Showing posts sorted by relevance for query COTTON. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query COTTON. Sort by date Show all posts

Thursday, February 09, 2023

Physiological basis of yield in cotton: New “focus on cotton” webcast

Reports and Proceedings

AMERICAN PHYTOPATHOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Cotton yield 

IMAGE: A FIELD OF COTTON TO BE HARVESTED view more 

CREDIT: JOHN L. SNIDER

As the most commonly used natural fiber, cotton is a vital and versatile crop worldwide—grown for fiber, food, and even fuel. However, cotton production has fluctuated in the past decade due to various factors such as cultivar availability and climate change.

A foundational understanding of the physiological basis of yield in cotton is an important first step toward targeted yield improvement by using functional crop traits that are known to determine productivity. In a new “Focus on Cotton” webcast on Grow: Plant Health Exchange, John L. Snider, Associate Professor of Crop Physiology at the University of Georgia, provides an overview of the physiological drivers of yield in cotton and describes some of the factors that can influence each one. Additionally, he presents results from recently completed research with advanced breeding lines in the southeastern United States.

This 29-minute presentation is freely available through the “Focus on Cotton” resource on Grow: Plant Health Exchange—an outreach service of The American Phytopatholgical Society that contains more than 400 webcasts, including presentations from a number of conferences. These resources cover a broad range of aspects of cotton crop management: agronomic practices, diseases, harvest and ginning, insects, irrigation, nematodes, precision agriculture, soil health and crop fertility, and weeds. These webcasts are available to readers open access (without a subscription).

The “Focus on Cotton” homepage also provides access to “Cotton Cultivated,” a resource from Cotton Incorporated that helps users quickly find the most current cotton production information available. These and other resources are freely available courtesy of Cotton Incorporated at www.planthealthexchange.org/cotton/Pages/default.aspx.

To learn more, watch Physiological Basis of Yield in Cotton on Grow: Plant Health Exchange.

 

Follow Grow: Plant Health Exchange and The Cotton Board on Twitter @crop_protection and @TheCottonBoard.

 

About Grow: Plant Health Exchange: Grow: Plant Health Exchange is a nonprofit, freely available, online resource of timely, science-based information on plant health. It’s a place for plant health management professionals to exchange knowledge and discover the latest applied research. Applied researchers generate the content for Grow, sharing their work and amplifying their reach, and plant health practitioners consume the content on Grow, relying on this user-friendly platform to provide proven plant health science. As an outreach service of The American Phytopathological Society, Grow serves the full range of professionals in plant health management.

About the Cotton Board: The Cotton Research & Promotion Act established the Cotton Board as a quasi-governmental, nonprofit entity to serve as the administrator of the Cotton Research & Promotion Program. Funded by America’s cotton producers and importers through the cotton check-off, the program’s research and promotion activities are conducted worldwide by Cotton Incorporated, the Cotton Board’s sole-source contracting organization, to increase the demand for and improve the market position of cotton.

The Cotton Research & Promotion Program continues to work in all areas of cotton’s pipeline—from the field to the consumer—to keep cotton the number-one fiber choice in the United States. For more information about the Cotton Board and the innovative activities stemming from the program, visit www.cottonboard.org.

Saturday, February 18, 2023

How Climate Change Is Making Tampons (and Lots of Other Stuff) More Expensive

Coral Davenport
Sat, February 18, 2023 

Cotton left over after the harvest in Meadow, Texas, Jan. 19, 2023. 
(Jordan Vonderaar/The New York Times)

When the Agriculture Department finished its calculations last month, the findings were startling: 2022 was a disaster for upland cotton in Texas, the state where the coarse fiber is primarily grown and then sold around the globe in the form of tampons, cloth diapers, gauze pads and other products.

In the biggest loss on record, Texas farmers abandoned 74% of their planted crops — nearly 6 million acres — because of heat and parched soil, hallmarks of a megadrought made worse by climate change.

That crash has helped to push up the price of tampons in the United States 13% over the past year. The price of cloth diapers spiked 21%. Cotton balls climbed 9%, and gauze bandages increased by 8%. All of that was well above the country’s overall inflation rate of 6.5% in 2022, according to data provided by the market research firms NielsonIQ and The NPD Group.
It’s an example of how climate change is reshaping the cost of daily life in ways that consumers might not realize.

West Texas is the main source of upland cotton in the United States, which in turn is the world’s third-biggest producer and largest exporter of the fiber. That means the collapse of the upland cotton crop in West Texas will spread beyond the United States, economists say, onto store shelves around the world.

“Climate change is a secret driver of inflation,” said Nicole Corbett, a vice president at NielsonIQ. “As extreme weather continues to impact crops and production capacity, the cost of necessities will continue to rise.”

Halfway around the world in Pakistan, the world’s sixth-largest producer of upland cotton, severe flooding, made worse by climate change, destroyed half that country’s cotton crop.

There have been other drags on the global cotton supply. In 2021, the United States banned imports of cotton from the Xinjiang region of China, a major cotton-producing area, out of concerns about the use of forced labor.

But experts say that the impact of the warming planet on cotton is expanding across the planet with consequences that may be felt for decades to come.

By 2040, half of the regions around the globe where cotton is grown will face a “high or very high climate risk” from drought, floods and wildfires, according to the nonprofit group Forum for the Future.

Texas cotton offers a peek into the future. Scientists project that heat and drought exacerbated by climate change will continue to shrink yields in the Southwest — further driving up the prices of many essential items. A 2020 study found that heat and drought worsened by climate change have already lowered the production of upland cotton in Arizona and projected that future yields of cotton in the region could drop by 40% between 2036 and 2065.

Cotton is “a bellwether crop,” said Natalie Simpson, an expert in supply chain logistics at the University at Buffalo. “When weather destabilizes it, you see changes almost immediately,” Simpson said. “This is true anywhere it’s grown. And the future supply that everyone depends on is going to look very different from how it does now. The trend is already there.”

Return of the Dust Bowl

For decades, the Southwestern cotton crop has depended on water pumped from the Ogallala Aquifer, which stretches underneath eight western states from Wyoming to Texas.

But the Ogallala is declining, in part because of climate change, according to the 2018 National Climate Assessment, a report issued by 13 federal agencies. “Major portions of the Ogallala Aquifer should now be considered a nonrenewable resource,” it said.

That is the same region that was abandoned by more than 2 million people during the Dust Bowl of the 1930s, caused by severe drought and poor farming practices. John Steinbeck famously chronicled the trauma in his epic “The Grapes of Wrath,” about a family of cotton farmers driven from their Oklahoma home. Lately, the novel has been weighing on the mind of Mark Brusberg, a meteorologist at the Agriculture Department.

“The last time this happened, there was a mass migration of producers from where they couldn’t survive any longer to a place where they were going to give it a shot,” Brusberg said. “But we have to figure out how to keep that from happening again.”

