s willingness to take enormously destructive hits for that fight?

Unfortunately,  a significant cohort of Sunni Arabs share Hamas’s congratulatory attitude toward what they don’t want to recognize as the US-Israeli-Turkish-jihadi overthrow of the Syrian state. Which means—as they also may not want to recognize, but is indisputably true—that for them the principal contradiction is not Zionist colonialism vs. Palestinian freedom but Sunni vs. Shia, or Arab vs. non-Arab, or some such division.

Whatever its terms, it is divisiveness—a divisiveness that’s been weaponized by the Zionist colonial entourage that has already conquered Syria, and that will conquer all of Palestine if it is not ended. Mistrust and division are as powerful as nuclear weapons.

I hate to say it, but it does no good to pretend: The destruction of Syria has seriously, perhaps fatally, damaged the Palestinian cause. It is likely the case that, absent the defeat of U.S. imperialism and Zionism, via some combination of military defeat and internal revolution in both polities, the Palestinians are screwed.

On the other hand, Be careful what you ask for. Turkey and USrael have succeeded in destroying the Syrian state. The only schadenfreude point is that Turkey and USrael now own, and are going to have to manage, the chaotic shit-show they’ve created—jihadis, ethno-religious conflicts, socio-economic demands, refugees, and all

What was a politically repressive (like so many) and stable secular, pluralist, quasi-socialist regime of religious, ethnic, and sexual equality with literacy, education, healthcare, and employment is being broken up into a set of ethno-religious sectarian Bantustans in conflict with each other, and with natural and social wealth sold off to foreign “investors,” throwing off more hordes of refugees—all of it policed by different countries working at cross-purposes. Turks, Kurds, and Israelis vying for power. Different bands of U.S.-supported forces fighting each other. Pissed-off Syrians resisting the various occupations. The Israelis have already begun shooting Syrian protestors. The Syrian army was not attritted or defeated but disbanded. Remember what happened with the disbanded Iraqi army?

In other words, the Empire of Chaos has succeeded in bringing… chaos. It’s going to be hard—virtually Impossible—to manage it in a way that suits all the players. There are too many cooks, and they’ve brewed up a stew that’s going to be very hard to swallow.

It makes me sick, and I hope they choke on it.

Jim Kavanagh edits The Polemicist. Follow him on Twitter @ThePolemicist_


Israelis Invade Syria: Who Will Stop Israel?

December 23, 2024

Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.


Israeli troops unfurl Israeli flag on Mount Hermon in Syria. Photo credit: Times of Israel

The United States, Turkey and Israel all responded to the fall of the Assad government in Damascus by launching bombing campaigns on Syria. Israel also attacked and destroyed most of the Syrian Navy in port at Latakia, and invaded Syria from the long-occupied Golan Heights, advancing to within 16 miles of the capital, Damascus.

The United States said that its bombing campaign targeted remnants of Islamic State in the east of the country, hitting 75 targets with 140 bombs and missiles, according to Air Force Times.

A long-standing force of 900 U.S. troops illegally occupy that part of Syria, partly to divert Syria’s meagre oil revenues to the U.S.’s Kurdish allies and prevent the Syrian government regaining that source of revenue. U.S. bombing badly damaged Syria’s oil infrastructure during the war with the Islamic State, but Russia has been ready to help Syria restore full output whenever it recovers control of that area. U.S. forces in Syria have been under attack by various Syrian militia forces, not just the Islamic State, with at least 127 attacks since October 2023.

Meanwhile, Turkiyë is conducting airstrikes, drone strikes and artillery fire as part of a new offensive by a militia it formed in 2017 under the Orwellian guise of the “Syrian National Army” to invade and occupy parts of Rojava, the autonomous Kurdish enclave in northeast Syria.

Israel, however, launched a much broader bombing campaign than Turkey or the U.S., with about 600 airstrikes on post-Assad Syria in the first eight days of its existence. Without waiting to see what form of government the political transition in Syria leads to, Israel set about methodically destroying its entire military infrastructure, to ensure that whatever government comes to power will be as defenseless as possible.

Israel claims its new occupation of Syrian territory is a temporary move to ensure its own security. But while Israel bombed Syria 220 times over the past year, killing about 300 people, Syria showed restraint and did not retaliate for those attacks.

The pattern of Israeli history has been that land grabs like this usually turn into long-term illegal Israeli annexations, as in the Golan Heights and the Occupied Palestinian Territories. That will surely be the case with Israel’s new strategic base on top of Mount Hermon, overlooking Damascus and the surrounding area, unless a new Syrian government or international diplomacy can force Israel to withdraw.

Egypt, Jordan, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Iran, Russia and the UN have all joined the global condemnation of the new Israeli assault on Syria. Geir Pedersen, the UN Special Envoy to Syria, called Israel’s military actions “highly irresponsible,” and UN peacekeepers have removed Israeli flags from newly-occupied Syrian territory.

The Qatari Foreign Ministry called Israel’s actions “a dangerous development and a blatant attack on Syria’s sovereignty and unity as well as a flagrant violation of international law… that will lead the region to further violence and tension.”

The Saudi Foreign Ministry reiterated that the Golan Heights is an occupied Arab territory, and said that Israel’s actions confirmed “Israel’s continued violation of the rules of international law and its determination to sabotage Syria’s chances of restoring its security, stability and territorial integrity.”

