Showing posts sorted by relevance for query NORMAN BETHUNE. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query NORMAN BETHUNE. Sort by date Show all posts

Saturday, January 05, 2008

Proletarian Doctors Redux


Bethune led the way. And Canada quietly has produced a model for creating doctors faster than the monopoly guild that is the College of Physicians and Surgeons would like to admit to.

As I have pointed out here before the way to create more doctors and reform the medicare system is to break the haughty power of the monopoly the doctors guild has on its profession. And it appears that such a possibility has been in place for forty years but nobody bothered to admit it existed.

Add to this a program of nurse practitioners, free tuition and a commitment to work in rural areas, as well as community based health clinics with doctors on salary we would well be on our way to ending the health care crisis. And it would cost far less than any other reform.


Canada could produce a lot more doctors at a lower cost, and medical students would save thousands in tuition if most of its medical schools moved to a three-year program, the Canadian Medical Association Journal suggests.

Such three-year programs have existed for decades at McMaster University in Hamilton, Ont., and at the University of Calgary.

Dr. Paul Hébert, editor-in-chief of the Canadian Medical Association Journal and a professor of medicine at the University of Ottawa, wants to know how they measure up against the four-year programs at the rest of the country's medical schools.

"We've had a 40-year experiment go on, and no one's looked at that data as far as I know in a very cogent and detailed manner," he told CBC Radio's Ottawa Morning Friday, the same week he published an editorial titled "Is it time for another medical curriculum revolution?" in the bi-weekly journal.


Dr. Norman Bethune, assisted by Henning Sorensen,
performing a transfusion during the Spanish Civil War









http://data2.archives.ca/ap/c/c067451.jpg

Norman Bethune (1890-1939) was a Canadian thoracic surgeon.
During the 1930s he became a convinced communist, and this led him to Spain, where he joined the anti-Fascist struggle. On the Spanish battle fields he became aware that 75% of serious battle casualties would survive if operated on immediately. In early 1938, he arrived in China, and proceeded to Yan'an, the revolutionary base area of the Chinese Communist Party. Mao Zedong commissioned him to organize a mobile operating unit in the interior of North China. Although he was forced to work under extreme circumstances, sometimes operating for forty hours straight without sleep, and within minutes of the front lines, he saved the lives of many Chinese party members and soldiers. He died of septicemia, contracted when he cut himself while operating under great pressure from advancing Japanese forces.


http://cn.netor.com/m/photos/pic/200304/mxt6092dgd20030434536.jpg


Norman Bethune (1890-1939)

  • born in Gravenhurst, Ontario
  • served as a stretcher bearer in a field ambulance unit of the Canadian army in France in 1915
  • a bout of tuberculosis inspired his interest in thoracic surgery
  • joined the surgical team at Montreal's Royal Victoria Hospital
  • produced over a dozen new surgical instruments
  • became disillusioned with medical practice because often patients who were saved by surgery became sick again when they returned to squalid living conditions
  • visited the Soviet Union, and secretly joined the communist party in 1935
  • opened a health clinic for the unemployed
  • promoted reform of the health care system
  • fought the fascists in Spain in 1936
  • in Madrid he organized the first mobile blood-transfusion unit
  • in 1938 he went to aid the Chinese against the Japanese invasion
  • in China he formed the first mobile medical unit, which could be carried on two mules
  • died of an infection due to the lack of penicillin, the infection ocurred during surgery due to a lack of surgical gloves
  • Bethune is regarded as a martyr in China and is referred to as "Pai-ch'iu-en" which means "white weeks grace"
  • next to his tomb in China there is a statue, a pavillion, a museum, and a hospital dedicated to him
  • the family home in Gravenhurst is now a museum
  • played by Donald Sutherland in the biographical film: "Bethune: Making of a Hero"
  • biography: The Scalpel, The Sword by Ted Allen and Sydney Gordon
  • for more information see Canada firsts (1992) by Ralph Nader, Nadia Milleron, and Duff Conacher

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History of the Norman Bethune Tapestry

by William C. Gibson, MD, DPhil


One day when I had just arrived back in Vancouver from World Health Organization meetings in Geneva I dropped in to see H.R. MacMillan at his home. As usual he began: "What is the best thing you saw while away?" I told him of a very fine tapestry which was in a travelling exhibition, showing Norman Bethune in the Chinese countryside. "Find it," he said.