In the years since, the farmland over the Ogallala once again flourished as farmers drew from the aquifer to irrigate their fields. But now, with the rise in heat and drought and the decline of the aquifer, those dust storms are returning, the National Climate Assessment found. Climate change is projected to increase the duration and intensity of drought over much of the Ogallala region in the next 50 years, the report said.

Barry Evans, a fourth-generation cotton farmer near Lubbock, Texas, doesn’t need a scientific report to tell him that. Last spring, he planted 2400 acres of cotton. He harvested 500 acres.

“This is one of the worst years of farming I’ve ever seen,” he said. “We’ve lost a lot of the Ogallala Aquifer, and it’s not coming back.”

When Evans began farming cotton in 1992, he said, he was able to irrigate about 90% of his fields with water from the Ogallala. Now that’s down to 5% and declining, he said. He has been growing cotton in rotation with other crops and using new technologies to maximize the precious little moisture that does arrive from the skies. But he sees farmers around him giving up.

“The decline of the Ogallala has had a strong impact on people saying it’s time to retire and stop doing this,” he said.

Kody Bessent, the CEO of Plains Cotton Growers Inc., which represents farmers who grow cotton across 4 million acres in Texas, said that land would produce 4 or 5 million bales of cotton in a typical year. Production for 2022 is projected at 1.5 million bales — a cost to the regional economy of roughly $2 billion to $3 billion, he said.

“It’s a huge loss,” he said. “It’s been a tragic year.”

From Cotton Fields to Walmart Shelves

Upland cotton is shorter and coarser than its more famous cousin, Pima cotton. It is also far more widely grown and is the staple ingredient in cheap clothes and basic household and hygiene products.

In the United States, most cotton grown is upland cotton, and the crop is concentrated in Texas. That’s unusual for a major commodity crop. While other crops such as corn, wheat and soybeans are affected by extreme weather, they are spread out geographically so that a major event afflicting some of the crop may spare the rest, said Lance Honig, an economist at the Agriculture Department.

“That’s why cotton really stands out, with this drought having such a big impact on the national crop,” Honig said.

Sam Clay of Toyo Cotton Co., a Dallas trader that buys upland cotton from farmers and sells it to mills, said the collapse of the crop had sent him scrambling. “Prices have gone sky-high, and all this is getting passed on to consumers,” he said.

Clay said he is experiencing the impacts himself. “I bought six pairs of Wranglers a year and a half ago for $35 a pair. I’m paying $58 a pair now.”

At least 50% of the denim in every pair of Wrangler and of Lee jeans is woven from U.S.-grown cotton, and the cost of that cotton can represent more than half the price tag, said Jeff Frye, the vice president of sustainability for Kontoor Brands, which owns both labels.

Frye and others who deal in denim did point out, however, that other factors have driven up price, including the ban on imports of Xinjiang cotton, high fuel costs and the complicated logistics of moving materials.

Among the cotton products most sensitive to the price of raw materials are personal care items like tampons and gauze bandages, since they require very little labor or processing like dying, spinning or weaving, said Jon Devine, an economist at Cotton Inc., a research and marketing company.

The price of Tampax, the tampon giant that sells 4.5 billion boxes globally each year, started climbing fast last year.

In an earnings call in January, Andre Schulten, chief financial officer for Procter & Gamble, which makes Tampax, said the costs of raw materials “are still a significant headwind” for the company across several products, forcing the company to raise prices.

On a recent Sunday at a Walmart in Alexandria, Virginia, several shoppers said they had noticed rising prices.

“The price of a regular box of Tampax has gone up from $9 to $11,” said Vanessa Skelton, a consultant and the mother of a 3-year-old. “That’s a regular monthly expense.”

Make Way for Polyester


Cotton farmers say that Washington can help by increasing aid in the farm bill, legislation that Congress is renewing this year.

Taxpayers have sent Texas cotton farmers an average of $1 billion annually over the past five years in crop insurance subsidies, according to Daniel Sumner, an agricultural economist at the University of California, Davis.

Farmers say they’d like expanded funding for disaster relief programs to cover the impact of increasingly severe drought and to pay farmers for planting cover crops that help retain soil moisture. They also say they hope that advances in genetically modified seeds and other technologies can help sustain Texas cotton.

But some economists say it may not make sense to continue support a crop that will no longer be viable in some regions as the planet continues to warm.

“Since the 1930s, government programs have been fundamental to growing cotton,” Sumner said. “But there’s not a particular economic argument to grow cotton in West Texas as the climate changes. Does it make any economic sense for a farm bill in Washington, D.C., to say, ‘West Texas is tied to cotton?’ No, it doesn’t.”

In the long run, it could just mean that cotton is no longer the main ingredient in everything from tampons to textiles, said Sumner, “and we’re all going to use polyester.”

© 2023 The New York Times Company

Wednesday, October 19, 2022

Agrotechnicians' hard work helps increase cotton yield, quality in Egypt


A man collects harvested cotton at a farm in Kafr El-Sheikh, Egypt, Sept. 28, 2022. (Xinhua/Ahmed Gomaa)

With agrotechnicians' great efforts, Egypt sees another harvest of cotton that has further improved in both quantity and quality.

by Mahmoud Fouly

KAFR EL-SHEIKH, Egypt, Oct. 19 (Xinhua) -- Bathed in the warm sun and pleasant breezes of the Mediterranean, cotton bolls bloomed on the research farm of Sakha Agricultural Research Station in Kafr El-Sheikh in the Nile Delta region of northern Egypt, turning the land into a white blanket.

A dozen of cotton pickers were hard at work, removing the bolls from cotton plants and putting them into small bags. On the side of the field, huge burlap sacks of cotton piled up like a small hill.

Two varieties of cotton were grown on the research farm, Giza 97, one of the most cultivated cotton varieties in Egypt, and Giza 93, one of the best cotton varieties in the world in terms of quality.



A woman harvests cotton at a farm in Kafr El-Sheikh, Egypt, Sept. 28, 2022. (Xinhua/Ahmed Gomaa)

This year's harvest on the farm will provide Egyptian agrotechnicians with the information to further improve the breeding and cultivation of the two cotton varieties.

Salah Saber, leader of the cotton seed breeding team at the research farm, said that agrotechnicians' hard efforts have made a significant contribution to the production of top-quality cotton, on which Egypt takes great pride.

"We have succeeded in breaking the negative correlation between the cotton yield and quality, and managed to get both at the same time," he said.

He explained that a feddan (0.42 hectare) of cotton, which used to produce about 7 to 8 kantars (a kantar equals 45.02 kg) of seed cotton, now produces about 12 to 13 kantars, thanks to the cotton breeding research.

Egypt's Central Agency for Public Mobilisation and Statistics (CAPMAS) reported that the export of Egyptian cotton in the previous cotton season, which started in September 2020 and ended in August 2021, reached 1.7 million kantars.