The only country in the world that has ever recognized Israel’s annexation of the Golan Heights is the United States, under the first Trump administration, and it is part of Biden’s disastrous legacy in the Middle East that that he failed to stand up for international law and reverse Trump’s recognition of that illegal Israeli annexation.

As people all over the world watch Israel ignore the rules of international law that every country in the world is committed to live by, we are confronted by the age-old question of how to respond to a country that systematically ignores and violates these rules. The foundation of the UN Charter is the agreement by all countries to settle their differences diplomatically and peacefully, instead of by the threat or use of military force.

As Americans, we should start by admitting that our own country has led the way down this path of war and militarism, perpetuating the scourge of war that the UN Charter was intended to provide a peaceful alternative to.

As the United States became the leading economic power in the world in the 20th century, it also built up dominant military power. Despite its leading role in creating the United Nations and the rules of the UN Charter and the Geneva Conventions, it came to see strict compliance with those rules as an obstacle to its own ambitions, from the UN Charter’s prohibition against the threat or use of military force to the Geneva Conventions’ universal protections for prisoners of war and civilians.

In its “war on terror,” including its wars on Iraq and other countries, the United States flagrantly and systematically violated these bedrock foundations of world order. It is a fundamental principle of all legal systems that the powerful must be held accountable as well as the weak and the vulnerable. A system of laws that the wealthy and powerful can ignore cannot claim to be universal or just, and is unlikely to stand the test of time.

Today, our system of international law faces exactly this problem. The U.S. presumption that its overwhelming military power permits it to violate international law with impunity has led other countries, especially U.S. allies but also Russia, to apply the same opportunistic standards to their own behavior.

In 2010, an Amnesty International report on European countries that hosted CIA “black site” torture chambers called on U.S. allies in Europe not to join the United States as another “accountability-free zone” for war crimes. But now the world is confronting a U.S. ally that has not just embraced, but doubled down on, the U.S. presumption that dominant military power can trump the rule of law.

The Israeli government refuses to comply with international legal prohibitions against deliberately killing women and children, by military force and by deprivation; seizing foreign territory; and bombing other countries. Shielded from international accountability behind the U.S. Security Council veto, Israel thumbs its nose at the world’s impotence to enforce international law, confident that nobody will stop it from using its deadly and destructive war machine wherever and however it pleases.

So the world’s failure to hold the United States accountable for its war crimes has led Israel to believe that it too can escape accountability, and U.S. complicity in Israeli war crimes, especially the genocide in Gaza, has inevitably reinforced that belief.

U.S. responsibility for Israel’s lawlessness is compounded by the conflict of interest in its dual role as both Israel’s military superpower ally and weapons supplier and the supposed mediator of the lopsided “peace process” between Israel and Palestine, whose inherent flaws led to Hamas’s election victory in 2006 and now to the current crisis.

Instead of recognizing its own conflict of interest and deferring to intervention by the UN or other neutral parties, the U.S. has jealously guarded its monopoly as the sole mediator between Israel and Palestine, using this position to grant Israel total freedom of action to commit systematic war crimes. If this crisis is ever to end, the world cannot allow the U.S. to continue in this role.

While the United States bears a great deal of responsibility for this crisis, U.S. officials remain in collective denial over the criminal nature of Israel’s actions and their instrumental role in Israel’s crimes. The systemic corruption of U.S. politics severely limits the influence of the majority of Americans who support a ceasefire in Gaza, as pro-Israel lobbying groups buy the unconditional support of American politicians and attack the few who stand up to them.

Despite America’s undemocratic political system, its people have a responsibility to end U.S. complicity in genocide, which is arguably the worst crime in the world, and people are finding ways to bring pressure to bear on the U.S. government:

Members of CODEPINK, Jewish Voice For Peace and Palestinian-, Arab-American and other activist groups are in Congressional offices and hearings every dayconstituents in California are suing two members of Congress for funding genocide; students are calling on their universities to divest from Israel and U.S. arms makers; activists and union members are identifying and picketing companies and blocking ports to stop weapons shipments to Israel; journalists are rebelling against censorship; U.S. officials are resigning; people are on hunger strike; others have committed suicide.

It is also up to the UN and other governments around the world to intervene, and to hold Israel and the United States accountable for their actions. A growing international movement for an end to the genocide and decades of illegal occupation is making progress. But it is excruciatingly slow given the appalling human cost and the millions of Palestinian lives at stake.

Israel’s international propaganda campaign to equate criticism of its war crimes with antisemitism poisons political discussion of Israeli war crimes in the United States and some other countries.

But many countries are making significant changes in their relations with Israel, and are increasingly willing to resist political pressures and propaganda tropes that have successfully muted international calls for justice in the past. A good example is Ireland, whose growing trade relations with Israel, mainly in the high-tech sector, formerly made it the fourth largest importer of Israeli products in the world in 2022.

Ireland is now one of 14 countries who have officially intervened to support South Africa’s genocide case against Israel at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) – the others are Belgium, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Cuba, Egypt, Libya, the Maldives, Mexico, Nicaragua, Palestine, Spain and Turkiyë. Israel reacted to Ireland’s intervention in the case by closing its embassy in Dublin, and now Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar has smeared Ireland’s Taoiseach (prime minister) Simon Harris as “antisemitic.”