A woman carries harvested cotton at a farm in Kafr El-Sheikh, Egypt, Sept. 28, 2022. (Xinhua/Ahmed Gomaa)

The CAPMAS data also showed that cotton production in the Arab world's most populous country reached 2.3 million kantars in the 2020/2021 season, a 31-percent increase over the 2019/2020 season.

Saber said that the boom in cotton production is driven by both Egypt's plans to expand the cultivation of the cash crop and improve cotton breeding and cultivating technologies.

Egypt's agrotechnicians have been seeking to create cotton varieties that satisfy the demands of farmers in terms of yield, those of merchants in terms of the quantity of lint produced, and those of the global market in terms of quality, staple length, fiber strength and softness, Saber added.


A woman shows harvested cotton at a farm in Kafr El-Sheikh, Egypt, on Sept. 28, 2022. (Xinhua/Ahmed Gomaa)

Samar Salem, a cotton picker, said she was happy to work in the farm, whose research will bring benefits to the country's cotton industry and improve the living condition of millions of Egyptian farmers. ■

Friday, March 06, 2020

India Cotton Trader Boosts Buying to Help Suffering Farmers

Pratik Parija Bloomberg March 6, 2020


(Bloomberg) -- An Indian state-run cotton buyer is boosting purchases from farmers to prevent them from making distressed sales as the spreading coronavirus curbs demand in key export markets and causes prices to slump.

Cotton Corp. of India Ltd. has bought about 7.5 million bales (170 kilograms each) from farmers so far in 2019-20, and will buy more if growers offer supplies, Chairman P. Alli Rani said in a phone interview.

Transport of the fiber across China is being delayed, and concern is mounting that factory closures will weigh on demand. Logistical issues mean mills are finding it hard to take delivery of cotton and ship yarn products to buyers.

Cotton futures in New York have fallen about 12% from their Jan. 13 high, while local Indian prices have dropped 7% since Jan. 22.

For Arun Sekhsaria, a top executive at one of the biggest cotton exporters, the virus has meant that he can’t risk selling abroad, though he notes that the support of the state buyer means cotton producers are better off than most.

“I am just keeping quiet,” said Sekhsaria, managing director of D.D. Cotton. “I am not booking any cargoes for exports as I can’t travel overseas now if there is any issue with the shipments for any reason. Everything is uncertain and nobody knows where prices will go.”

Cotton Corp.’s purchases are its biggest on an annual basis since 2014-15, when it bought 8.7 million bales. The company, which acquires fiber at government-set minimum prices, bought about 30% of total market arrivals so far this year and is currently purchasing about 50% of daily arrivals, Rani said.

The company has separately bought about 8,000 bales of long staple cotton from ginners at market rates this year through its commercial business, she said. It bought 7,700 bales in 2018-19, according to Cotton Corp.

“All my infrastructure has been engaged in minimum support price operations,” Rani said. “I am not really concentrating on commercial purchases.” About 65% of total expected production has already arrived in the market, with the remainder set to arrive in the next two to three months.

Read: Coronavirus Causing ‘Big Slowdown’ in Chinese Cotton Factories

Demand for Indian cotton has fallen from most buyers, including Vietnam and China, Sekhsaria said. That leaves Bangladesh as its only export option, and the nation may buy as much as 2.5 million bales in 2019-20, he said.

The current domestic cotton price makes it attractive as it’s lower than the government-set minimum support price, said Vinay Kotak, a director of Kotak Commodity Services Pvt., one of India’s biggest cotton exporters. “Imports are also becoming costlier due to a depreciation in the rupee.”

Some cotton ginners will lose money because of their expensive stockpiles, Kotak said. “We are seeing a new low every day. There is still uncertainty in the market. If the virus settles, the prices will shoot up.”

“International prices are falling because of fear psychosis,” Kotak said. “We are yet to start business with Chinese buyers.”



Cotton, yarn prices fall as coronavirus brings exports to China to a halt
Indian exporters aren't pursuing the Chinese market either, as travel to that country to address quality or quantity issues post shipment will be difficult


Dilip Kumar Jha & T E Narasimhan | Mumbai/Chennai Last Updated at March 6, 2020 

Cotton yarn lost 2-3 per cent over the last one month, while synthetic yarn declined by 4-5 per cent during the past one month, following a fall in crude prices.

ALSO READ
Coronavirus prompts India's top cotton trader to stop sales to China

Cotton and yarn prices have declined by up to 10 per cent during the past one month on a domestic supply glut that emerged after exports to China came to a grinding halt. The cessation of shipments to that country was caused by the lockdown of shops and factories there, following the coronavirus outbreak.

Raw (unginned) cotton in the Gondal (Gujarat) market shed almost 10 per cent to trade at Rs 4,280 a quintal on Wednesday from a level of Rs 4,755 a month ago. Cotton yarn lost 2-3 per cent over the last one month, while synthetic yarn declined by 4-5 per cent during the past one month, following a fall in crude prices.

Atul Ganatra, president of Cotton Association of India, said globally cotton yarn prices have dropped to 60.50 cents on the Intercontinental Exchange on February 28 from 71.5 cents. This has also impacted exporters margins.

The lockdown in China of retail shops and factories has hit India’s cotton and yarn exports hard with shipments came to an abrupt halt. “India’s cotton and yarn exports to China have halted due to lack of orders from there. Even Indian exporters have not evinced any interest in pursuing with export orders. In case any quality or quantity issue arises after shipment, travelling to China for clearing the cargo will be difficult,” said Arun Sakseria, a city-based cotton exporter.

Price of cotton and yarn is taking a beating due to poor sentiment in the market due to the outbreak of coronavirus in China and deterioration of quality in the present kapas arrivals.
Looking at the decline in cotton prices, the government owned Cotton Corporation of India (CCI) has offered a discount of Rs 3,200-5,000 per candy (1 candy = 356 kg) for old stock purchased in bulk.

The decline in raw material prices is likely to benefit textile mills and their profit margins may go up in the coming quarters.


“Raw material costs have started moderating due to the outbreak of coronavirus which has impacted demand / production in China. Disruption in supply chain or production of polyester yarn in China is likely to provide greater export opportunities to Indian polyester manufacturers later,” said Madhu Sudhan Bhageria, chairman and managing director, Filatex India Ltd. In the Budget last month, the government had removed anti-dumping duty on purified terephthalic acid (PTA), a raw aterial for synthetic yarn.

The abolition of anti-dumping duty on key raw material input PTA has changed the landscape of synthetic textile manufacturers. The Indian textile industry has been stagnating in spite of the slowdown in China.

According to Icra, the coronavirus outbreak has started exerting pressure on yarn realisations, which have corrected by 2-3 per cent since the beginning of February 2020. This follows a brief recovery seen in India’s cotton yarn exports in the month of January 2020 when the exports touched an estimated 100 million kg, in line with India’s historical monthly average, following a weak performance for nine consecutive months earlier.

The domestic cotton spinning industry is highly dependent on exports, particularly to China, with around 30 per cent of the cotton yarn produced in the country being exported, and China accounting for nearly one-third of the exports in recent years.

Jayanta Roy, Senior Vice-President and Group Head, Corporate Sector Ratings, Icra, said, “Even though domestic cotton fibre prices continue to be competitive vis-a-vis international cotton prices at present with a price spread of about 4 per cent (down from 9 per cent in Feb-20), a further correction in international cotton prices amid demand-side uncertainties could render domestic spinners uncompetitive in the international markets, similar to the situation which was witnessed in H1 FY2020.”

For synthetic yarn, Raw material cost has started moderating because the outbreak of coronavirus is likely to impact demand for polyester yarn in China, which accounts for around 65 per cent of global demand. As a consequence, the price of PTA, a key raw material that accounts for more than half of the sales price of polyester yarn, is expected to be under pressure in the near term.

Thursday, August 11, 2022

Brazil farmers bet on environmentally friendly cotton

AFP - Yesterday 

The road through Cristalina, Brazil is in the middle of the tropics, but the fields on either side look like they are covered in snow -- little white puffs of cotton stretching to the horizon.



A combine harvests cotton in a field at Pamplona farm in Cristalina, Brazil on July 14, 2022


The alabaster plants interspersed with the corn and soybean fields outside the central-western town are part of a silent revolution in Brazil: facing negative attention over the agribusiness industry's environmental impact, farmers are increasingly turning to cotton and adopting sustainable techniques to produce it.


Cristina Schetino, a researcher from the University of Brasilia, speaks about biological pest control in cotton farming during an interview with AFP on August 4, 2022


After increasing exports 15-fold in the past two decades, Brazil is now the world's second-biggest cotton supplier, after the United States -- and the biggest producer of sustainable cotton.

No less than 84 percent of the cotton grown in the South American agricultural giant is certified by the Better Cotton Initiative (BCI), an international non-profit group to promote sustainable cotton farming.

"Consumers have changed. People don't want to buy products any more that don't respect nature and its cycles," says entomologist Cristina Schetino of the University of Brasilia, who specializes in cotton farming.


Workers take samples from cotton bales at Pamplona farm in Cristalina, Brazil on July 14, 2022

The industry is trying to improve the international image of Brazilian farming, tarnished by a history of slave labor, heavy pesticide use and the destruction of the Amazon rainforest for agriculture, a trend that has accelerated under far-right President Jair Bolsonaro -- an agribusiness ally.


Cotton bales in a field at Pamplona farm in Cristalina, Brazil on July 14, 2022


In 2005, the Brazilian Cotton Producers' Association (Abrapa) launched a sustainability training program for farmers and introduced protocols on efficiently using water and pesticides and phasing out toxic products in favor of biological fertilizers.

A new tracing program launched with Brazilian clothing brands, meanwhile, lets consumers check how cotton goods were produced.

Last season, cotton farmers in Brazil replaced 34 percent of chemical pesticides with biological ones, Abrapa says.

They have also started using drones to apply pesticides more efficiently.

Switching to sustainable techniques is "a re-education process," says Abrapa's executive director, Marcio Portocarreiro.

"At first, farmers tend to think mainly about the impact on their bottom line. But when they get past that phase... they realize that farming sustainably gives them a guaranteed market," he told AFP.

- Added value -

Located outside Cristalina, around 130 kilometers (80 miles) south of Brasilia, the capital, Fazenda Pamplona is one of Brazil's biggest proponents of sustainable cotton.

The 27,000-hectare (67,000-acre) operation, run by agribusiness giant SLC Agricola, is like a small city in the middle of the countryside, with a banquet hall, a children's park, sports fields and housing for employees.

The farm aims to retain workers by creating a home where they will want to stay, says production coordinator Diego Goldschmidt.

He stands in front of two enormous bales of cotton, labeled with QR codes that detail their harvest.

"These are already sold," he beams.

The farm produced more than 600,000 tonnes last year, 99 percent of it for export.

Sustainable cotton sells for prices up to 10 percent higher than conventional cotton.

"Besides being the right thing to do for society and the environment, it provides added value," says Goldschmidt.

- Aiming high -

But cotton remains one of the most pesticide-intensive crops, using more than double that of soy per hectare.

The problem is the prevalence of pests such as boll weevils and the absence of organic products to stop them, says Schetino.

"There's still a lot of dependence on chemical products, which have a negative environmental impact," says the entomologist, who is researching alternatives.

Brazil cultivates around 1.6 million hectares of cotton a year. It is a key supplier for the global garment industry, exporting to the likes of China, Vietnam, Pakistan and Turkey.

Abrapa has set itself the ambitious goal of surpassing the US to become the world's biggest cotton supplier in 2030.

"Brazil may not have a good image on sustainable farming yet," says Goldschmidt.

"But we will soon. There's a lot of potential."

FOTOS 
© EVARISTO SA

Friday, September 02, 2022

PAKISTAN
Compounded losses of cash crop cotton
Published August 29, 2022
Peasants struggling to pick the remainder of cotton crop in Matiari district.
—Photo by Umair Ali

Successive spells of torrential rains in Sindh have spelt disaster for the agriculture sector. The economic cost of the disaster would run into billions if the value chain is anything to go by. Among summer crops, cotton is the worst hit, bananas and mango orchards have been damaged and vegetables, particularly onion, have been washed away.

These rains are considered a repeat of 2011 when rains triggered similar flooding in lower Sindh after the 2010 super floods that destroyed seven to eight districts in upper Sindh owing to a breach in the Indus river’s dyke.

One or two pickings of cotton were carried out in the early sowing areas of Sindh. The downpour destroyed almost the entire crop in Sanghar, Naushahro Feroz, Khairpur, Nawabshah, Tando Allahyar, Mirpurkhas, Matiari and Tando Mohammad Khan. The Provincial Disaster Management Authority (PDMA) says 2.082 million acres of the cropped area have been damaged across Sindh.

“I believe 80 per cent of the cotton crop has been simply washed away and in terms of money, losses to the cotton crop will be no less than Rs70bn,” said Nadeem Shah, Sindh’s member of the Cotton Crop Assessment Committee and Pakistan Central Cotton Committee of the federal food security ministry. He is from the lower Sindh rain-hit Matiari district which has no drainage system to dispose of rainwater.

Earnings of cotton pickers, domestic edible oil production, and livestock feed are all casualties of the deluges, along with the textile industry

“Cotton plants are submerged under massive amounts of water and they are not likely to survive. Once the sun makes its presence felt, it will blacken the plant. In some areas cotton plants are already blackened,” he said.