The Taoiseach’s spokesperson replied that Harris “will not be responding to personalized and false attacks, and remains focused on the horrific war crimes being perpetrated in Gaza, standing up for human rights and international law and reflecting the views of so many people across Ireland who are so concerned at the loss of innocent, civilian lives.”

If the people of Palestine can stand up to bombs, missiles and bullets day after day for over a year, the very least that political leaders around the world can do is stand up to Israeli name-calling, as Simon Harris is doing.

Spain is setting an example on international efforts to halt the supply of weapons to Israel, with an arms embargo and a ban on weapons shipments transiting Spanish ports, including the U.S. naval base at Rota, which the U.S. has leased since it formed a military alliance with Spain’s Franco dictatorship in 1953.

Spain has already refused entry to two Maersk-owned ships transporting weapons from North Carolina to Israel, while dockworkers in Spain, Belgium, Greece, India and other countries have refused to load weapons and ammunition onto ships bound for Israel.

The UN General Assembly (UNGA) has passed resolutions for a ceasefire in Gaza; an end to the post-1967 Israeli occupation; and for Palestinian statehood. The General Assembly’s 10th Emergency Special Session on the Israel-Palestine conflict under the Uniting for Peace process has been ongoing since 1997.

The General Assembly should urgently use these Uniting For Peace powers to turn up the pressure on Israel and the United States. The International Court of Justice (ICJ) has provided the legal basis for stronger action, ruling that the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories Israel invaded in 1967 is illegal and must be ended, and that the massacre in Gaza appears to violate the Genocide Convention.

Inaction is inexcusable. By the time the ICJ issues a final verdict on its genocide case, millions may be dead. The Genocide Convention is an international commitment to prevent genocide, not just to pass judgment after the fact. The UN General Assembly has the power to impose an arms embargo, a trade boycott, economic sanctions, a peacekeeping force, or to do whatever it takes to end the genocide.

When the UN General Assembly first launched its boycott campaign against apartheid South Africa in 1962, not a single Western country took part. Many of those same countries will be the last to do so against Israel today. But the world cannot wait to act for the blessing of complacent wealthy countries who are themselves complicit in genocide.


Irony is Dead: Netanyahu cannot Attend Auschwitz Ceremony for Fear of Arrest on ICC Warrant for War Crimes

December 22, 2024
Source: Informed Comment



The Israeli newspaper Arab 48 reports that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will not be able to travel to Poland for the 80th annual commemoration of the liberation of the Auschwitz Nazi death camp because he fears being arrested on a warrant issued by the International Criminal Court at the Hague.

Arab 48 reports that the Polish newspaper Rzeczpospolita, the organizer of the ceremony to be held on January 27, Deputy Foreign Minister Wladyslaw Bartoszewski, said, “We are bound to respect the decision of the International Criminal Court in the Hague.”

Rzeczpospolita reported that the Israeli state never asked that Netanyahu participate in the ceremonies, since the Israelis know very well what Warsaw’s response would be if Netanyahu traveled there.

Netanyahu has throughout his political career played politics with the Holocaust, so it is deeply ironic that he cannot attend the ceremony because he is charged with himself having committed war crimes and crimes against humanity. Genocide scholars have criticized the use of the Holocaust to justify Israeli atrocities in Gaza.

The ICC issued the arrest warrant for Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant on November 21, 2024 on the charge of committing war crimes and crimes against humanity in the Gaza Strip, including a charge of deliberately starving the Palestinians there.

The countries that have vowed to arrest the Israeli prime minister if he steps foot on their soil include Spain, Holland, Belgium, Ireland, Lithuania, Slovenia. Belgian Prime Minister Alexander De Croo said, “We cannot implement a double standard.”

There is a background to the satisfaction Poland might take in arresting Netanyahu, whose father Benzion Mileikowsky was born in Warsaw. The family changed their name in Israel.

The Poles maintain that the Holocaust was a Nazi German project implemented in part on Polish soil when Poland was occupied and helpless. The Polish parliament in 2018 even passed, and then backed off, a law making it illegal to accuse Poles of having been implicated in the commission of the genocide against the Jews.

In 2019, Netanyahu was quoted as saying in the presence of several journalists, “The Poles collaborated with the Nazis, and I don’t know anyone who was ever sued for such a statement.” He made similar statements on social media, but they were quickly deleted.

Tel Aviv at the time was planning an 8-nation conference in Israel of center-right governments, and the Poles were among the invitees. They boycotted, accusing Netanyahu of racism, which affected the prime minister’s prestige. He then maintained that it was all a misunderstanding and he never said any such thing but had been misquoted.

The two countries clashed again in 2021 over a Polish law limiting any further property claims for damages during the Holocaust. The law was of a piece with the general denial of any Polish culpability in the Holocaust.

Poland has been more sympathetic to Palestinian statehood aspirations than Israel’s right-wing government is comfortable with.

On the other hand, Poland has not itself been vocal in denouncing Israeli actions in Gaza, which Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch categorize as a genocide. Two-thirds of Poles in polling say they don’t want to get involved in the Israel-Palestine dispute.



Juan Cole

Juan R. I. Cole is Richard P. Mitchell Collegiate Professor of History at the University of Michigan. For three and a half decades, he has sought to put the relationship of the West and the Muslim world in historical context, and he has written widely about Egypt, Iran, Iraq, and South Asia. His books include Muhammad: Prophet of Peace Amid the Clash of Empires; The New Arabs: How the Millennial Generation is Changing the Middle East; Engaging the Muslim World; and Napoleon’s Egypt: Invading the Middle East.
How Progressive Civil Society Became Professional NGO Culture

The disintegration of working-class institutions and the rise of professionalized advocacy has severed the connections between progressive civil society and working-class communities.
December 23, 2024
Source: Jacobin





The Democratic Party has failed to earn the support of what was once its working-class base.