A visit to the rain-hit lower Sindh districts reveals that rains that continued until August’s third week left the farming community and residents of urban centres high and dry. It forced the Sindh government to declare 23 districts to be calamity hit.

There seems to be no probability of water receding from fields quickly and easily as rainwater stagnates. Irrigation officials and growers are struggling to ensure drainage of rainwater by diverting it from one end to the other as part of ad-hoc arrangements for disposing of it through irrigation channels.

After a period of continuous decline in the cotton crop, it witnessed growth recently in Sindh, leading to the production of 3.5m bales in the 2021-22 season when compared to 1.8m bales in 2020-21. It was grown over 539,000ha against the sowing target of 640,000ha. Losses to the cash cotton crop mean economic losses to farm labour as well as cotton pickers. The pickers, mostly women, will lose an important source of seasonal earnings.

Some picking this season was done before the rains. Sindh agriculture department assesses close to 100pc losses to the remaining cotton crop. Delay in dewatering from farmlands will have serious implications for the sensitive cotton crop. Standing water blackens the crop. Those still having clean picking will be among the luckier ones. They would be getting Rs10,000 plus rate for 40kg.

Widespread damage to the cotton crop will certainly undermine the entire value chain. Seed in phutti will be lost besides the crop. The seed is a source of domestic edible production. Its waste (oilcake) is a source of livestock feed.

Cotton seed or benola is a vital source of edible production domestically. According to the former chairman of Pakistan Agricultural Research Council (PARC), Dr Yusuf Zafar, cotton crop seeds provide 70pc of total domestic edible oil production.

“Only 30pc of Pakistan’s edible oil is achieved domestically and the rest is imported. Of domestic production, 70pc is achieved using cotton seeds. This is alarming as the food and edible oil import bill continues to rise,” contends Mr Zafar.

He said estimates showed that the recent damages, inclusive of losses to Balochistan’s organic cotton crop, indicate around 6-7m bales will have to be imported, costing $6-$7 billion.

Devastating rains have undermined the rural community’s economic well-being as well as inflicted mental agony and psychological trauma. Farmers will still be preparing to meet the challenges of the upcoming Rabi sowing season, provided the water recedes from fields. About 89,622 livestock has perished as per the PMDA situation report of Aug 24 in view of rains. Roughly 84,783 of 89,622 livestock has perished in the upper Sindh Kashmore district.

Herds of livestock are mostly managed by the peasantry, who have a 50-50 share in farmlands with the growers. The downpour has rendered this peasantry displaced. They have shifted to roadside improvised tents along with animals including cows, buffaloes, goats and sheep of their own.

Their villages, located on farmlands, have been inundated and their houses made of thatched straw have collapsed. Their livestock is now exposed to diseases. Carcasses of cattle were seen on the Miprukrhas-Jhuddo route which was badly hit by the overflowing canal.

About 310,039 acres in Sanghar — Sindh’s home of cotton production — followed by 247,659 acres in Shaheed Benazirabad and 247,607 acres in Naushahro Feroz districts were damaged. Khairpur district reported damages to agriculture of 214,626 acres, resulting in the loss of its date palm crop in July’s spell of monsoon rainfall.

Among veggies, the onion crop is lost. It was at bulb formation but has fallen prey to rains. Sindh makes up half of the total onion production in the country. The same goes for chilli. Its required acreage was not achieved due to water shortage, said a chilli grower Karamullah Saand from Mirpurkhas.

Irrigation authorities are struggling to cope with the situation triggered by recent rains. All off-taking calls, 14 in all, of Sindh’s three barrages remained closed due to the flood situation in the Indus river. Indus remained at high flood at Guddu and Sukkur barrages since Aug 23 till this piece was written on Friday. Up and downstream flows at the two barrages remained the same.

Farmlands were under water till Aug 27 in lower Sindh. If timely dewatering of farmland is not done it could undermine wheat sowing. The wheat crop is already facing issues. Sindh was not able to meet the procurement target of 1.4m tonnes this year. Sindh food officials were said to have taken away the 2021-22 crop from small- and medium-scale growers to meet the procurement target, leaving them without seeds to be used for cultivation this year. This would put them in quandary.

Published in Dawn, The Business and Finance Weekly, August 29th, 2022

Tuesday, September 01, 2020

How power shaped the 'success story' of genetically modified cotton in Burkina Faso


Credit: Pixabay/CC0 Public Domain
The West African nation of Burkina Faso was once the poster child for genetically modified (GM) crop advocates. Its 2008 adoption of GM cotton for smallholder farmers was hailed as an example of how these technologies could alleviate poverty and food insecurity by protecting crops from pests and increasing yields.
But this much celebrated  story came to an abrupt halt in 2016, when the Burkina Faso government and cotton companies decided to abandon GM cotton.
What happened?
Burkina Faso was the first African country where a GM crop was principally grown by . The crop was an insect resistant cotton variety, developed through a partnership with the US-based agri-business company Monsanto (now Bayer Crop Science). At its height, nearly 150,000 Burkinabè households grew GM cotton.
Supporters quickly broadcast study findings demonstrating increased average yields and incomes. This developed into a prominent narrative of success.
Observers were shocked when only eight years later Burkina Faso abandoned genetically modified cotton. The reason: it had shorter-fiber lint and ginning machines extracted proportionally less lint from harvested cotton bolls. This led to US$76 million in losses for cotton companies.
Other problems also surfaced. New evidence showed that GM cotton yields were less than half of early projections. And there were significant variations among farmers. Many farmers lost money.
How could such a prominent success story turn so quickly to failure?
Our new research, which draws on over 250 interviews and in-depth research in Burkina Faso spanning over a decade, traces what happened. We found that rather than an abrupt turnaround, these problems were known by cotton sector officials as early as 2006—ten years before Burkina Faso abandoned GM cotton.
The puzzle we unravel is how a success narrative could be built when problems were readily apparent.
In short, the story has a lot to do with power.
Silences and omissions
Burkina Faso's cotton success narrative was built on a series of studies with significant methodological problems. Studies contained well-documented issues in data collection, failing to sufficiently control for differences between comparison groups. In most cases, they also failed to provide sufficient evidence to evaluate how data were collected.
These faulty evaluation studies reported yield and income results in averages, which advocates quickly circulated as evidence of success. These same studies often showed large variability in yields and profits for farmers, but didn't highlight these findings.
Significant conflicts of interest shaped the collection and reporting of findings. Monsanto provided funding for the evaluation studies in a contract with the Burkina Faso Institute for Environment and Agricultural Research. This meant that Monsanto had ultimate control over research findings—and a strong interest in projecting success.
The institute depended on Monsanto funding that accompanied the adoption of GM cotton. Highly skilled Burkinabè researchers also jockeyed for limited jobs with Monsanto.
In our interviews, which included Monsanto representatives, participants said it was difficult to challenge the success narrative. Concerns they raised were often silenced or left unexamined. At times, their expertise was dismissed.
Ignoring local dynamics
Evaluation studies had additional problems, particularly with regard to the differential impacts of GM cotton. Previous research in Burkina Faso has detailed how local dynamics can determine the extent to which a  profits from cotton production. These dynamics weren't included in the evaluation studies that built the success narrative.
Our research, which paid close attention to local-level dynamics, revealed that these missing pieces were critical factors shaping farmers' experiences with GM cotton.
Poorer farmers faced additional challenges: they used less fertilizer, which compounded yield issues in GM cotton, and they were often burdened by having to pay for replacement seeds in cases when their first planting didn't germinate. This additional seed cost resulted from complex relationships between farmers and cotton company employees who often belittled small-scale farmers. These dynamics and additional costs were invisible to overly narrow evaluation studies.
As a result, the success narrative gave a false impression that even farmers with few resources were achieving "average" yield gains.
Profiting from an exaggerated success narrative
The power to shape a narrative—based on faulty studies that overlooked important realities—turned out to be good for Monsanto's bottom line. The final royalty contract signed by Monsanto and Burkinabè partners ostensibly gave 28% of the "added value" of GM cotton to Monsanto, and the rest for farmers and cotton companies. But Monsanto received far more than this.
The royalty contract used an inflated yield estimate (30%) to establish the amount of added value from GM cotton. Even in the best years, actual  yields didn't approach this estimate.
Monsanto also received this inflated payment irrespective of the actual performance of the technology, since it was paid according to the number of hectares planted. Monsanto profited more than was agreed to in the contract, and assumed none of the risk shouldered by cotton companies and farmers.
Monsanto also benefited from a reliable GM crop success story. This narrative is still used to advance other ventures in Africa.
Looking ahead
Anthropologist Glenn Stone has argued:
"We are naïve in swallowing empirical claims without a careful consideration of how vested interests affect the creation of facts."
As this case shows, vested interests played a significant role in shaping a success narrative despite apparent problems.
Moving forward, it will be important to learn from the Burkinabè case, not just about what happened, but about how knowledge was produced. An examination of vested interests is one such take away. This is particularly important now as multiple African nations consider a wide array of GM  for commercialisation.
Many GM crops under consideration in Africa are not the domain of a big agri-business company like Monsanto. This does not mean, however, that vested interests will not still shape how knowledge about these crops gets produced.
Evaluation studies will need to be independent, transparent, rigorous, and methodologically diverse, to accurately reflect the realities of these crops. Studies must anticipate challenges and shortcomings. This is particularly true to understand whether and how genetically modified crops aid resource-poor, women, and marginalized farmers.
For too long agricultural technologies like GM crops have been evaluated as if they exist in a social and political vacuum. Understanding how GM crops perform for farmers needs close attention to local-level dynamics and context. The role that power plays in that context must be a part of how we understand GM crops moving forward
Top African producer bans GM cotton

Provided by The Conversation 
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.The Conversation
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Friday, May 06, 2022



Xinjiang cotton found in Adidas, Puma and Hugo Boss tops, researchers say

Philip Oltermann 
in Berlin - Yesterday 
The Guardian


Researchers say they have found traces of Xinjiang cotton in shirts and T-shirts made by Adidas, Puma and Hugo Boss, appearing to contradict the German clothing companies’ promises to revise their supply chains after allegations of widespread forced labour in the Chinese region.

Recent reports have suggested more than half a million people from minority ethnic groups such as the Uyghurs have been coerced into picking cotton in Xinjiang, which provides more than 80% of China’s and a fifth of the global production of cotton.

The US banned cotton imports from the autonomous region in north-west China last year, a move also debated in the European parliament but not enacted by the European Commission. Nonetheless, several large western clothes brands and fashion brands vowed to no longer use Xinjiang cotton in the light of the revelations.

Hugo Boss said that as of October 2021 its new collections “have been verified in line with our global standards again”, and that it “does not tolerate forced labour”. Puma stated in 2020 it had “no direct or indirect business relationship with any manufacturer in Xinjiang”, while Adidas said the same year it had no contractual relationship with any Xinjiang supplier but had instructed its fabric suppliers not to source yarn from the region in the wake of reports about human rights violations.

However, researchers at the Agroisolab in Jülich and the Hochschule Niederrhein University of Applied Sciences, both in western Germany, say an isotope analysis has found traces of Xinjiang cotton in Puma and Adidas T-shirts, shirts by Hugo Boss and the German outdoor wear brand Jack Wolfskin, and a pullover by the fashion company Tom Tailor.

“The isotopic fingerprints in the cotton are unambiguous and can be differentiated from cotton sourced from other countries and even other Chinese regions,” Markus Boner of Agroisolab told the German public broadcaster NDR’s investigative programme STRG_F.

Isotope analysis is usually used by archaeologists or forensic scientists to trace the geographic origin of organic or non-organic substances.

The five German clothes brands have been contacted by the Guardian for a response to the findings, which STRG_F said it would share with the companies.

A spokesperson for Puma told the Guardian that “we strongly insist on the fact and reconfirm that Puma does not source any cotton from the Xinjiang region. We do reiterate that we do not have any relations – direct or indirect - with any cotton supplier in the Xinjiang region.

“Based on all the information we obtained through our investigations, and the traceability controls we put in place in our supply chain, we are confident that we do not source cotton from the Xinjiang region.”

A spokesperson for Adidas said the company “sources cotton exclusively from other countries and takes a variety of measures to ensure fair and safe working conditions in its supply chain”.

Asked by STRG_F’s researchers in advance of publication whether they could rule out that Xinjiang cotton was used in their products, Hugo Boss said it did not tolerate forced labour in its supply chains.

Jack Wolfskin did not directly answer a question about the use of Xinjiang cotton in its supply chain but said its cotton was certified. Tom Tailor did not reply to queries from the programme.

Speaking anonymously, one auditor investigating Chinese subcontractors told STRG_F it was practically impossible for western companies to thoroughly shed a light on their own supply chains as their access in China was restricted by the communist government of Xi Jinping.

“It is theoretically possible but highly unlikely that western businesses can say with certainty that there is no forced labour in their cotton supply chains in Xinjiang,” the auditor said.

Wednesday, December 27, 2023

Climate affects global cotton production

DAWN
The Newspaper's Staff Reporter 
Published December 27, 2023 
Pakistan has produced 8.5 million bales of cotton against the downward revised production target of 11.15m bales for the current season.


LAHORE: Reports from major cotton-producing countries, including Pakistan, suggest that adverse weather conditions have marred white lint yield during the ongoing crop season though the phenomenon has failed to cause any impact on the cotton markets.