This ought to be a moment of reckoning for the party. The anger it faces is justified and necessary to intensify pressure to abandon its tepid political strategies and overreliance on big donors who oppose large-scale redistribution and pro-worker policies. But while the party deserves a lot of blame, understanding the depth of the crisis on the Left requires a much broader analysis than finger-pointing at Democratic campaign officials and strategists allows.

The problem is the Left’s lack of civil society institutions. Achieving a turn back to the working class and rejecting neoliberalism — with its marketization of social life and hollowing out of government — requires more than finding the right program and messaging. It demands a tremendous democratic will anchored in strong, lasting relationships and institutional ties within working-class communities. Only through such connections can we build a popular coalition that is capable of driving transformational change.

Right now, progressive civil society is poorly equipped for this task. Broadly defined to include left-leaning advocacy groups, NGOs, think tanks, and public forums — such as publications, podcasts, social media networks, and community spaces — progressive civil society has come too close to abandoning mass politics to build working-class alliances and support for left visions.
When Advocacy Replaces Membership

The roots of this problem lie in a decades-long transformation of civic institutions. Since the 1960s, there’s been a sharp decline in popular, member-based civil organizations, and a rapid surge of advocacy organizations run and managed by professional staff. Political scientist Theda Skocpol has identified a key force behind this tectonic shift: the departure of college-educated professionals from mass-member groups in the late 1960s.

This was not a simple story of class snobbishness. Among other factors, college-educated whites turned away from the cross-class, fraternal, and women’s organizations because these groups were often racially segregated and limited by gender roles. However, the transformation that followed left progressive civil society stripped of cross-class social ties and attuned only to college-educated sensibilities. Working-class communities have little influence over the agendas — or even the rhetorical styles — of progressive organizations.

The shift has also fostered an unhealthy, codependent relationship with the Democratic Party. Instead of pursuing mass politics, progressive advocates overwhelmingly focus on mobilizing existing subgroups of Democratic voters to pressure Democratic officials for stronger action on issues like climate change, immigration policy, and disability rights.

Such efforts tend to concentrate on already highly-engaged and mostly college-educated constituencies. There are key and admirable exceptions here — some groups have more presence in working-class communities, particularly brown and black ones in large metro areas. Still, progressive political strategy is largely dependent upon mobilizing subgroups of exceptionally engaged Democrats to pull the party left.

This leaves the work of assembling a majoritarian coalition to the Democratic Party. That’s not good.

Even if we can imagine the party getting more politically and rhetorically savvy, political parties themselves are currently too weak to drive meaningful change. As Anton Jäger vividly documents, political parties in North America and Europe are no longer deeply integrated into community life, as they were in the decades following World War II. They don’t have ward-level muscle to be a real force for cultivating loyalties or providing popular education, especially beyond the peak of campaign cycles.
Mobilizing the Already Mobilized Professional Class

So why aren’t progressive civil society groups lining up to engage all sorts of working-class communities to bolster popular support for their causes while cultivating left loyalties generally? The reluctance here is unfortunate but not irrational. Rather, it’s rational within the irrational conditions of our political landscape. While everyone on the Left would benefit from relentless efforts to expand our appeal deep into new territory, for most individual organizations, investing in popular education and persuasion efforts in communities without existing progressive ties appears much less efficient than mobilizing their existing base.

Consider, for instance, a modestly sized advocacy group fighting for bold climate action. Should it focus on building connections in small Midwestern towns to grow popular support? Or should it stage sit-ins at politicians’ houses, organize teach-ins at college campuses, and stir social media fervor among already engaged supporters? The latter tactics are much more likely to yield near-term results — potential political wins, especially when pressuring Democratic officials in solid blue areas, or boosts in visibility, volunteer recruits, and donations from progressives.

It’s not hard to sympathize with the individuals and groups that make these calculated choices. When working on an urgent issue, not placing the most pragmatic short-term bet feels like political malfeasance. But when the vast bulk of progressive advocates follow the same logic, we leave our political commons in tatters. This collective focus on short-term gains further erodes progressives’ connections with working-class communities, leaving those weaker and harder to rebuild.

Advocacy groups prioritize campaigns that most excite donors and funders, narrowing their strategies for engagement and persuasion. As a result, many communities are cast off from our political horizons. And all we can do is hope the Democratic Party has some way to bring enough members of these abandoned communities on board to win majorities.

Yet the Democratic Party itself faces similar pressures. It would be the height of irresponsibility, a Democratic pollster told me last year, for the Democratic National Committee to invest money in a congressional race in Western Virginia — that swings Republican by 20 points — instead of spending that money in a swing district in Arizona. Missing in the calculation here is the longer-term impact of failing to put a vigorous fight to appeal to a region’s voters in election after election.

Such calculations of campaigning efficiency happen at a more granular level too. Writer and organizer Micah Sifry reported what a volunteer had learned from canvassing in politically split neighborhoods in Pennsylvania: “One way I could typically tell how a voter was leaning in 50/50 neighborhoods before even knocking: the nicer homes were with us and the more beat up homes were with him.”

While the Kamala Harris campaign might have had enough idealistic canvassers (most trekking in across a class divide) to keep knocking on those dilapidated doors in a crucial swing state on the eve of an election, such residences are unlikely to be the priority for Democratic campaign efforts when resources are tighter.
Flyover Constituencies

For too long, progressive civil society has been passing over “beat up” homes and downwardly mobile communities. It is perhaps not surprising that these choices, though conditioned by structural incentives, have spawned an ideology to justify them: the belief that the people we’re not speaking to are not worth speaking to.

After Donald Trump’s 2016 victory, progressive pundits quickly embraced the notion that those who voted for him did so because of deep flaws in their character or cultures. According to this prevailing account, racism, xenophobia, and misogyny were the driving forces behind Trump’s victory.

Fortunately, this way of thinking seems to be losing its grip. In 2024, there is still much desire among some to blame this election on sheer stupidity or other flaws supposedly endemic to vast swaths of the American public. But the political conversation appears to be changing.

The stark education divide among voters has come into sharper focus than it did eight years ago. Exit polls from ten key states show that in 2024, noncollege voters favored Trump by 14 more points than college-educated ones. At the extremes of the education divide, those who had never been to college favored him by 25 points more than those with graduate degrees. Chalking up such differences to the unequal distribution of congenital racism or innate stupidity is not only unconvincing; it’s embarrassing.

Parts of the democratic left have also been developing richer understandings of how group political loyalties are won. The passing of the “Sanders moment” has brought plenty of disappointments and challenges for the Left. His 2016 and 2020 campaigns demonstrated the tremendous power of economic populism to attract non-college-educated voters and galvanize tens of millions to support an outsider candidate. But Sanders’s just-shy attempts to win these primaries also suggested that full-throated economic populism, when given broad exposure only during a campaign, is still insufficient to propel a soaring victory.
What Is to Be Done?

Lainey Newman’s and Theda Skocpol’s Rust Belt Union Blues, which has generated much recent conversation on the Left, illustrates how social ties and institutional bonds are crucial for a realignment of political loyalties. Their detailed study of the rightward shift in union-heavy counties in Western Pennsylvania reveals that the issue is not simply declining union membership — many active union members have also moved to the right. What has vanished is the role unions once served as hubs of social life and camaraderie.

Unions in these counties didn’t simply advocate for workers; they organized clubs for hunting, sports, and card-playing. Their halls and lodges hosted weddings and parties. Their newsletters provided essential local news. As Newman and Skocpol found, it was these “dense networks of interpersonal and community-level ties” that intimately touched daily life throughout these communities that gave unions “the capacity to shape member’s political commitments” and influenced the common sense shared throughout their neighborhoods and towns.

As unions’ centrality to Rust Belt social life disintegrated alongside deindustrialization, right-wing civil society filled the vacuum. Right-wing populist news voices, churches, gun clubs, and other organizations, Newman and Skocpol have found, “moved into some of the space vacated by grassroots unionism.”

Progressive civil society cannot afford to sit idly by, hoping a mass wave of unionization will recreate these community ties. Even with some spectacular recent success stories, union membership in the United States remains at a post-WWII low of 10 percent, with only 6 percent of private sector workers unionized. Jared Abbot of the Center for Working Class Politics observes that “the radically different social, political, and economic conditions that obtain today compared to sixty or seventy years ago, when unions first rooted deeply in these [Rust Belt] communities” suggests no easy path to revitalizing unions in the mold Newman and Skocpol describe.

The road to building much stronger ties between progressive politics and working-class communities will surely be arduous. Leftists will need to try a multitude of approaches and take risks. Advocacy organizations, think tanks, writers, and activists of all sorts need to engage more deeply with working-class communities and forge ties that go beyond the traditional progressive base.

This must include not just speaking to working-class people and communities but creating spaces for their direct contributions to a democratic left, ensuring participation in decision-making and shaping agendas. It could also mean contributing to an emerging left media sphere that speaks to working-class tastes, centers working-class voices and experiences, and invites many more people to see themselves as respected members of the democratic left. This would involve working with unions and other existing left-leaning groups that already have meaningful community ties, such as the Working Families Party, Common Defense, and the Rural Urban Bridge Initiative. Leftists might also forge new relations with nonpartisan groups in working-class communities open to partnering on specific causes.
Moralizing for Change Is a Dead End

It could be the case that much of the existing progressive civil infrastructure isn’t up to this task, so new or previously neglected organizations may need to lead the way. Political scientist Peter Levine recently proposed a thought experiment about an alternative past — or potential future: “Imagine if the 350,000 people who gave $24 million to the ACLU in one weekend [near the start of Trump’s first term] had instead (or also) formed 1,000 new local groups with an average startup budget of $24,000.” Such an approach might not have benefited working-class communities — there’s no guarantee these groups would have integrated them. Still, this thinking should open us to imagining new ways of channeling resources beyond the most established progressive groups.

In the postelection finger-pointing, progressive civil society — advocacy groups in particular — has faced a round of criticism for pushing Democrats to take unpopular positions. Much of this criticism misses the mark. It’s not that progressive groups should never push for policies that have less than 50 percent approval; the real problem is we also need to put up a robust fight to make our programs popular. Moralizing alone won’t win sufficient support.