For the cotton year 2023-24, Pakistan had initially allocated a production target of 12.8 million bales (170kg each) which was later revised down to 11.15m bales.

However, due to the extremely adverse weather conditions and a severe attack of the whitefly in Punjab, there has been a drastic decrease in cotton production. It is feared that the total lint production in the country this year will be around 8.5m bales only.

Reports from the United States say that the total cotton production this year was initially expected to be 15.5m bales (each 480 pounds), but the estimate has now been brought down to 12.78m bales.

Similarly, the latest report of the Cotton Association of India (CAI) suggests that total domestic production this year will be around 29.4m bales (170 kg) against 31.9m bales during the cotton year 2022-23.

Indian growers had been expecting even a better harvest this year, but an unexpected heat wave coupled with a severe attack of pink bollworm badly damaged the crop.

Likewise, total cotton production in China this year is expected to be 25.8m bales, while last year the crop output touched the mark of 27.5m bales.

Cotton Ginners Forum chairman Ihsanul Haq says that China is making heavy purchases of cotton from Pakistan and the USA suggesting that there are fears of further reduction in its domestic cotton production.

Answering a question about the increasing cultivation of the ‘triple gene’ variety of cotton in Pakistan for the last two or three years, he says the new seed is gaining popularity among the growers mainly because it resists pink bollworm attack.

He, however, cautions that the herbicides sprayed on this variety are damaging soil and affecting the growth of other crops on the lands causing serious concerns among the growers as well as seed companies.

He claims that the germination of wheat in the lands freed from triple-gene cotton had been very low last season due to which some farmers had to cultivate wheat twice.

He stresses upon agricultural scientists to develop herbicides for this cotton variety that are not harmful to soil and other crops sown in the fields post-harvesting of cotton.

Published in Dawn, December 27th, 2023

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Thursday, April 16, 2020

RECYCLE CLOTHING
Cotton demand plummets during coronavirus pandemic

Retail sales for clothing and clothing accessories in March were down more than 50 percent from the same month last year, according to a U.S. Census Bureau report.

Demand for clothing, textiles and raw cotton has fallen sharply
amid the coronavirus pandemic. Photo courtesy of Pixabay

EVANSVILLE, Ind., April 16 (UPI) -- As countries worldwide take measures to slow the spread of coronavirus by quarantining people and closing nonessential businesses, sales of cotton -- and the clothing and textiles made from it -- have declined sharply.

Demand for cotton is so low that even though prices hit their lowest levels in more than a decade, retailers and manufacturing facilities around the world are cancelling orders.

"Every stage of the supply chain is getting hit," said Jon Devine, senior economist for Cotton Incorporated, a nonprofit industry organization based in North Carolina.

"Retailers are suffering," he said. "In between, you've got all the manufacturers that are trying to get their orders cancelled. And then you get all the way back to the field. Farmers are entering their planting time. They have some difficult decisions to make."

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Retail sales for clothing and clothing accessories in March, many made with cotton, were down more than 50 percent compared with the same month last year, according to a U.S. Census Bureau report released Wednesday.

With roughly 95 percent of the cotton grown in the United States used for clothing and other textiles, such as towels and sheets, reduced sales have a significant impact on the cotton industry, Devine said.

Most of the manufacturing is performed in overseas facilities. And many of those facilities have closed to slow the spread of the virus, leaving exporters with nowhere to send their goods, Devine said.

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Cotton prices, as a result, have fallen sharply. Cotton was trading around 52 cents a pound Wednesday, down from about 70 cents a pound at the start of the year -- roughly a 26 percent drop, according to the Chicago Mercantile Exchange.

That price is below the cost of production for most farmers, Devine said. That might prompt some farmers to plant a different crop, he said.

Most farmers have purchased their seed and the equipment for this year. And with roughly six months before the 2020 crop is harvested, a lot of time remains for prices to rebound, Devine said.

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BY FOOD BANKS AND FOOD PROGRAMS THIS WASTE IS NOT A PROTEST IT IS AND ATTEMPT TO RAISE THE PRICE OF DAIRY.But that will only occur if cotton sales pick up. And there is no sign of that anytime soon.

"Usually, a drop in price makes people start looking for bargains," said Mark Bagby, a spokesman for Calcot Ltd., a cotton cooperative in Bakersfield, Calif., that markets and sells cotton for growers in California, Arizona, New Mexico and Texas.

"But that's just not happening. There's so much uncertainty. People are afraid to do anything."

According to the U.S. Department of Agriculture, the worldwide economic slowdown "with little precedent" will, this month, most likely produce one of the largest reductions in American cotton exports ever recorded.

"Consumption is lower for every major country, with total world consumption down 7.6 million bales or 6.4 percent from March," according to the USDA's monthly World Agricultural Supply and Demand Estimates released April 9.

"At 110.6 million bales, world consumption in 2019-20 is now projected to be 8.1 percent lower than in 2018-19. This would be one of the largest annual declines on record."

Meanwhile, overall stocks of stored cotton in the United States are hitting record highs. Concern is mounting that unless cotton starts moving again, sufficient storage for this fall's harvest will not be available.

"We can store about 60,000 bales in our warehouse," said Donna Lane, general manager for Decatur Gin Co. in Bainbridge, Ga. "We need to get our warehouse cleaned out before the new crop comes in this fall. Otherwise, we'll be in a mess. [We'll have] nowhere to put the new crop."

Lane said it's impossible to predict what the market will be like by then. That depends on how long quarantines last, how promptly factories reopen and how quickly consumers start to buy clothing again.

"People will still need to buy clothes. That's not going to change," Devine said. "But in the meantime, there could be a lot of economic hurt. A lot of companies may go out of business."


Capitalism and Slavery
Each generation seems condemned to have to prove the obvious anew: slavery created the modern world, and the modern world’s divisions are the product of slavery.


By Greg Grandin MAY 1, 2015

A daguerreotype of fugitive African-Americans fording the Rappahannock River, 186

Last week, Columbia University presented the Bancroft Award to two books that directly address the relationship of capitalism, slavery, expansion, and empire: my The Empire of Necessity: Slavery, Freedom, and Deception in the New World and Sven Beckert’s Empire of Cotton: A Global History. Both are part of a renewed scholarly attention to capitalism and slavery, carried out by historians such Walter JohnsonEdward BaptistCalvin SchermerhornBonnie MartinKathryn BoodrySeth RockmanAda FerrerAdam Rothman, and Caitlin Rosenthal (and keep an eye out for Ned Sublette and Constance Sublette’s forthcoming, The American Slave Coast: A History of the Slave Breeding Industry).