To succeed, we need networks with meaningful ties to working-class communities of every stripe. Only by building such connections can we make the best case for properly social democratic policies across different social contexts. If the general strategy of leftists is to lobby for major social changes without popular persuasion or listening, then we only inflame one of the neoliberal era’s great wounds: the painful sense many have of being asked to step aside from democratic participation and leave things to the credentialed classes and experts. Right-wing populists are ready to offer themselves as the balm for this wound.

Leftists are not largely at fault for the shrinking of meaningful civic and associational life experienced by many working-class communities, but it is still our problem. We are competing with two major forces vying to respond to immense discontent produced by the neoliberal decades: the populist right and the siren song of apathy and resignation. To win, we must have compelling narratives to organize these unshaped feelings of discontent and channel them toward a movement backed by a foundation of social ties. It will take a village — many, many villages.

 USA

Elon Musk Goes Full Fascist

Monday 23 December 2024, by Dan La Botz



Elon Musk, the world’s richest man with $430 billion in personal wealth, became an advisor to president-elect Donald Trump a few months ago. Now he is something more. Politicians and the media now refer to him as the “shadow president,” “co-president” or even call him “president Musk.”

Musk, who contributed $277 million to Trump’s campaign, has virtually camped out at Mar-a-Lago, where the president-elect had the tech billionaire listen in on calls with foreign leaders such as Volodymyr Zelensky. Accompanying the president-elect, Musk has also had access to French President Emmanuel Macron at the ceremonial reopening of Notre Dame and to Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Melon at a formal gathering in New York. At the moment Musk seems to be on every call, to be commenting on every decision.

Musk originally gained his wealth from PayPal, then from the Tesla car and the Space X rocket ships, and he was once a liberal with vision of a utopian environmental future based on electric vehicles. But when back in 2021 President Joe Biden called a meeting of automakers that included GM, Ford, and Stellantis, as well as the United Auto Workers to discuss the future of EV cars, Musk wasn’t invited because he was anti-union. Snubbed Musk began to turn right. He bought Twitter, opened it up to rightwing extremists and used it to influence his 208.5 million personal followers.

Last week Musk did two things that brought him to the center of attention. First, as the U.S. Congress was about to pass a budget bill compromise in order to prevent a government shutdown, Musk actually intervened before Trump, calling on the Republicans to stop the compromise budget bill. Trump then also opposed it because it had a debt ceiling that might tie his hands when he comes into office, since he wants to cut taxes and carry out expensive programs like deporting 11 million immigrants. So, Republicans killed the first compromise bill.

Musk’s motivation was not primarily about the debt ceiling, but because it contained language that would have made it more difficult to invest in China, where Musk’s Shanghai Tesla Gigafactory produces a car every 30 seconds. In less than four years, Tesla exported a million cars from China. Now Musk is constructing a second factory, a battery plant, in Shanghai as well.

Republicans and Democrats in the House finally agreed on a new budget bill—but left the debt ceiling in place, but without the restriction on foreign investment. A defeat for Trump, but a victory for Musk. This all suggests that Trump will face challenges in the new Congress, because he cannot control the Republican budget hawks who oppose any budget increase.

Second, with Germany in the midst of a political crisis because of the collapse of the government of Olaf Scholz, a Social Democrat heading a centrist three-party coalition, Musk tweeted his support for Alternative for Germany (AfD), a neo-Nazi party. Interviewed by CNN, Senator Chris Murphy, Democrat of Connecticut, said, “What Elon Musk thinks tends to eventually be what the president of the United States thinks. And if the United States takes an official position in favor of neo-Nazis in Germany, I mean, it is absolutely catastrophic.”

Musk’s support for the far right in Germany is not unique. He also supports Italian deputy prime minister Matteo Salvini, head of the anti-immigrant League party and Nigel Farage’s Reform U.K. party, also anti-immigrant, and is planning to make a big donation to it. Musk could influence Trump, but it may not be necessary

Already on election day, Trump had welcomed his “German friends,” who included Phillipp-Anders Rau, a candidate for AfD. Trump’s advisor Steve Bannon—recently out of jail after serving four months for contempt of Congress for failing to respond to a congressional subpoena—has been working for years to build a brown international.

All of this suggests that fascism will be a factor and may even have a future in America.

22 December 2024

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The National Security Law (NSL) in force: The NSL 47 trial an important landmark in Beijing’s annihilation of Hong Kong’s autonomy

Sunday 22 December 2024, by Au Loong-Yu
The 47 pro-democracyactivists in Hong Kong charged in 2021 with trying to overthrow the government by running an unofficial primary to pick opposition candidates for local elections were sentenced on 19 November. Au Loong Yu was interviewed by the World of Labour, Germany about the trial.

Can you summarize what this new wave of repression involved? Who was targeted and what were the sentences for these people?

Benny Tai, the main “culprit”, was handed ten years imprisonment, the highest sentence among the 45 found guilty under the National Security Law (NSL), which is so vaguely worded that in essence it is arbitrary. Two other defendants were acquitted.

This BBC report: Who are jailed? gives a briefing to the NSL 45. On top of that, I recommend the report of American Chinese activist Promise Li which highlights those activists either in the now disbanded Confederation of Trade Unions or those in the new trade union movement 2019. The latter include Carol Ng and Winnie Yu, who were sentenced to 4 years 5 months and 7 years 9 months respectively. Lee Cheuk-yan was the chief leader of the CTU but he is prosecuted under different charges. Promise’s report also mentioned Leung Kwok-hung, or “Long Hair”, the left veteran since 1970s, who was sentenced to 6 years 9 months.

Both Winnie and Long Hair, along with 14 defendants, pleaded not guilty, while the29 others pleaded guilty. Some international leftists have asked me why so many pleaded guilty. Are they repenting of what they did in the primary election? I do not know the answer to the second question, but I guess the best approach to this question is to look at it individually.

As to the first, we may start from a more general picture – their pleading guilty is quite similar to the 1936 Moscow trial, a show trial where the rule of law was totally absent, and where the old leading Bolsheviks pleaded guilty after being tortured and had their families threatened. One should not forget that all 47 were remanded in custody for three years before the kangaroo court sentenced them. A second factor for their plea is that all of them had been active under a relatively liberal environment and never been prepared to undergo such a level of state brutality. Amongst them there are also new hands in political activism who only got involved in 2019, so are inexperienced and untested.

The revolt was very much a spontaneous one, where hundreds of thousands of people became active for the first time. This makes the 16 of who refused to confess, and were even more severely punished for that, even more outstanding.

We were surprised at the severity with which the so-called troublemakers were prosecuted. At that time there was no significant unrest in Hong Kong to which the government had to react. Is there a reason for this timing?

The sentenced 45 were punished simply for doing a primary election, which is a normal thing to do in any part of the world, including Hong Kong before Beijing crushed it. But this is unforgivable from the point of view of Beijing and Xi as autocrat. The primary citizen referendum on the list of candidates was the first ever in Hong Kong. 600,000 citizens came out to vote, showing the public eagerness for democratic participation. This, however, was enough to annoy Beijing.

What was even more annoying to Beijing was that Benny Tai, the mastermind of the primary, publicly announced his intention to continue to challenge the Hong Kong government through voting down its budget if the yellow camp won the election. In Beijing’s eyes this was nothing but treason. This accusation is of course nonsense in any country with some semblance of democracy. The point, however, is that Beijing is the antithesis of democracy, especially after since Xi got his thirtod term.

The self-governing Hong Kong under the regime of “one country two systems” was always meant to be provisional – according to the Basic Law it is only valid for 50 years. But Xi doesnt want to wait for another twenty plus years before he or his successors finish off Hong Kong’s autonomy. All the evidence show that after Xi came to power in 2012, he has been deliberately curtailing Hong Kong’s autonomy, which then kick started a vicious cycle of provoking Hong Kong people’s resentment and resistance which in turn prompted Xi to be even more hard-line, This is what culminated in the 2019 revolt, its suppression and then the big purge.

By March 2020 the mass mobilizations had ceased to exist, but Beijing’s agenda is not to merely suppress revolts, but to crush Hong Kong’s autonomy once and for all, so as to be able to evade all its promises to Hong Kong for ever. This is not just about making Hong Kong safe for the regime per se. It serves a broader purpose – by the great purge in Hong Kong this eliminates the potential of Mainlanders imitating Hong Kong’s democratic movement and rising up again. One of the lessons which Beijing learnt from the 1989 democratic movement is that the moment when the Mainlanders and Hong Kong democratic struggles joined hand in as they did them must never be repeated. With the 2019 revolt, the CCP now see Hong Kong’s autonomy as threatening to its rule in the Mainland. Only by crushing Hong Kong totally could Xi Jinping sleep well.

Thus the November trial and sentencing is just one of the episodes of an ongoing process of breaking Hong Kong’s opposition and civil society as a whole. The fact that right now there is no unrest in Hong Kong to rationalize the harsh sentencing has no bearing on Beijing’s long term agenda.

Can you summarize the development from smashing the mass movement until today?

By spring 2020 the mass protest had already been completely suppressed first by the implementation of lockdown under Covid (where the Hong Kong government also seized the opportunity to make things even more difficult for the protesters), followed by arresting all the 47 organizers of the primary in January 2021, banning the June Fourth Memorial vigil, and finally the inauguration of the National Security Law on 30 June. Freedom of the press was crushed in June when the government forced the Apple Daily to close down, and its boss, Jimmy Lai, was arrested. The next victim was the Stand News. From then on the NSL was used to attack many influential organisations and people, many of whom had nothing to do with any “illegal” protests in 2019.

The disbandment of the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements of China in September 2021 is a typical example. First the Hong Kong government banned its 2021 memorial vigil, arrested its leaders whose only crime was holding an annual candle vigil in memory of the June Fourth Massacre, which it had been doing for more than 40 years.

It appeared that the alliance disbanded itself. In fact it was accused by the government as “colluding with foreign forces“, and then its leader Chou Hangton was arrested, and other leaders were being harassed and threatened, until the government broke their will of resistance and disbanded.

In the past five years Beijing’s repression against protesters has been very severe. As of the end of March, 2024, around ten thousand had been arrested, among them four thousand students. Seven thousand are still remanded in custody. The whole process of retaliation implies that Beijing is not satisfied with just suppressing the 2019 protesters, rather its full agenda aims at the total destruction of civil liberties and associations, a process still in progress today.

The labour movement was struck hard by the authorities. Some trade unions were smashed. What is left?