The argument that capitalism was dependent on slavery is, of course, not new. In 1944, Eric Williams, in Capitalism and Slavery, made the case. In 1968, the historian Lorenzo Greene wrote that slavery “formed the basis of the economic life of New England: about it revolved, and on it depended, most of her other industries.” Even before the expansion of slave labor in the South and into the West, slavery was already an important source of northern profit, as was the already exploding slave trade in the Caribbean and South America. Banks capitalized the slave trade and insurance companies underwrote it. Covering slave voyages helped start Rhode Island’s insurance industry, while in Connecticut, some of the first policies written by Aetna were on slave lives. In turn, profits made from loans and insurance policies were plowed into other northern businesses. Fathers who “made their fortunes outfitting ships for distant voyages” left their money to sons who “built factories, chartered banks, incorporated canal and railroad enterprises, invested in government securities, and speculated in new financial instruments” and donated to build libraries, lecture halls, universities and botanical gardens. Many of the millions of gallons of rum distilled annually in Massachusetts and Rhode Island were used to obtain slaves, who were then brought to the West Indies and traded for sugar and molasses, boiled to make more rum to be used to acquire more slaves. Haiti’s plantation’s purchased 63 percent of pickled fish from New England. In Massachusetts alone, David Brion Davis writes, the “West Indian trade employed some ten thousand seaman, to say nothing of the workers who built, outfitted, and supplied the ships.”

Starting in the early 1800s, Southerners in the United States began to defend slavery as their “peculiar institution” and northerners didn’t mind, since the phrase suggested that chattel bondage was quarantined from the rest of the nation, that it was, or soon would be, a relic of its past and would not define its future. But, for all the variation that distinguished the Catholic south from the Protestant north, for all the variance in regional intensity, the way the institution spread in different moments in different places, there was nothing peculiar or particular about it. Slavery was the western hemisphere’s universal institution. Centuries of buying and selling human beings, of moving them across oceans and continents, treating humans as property, paying taxes on them, putting them to labor, making profit off of their reproduction, and using them as collateral and capital, brought together the Western Hemisphere’s diverse parts, even those parts that didn’t seem to be directly implicated in the slave trade, into a greater whole. Slavery standardized maritime and commercial jurisprudence, including insurance. Slavery spurred individual regions to develop their comparative advantage—salting of fish in New England, curing of meat in Argentina, for examples (discussed in The Empire of Necessity). Defending slavery, opposing it, or attempting to reform and regulate it led to the transformation of Christianity, moral philosophy, and international law. Research into how to ameliorate the coerced transport of humans, or to make the transport more profitable, led to advances in medicine that today benefit us all. One of the things I tried to show in The Empire of Necessity was how, in Montevideo and Buenos Aires at least, the high mortality rate of the Middle Passage led to the secularization of medical knowledge: Every time a doctor threw back a hatch to reveal the horrors below, it became a little bit more difficult to blame mental illness on demons.


Despite all this scholarly work, each generation—from W.E.B. Du Bois to Robin Blackburn, from Eric Williams to Walter Johnson—seems condemned to have to prove the obvious anew: Slavery created the modern world, and the modern world’s divisions (both abstract and concrete) are the product of slavery. Slavery is both the thing that can’t be transcended but also what can never be remembered. That Catch-22—can’t forget, can’t remember—is the motor contradiction of public discourse, from exalted discussions of American Exceptionalism to the everyday idiocy found on cable, in its coverage, for example, of Baltimore and Ferguson.

In any case, for the award ceremony, the Bancroft folk asked for brief summations of our book. Here’s an excerpt from Sven’s:


Empire of Cotton explains the industrial take off of Europe and North America as a result of the emergence of peculiar kinds of uniquely powerful states, who built peculiar connections to capital owners who then, jointly, succeeded in integrating distant regions of the world into a European dominated world economy. They did so by engaging in violent trade with Asia, by transporting enslaved workers from Africa to the Americas, and by capturing huge expanses of land from native peoples in many regions of the world. In the story that follows from that account, the countryside matters as much as cities, slave labor as much as wage labor, violence as much as the rule of law, and coercion as much as contracts. The history of the United States is central to the ensuing story, because it was there that most of the cotton for world markets was grown, and, until 1865, almost exclusively grown by slaves. The United States matters to this story because it was one of the earliest examples of successful industrialization—in cotton textiles. And the United States matters because it helped pioneer new relations between industry and agriculture with the emergence of sharecropping regimes in the wake of the American Civil War. Just as much as the United States mattered to cotton, cotton mattered to the United States. Cotton reinvigorated slavery, established the young nation’s place in the global economy and eventually helped create the political and economic conflicts that resulted in civil war.

And here’s a bit from mine:


My first thought, when I learned that Sven’s Empire of Cotton and my book, The Empire of Necessity won the Bancroft Award, was to wonder whether cotton was a necessity or a freedom. And then I thought, of course, they are both, the wealth created from the trade and the labor needed to create the wealth. The two books complement each other well. Where The Empire of Cotton focuses on the material, institutional, and economic foundations and legacies of slavery, state formation, and market expansion, The Empire of Necessity (though describing in detail the labor and environmental processes associated with a range of free and unfree labor) is concerned more with the psychic and imaginative structure of slavery.… Capitalism is, among other things, a massive process of ego formation, the creation of modern selves, the illusion of individual autonomy, the cultivation of distinction and preference, the idea that individuals had their own moral conscience, based on individual reason and virtue. The wealth created by slavery generalized these ideals of self-creation, allowing more and more people, mostly men, to imagine themselves as autonomous and integral beings, with inherent rights and self-interests not subject to the jurisdiction of others. This process of individuation creates a schism between inner and outer, in which self-interest, self-cultivation, and personal moral authority drive a wedge between seeming and being. My point is that slavery was central to capitalist individuation, to the schism between inner and outer, which I believe accounts for the endurance of racism in American society, its quicksilver nature, as well as for its deniability. This is a dinner, not a conference. So I’ll end by cutting to the chase: I think the story at the center of The Empire of Necessity—revolving around the New Englander Amasa Delano’s complete and utter blindness to the social world around him—captures the power of a new kind of racism, based not on theological or philosophical doctrine but rather on the emotional need to measure one’s absolute freedom in inverse relation to another’s absolute slavishness. This was a racism that was born in chattel slavery but didn’t die with chattel slavery, instead evolving into today’s cult of individual supremacy, which, try as it might, can’t seem to shake off its white supremacist roots.


Greg Grandin, a Nation editorial board member, teaches history at Yale University. His most recent book, The End of the Myth: From the Frontier to the Border Wall, was just published in paperback.



[PDF]
Cotton, slavery, and the new history of capitalism - UCI Sites
https://sites.uci.edu › capitalismandslavery › files › 2019/10

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Nov 16, 2017 - (New York: Basic, 2014); Sven Beckert, Empire of Cotton: A Global History (New York: Knopf, 2014). 2. The new history of American capitalism ...

Cotton, Slavery, and the New History of Capitalism - Columbia ...
https://www.law.columbia.edu › files › law-economics-studies

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