While the government targeted the Alliance, it was also simultaneously turning against two very important labour organisations – the CTU and the Professional Teachers’ Union. Targeting the CTU should come as no surprise because it was heavily involved in the 2019 protest in a non-violent way. The latter however participated in the protests only marginally and very law-abiding. Yet both were forced to disband. But the teacher’s union was the largest union in Hong Kong, with a membership of 100,000 and the only mass union in the sector, then it should not surprise us why Beijing wanted to smash it as well.

One of the most surprising developments of the 2019 Hong Kong revolt was the sudden rise of a new trade union movement. The revolt started with strong suspicions against all types of organizations. From October onward, however, the tide turned and there were louder and louder calls for union organizing among young activists as well, and soon actions were taken. Between the end of 2019 and the end of 2020, the number of newly registered unions grew explosively. Between 2012 and 2018 the annual net growth in number of registered trade unions never exceeded ten. According to the Registry of Trade Unions, 2019 first saw a sudden net rise of 20 new registrations, followed by a 56.5 percent jump in the net growth rate in 2020 (or 489 newly registered unions) and then a further 8.6 percent rise in 2021.

No one knows exactly how many of them belonged to the pro-democracy camp, because the Beijing supporters, in competition with the former, also launched their “new unions”. But beyond numbers there is also the aspect of public advocacy and militancy, from their leadership to their rank and file, something which only the former possessed. But with escalating repression in the later half of 2021, 74 unions disappeared in 2022, and another 21 in 2023. Some of the pro-democracy unions were forced to disband after being accused by the authorities of conducting affairs unrelated to their charters.

There are still many unions left but the most influential or most militant have gone. For example, the new Hospital Authority Employee Unions had 18,000 members and had conducted a five days strike against the government’s initial refusal to lockdown the city under Covid. No wonder why it was also forced to disband after the implementation of the NSL. The emergence of new trade unions was initially promising as it showed the potential to steer the revolt to an even more labour based struggle. Their disappearance under suppression is a tremendous loss to both the labour and the democratic struggle there.

Another example; just one month after the passing of the NSL, Cathy Pacific, now clearly aware of their power over the union, declared they would cancel all collective bargaining with their unions. The Cathay Pacific Airways Flight Attendants Union, with more than 7000 membership and a long history of standing up to their employer, is now being robbed of their right to collective bargaining. This also shows the real agenda of Beijing’s move in relation to Hong Kong.

Are there signs of new social tensions and open conflicts, of labour unrest and maybe new independent structures or organisations?

Very few. The Foodpanda delivery workers had struck in protest against the management cutting of their wages twice, once in 2022 and then this March, but they also did it carefully, for instance intentionally avoiding assembly. They are also un-unionized. They are mostly South Asian and less connected to local politics, which might partly explain the police’s tolerance. But in general the space for social resistance keeps on shrinking; no sign of new organisation that can effectively and partially resist the repression. Small protests of five or six people in solidarity with the Ukrainian and the Gaza Palestinian might be tolerated, or a similar size of non-political protests. There are still activists engaging in internal gatherings or relief work (for instance supporting those imprisoned activists, attending and reporting on trials, writing letters to prisoners etc) which is of course very important in this situation. Calling larger open protests is just too risky however.

The protest movement was huge in 2019 and brought over a million out on the streets. Especially the youth became radical and militant. They didn’t all leave Hong Kong. What are them doing today? Are there attempts to break out of the silence?

Two hundred thousand, including most of the young people, left for Britian. Thousands had fled to US, Australia, Taiwan etc. We do not know how many are young. Surely most of the young activists have stayed. No matter where they are, most of them are now demoralized. This is understandable. The suppression in Hong Kong, although not comparable to the level of violence and bloody as the June Fourth Massacre, in terms of consequences it is similar, that is, the annihilation of hope among the young generation and instill enough fear into them to stop them thinking independently and acting politically.

We are now in a dark long tunnel with no light in sight. We should not lose hope, because at the same time the CCP is also facing mounting social and economic and, in the future, possibly political crisis as well. As I said before, China is entering the most dangerous period, and under this situation one serious mistake from the top leaders may also create a new opening, just like the 2022 White paper movement. But a long period of calm is also possible. To sum up, for those who still place hope for a democratic transformation, this is a period of caution, patience, intensive reading, learning and debate, not the period of bold actions.

There were left wing magazines that showed protesters waving American flags during the 2019 revolt. This makes all attempts to organize solidarity for the movement from here difficult. Without getting the facts right, it will be difficult to raise interest and solidarity for Hong Kong people suffering under repression.

I totally agree with you. But don’t take individual facts out of context. As I write in my book on the revolt, there was waving of American flags, but also flags of Barcelona, in defiance of those right wing protesters who, in line with some Western allies’ were hostile towards the Catalan independence movement, There were of course right wing voices in the protest, but in a movement of 2 millions, the multitude were united on the five demands which were all basic democratic rights. What defined the movement were these rising masses and their demands, not the few hundreds who waived the US flags. We should fight the right while appreciating the fact that the masses started to take matters into their hands. If the left in Europe refused to be in solidarity with this popular movement and their subsequent repression, abandoning the Hong Kong people and their workers in their fight for basic rights just because their movement had not been neatly leftist enough, dare I say that this is not what internationalism have taught us.

15 December 2024

Translated from the German publication World of Labor.



International Viewpoint is published under the responsibility of the Bureau of the Fourth International. Signed articles do not necessarily reflect editorial policy. Articles can be reprinted with acknowledgement, and a live link if possible.