After months of correspondence with Chinese and Geneva sources, I had to report failure. So H.R. said: "Get one made in China and send me the bill." So I sent off to Shanghai a colour photo to be reproduced, giving the approximate size which we could accommodate.

Six months later the Bethune tapestry arrived, almost buried in mothballs! We placed it in the Sherrington Room, where many came to study it.*

The setting depicts a former Buddhist temple, which Bethune had converted to his operating room for the Eighth Route Army in Hopei Province in the north.

Bethune had sailed on a CPR Empress liner from Vancouver soon after Japan attacked China, because he was at that time in Salmon Arm, B.C. on a fundraising mission for his blood transfusion service in the Spanish Civil War. On hearing of the invasion of China, he gave up his efforts for Spain, where he had done yeoman service for the legal government of Spain despite the Department of External Affairs in Ottawa, which threw no end of roadblocks in his way.

With a Canadian nurse he set off for China, accompanied, alas, by an American Red Cross surgeon who turned out to be a chronic alcoholic (as I believe he had been in Newfoundland). In 18 months Bethune became a legend. After his death at age 49 of an infected finger, cut while operating, Mao wrote a eulogy which was memorized by every schoolchild in China. When I first visited China in 1973, with the Bethune Foundation, every stop we made was highlighted by children reciting it.

* One visitor was Dr. Wong, who was Bethune's anesthetist, shown in the tapestry. Bethune is doing a rib resection to get at a lung damaged by a bullet. You can see him bending over the wedged-open chest of the soldier.



SEE:

Proletarian Doctors

Socialized Medicine Began In Alberta

Ex Pat Attacks Medicare

Privatizing Health Care

Laundry Workers Fight Privatization



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Thursday, January 16, 2020

Statement: Montreal academics against police brutality and right-wing Hindu nationalism in India

Protests are being held across India against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), with the opposition accusing the government of furthering a hidden agenda to target Muslims. Photo by PTI.
The BJP government of Narendra Modi has been pushing an agenda to turn India into a Hindu State. The last straw has been the passing of a new Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA). The CAA defines citizenship on the basis of religion, something that has never been proposed in India before. It sets up a dangerous precedent which along with the proposed nation-wide implementation of the National Register of Citizens, will discriminate blatantly against the Muslim minority of 200 million (15% of the population). While it was quickly condemned by the UN Human Rights Commission as “bigoted discrimination”, we feel that nations around the world, including the Trudeau government here in Canada, need to add their voice and condemn this law in the strongest possible terms.
Massive protests have broken out across the country in defense of India’s secular, pluralist and democratic Constitution. The protests started on university campuses and quickly spread from the Northeast of India to the rest of the country, including large cities like Kolkata, Delhi, Mumbai, Bengaluru, Hyderabad, and Chennai. The Modi government reacted with disproportionate and brutal police violence against students and citizens, including noted public intellectuals. Many have been killed, maimed, or sexually abused.
The government also invoked an old British-era colonial law (section 144) to ban dissent and protest. It shut down the internet in many parts of the country, including the capital, New Delhi. And it warned all media not to report on the protests, threatening journalists who do so.
As people who believe in the principles of equality, secularism, and freedom, as members of the Indian diaspora, and the academic community in Montreal, we have drafted a statement of solidarity with students and citizens protesting in India. We have collected 335 signatures from students and professors at universities across Montreal. In addition, we have organized two demonstrations in solidarity with our friends, families and comrades in India, to show that they are not alone and the world sees them, and joins them in their fight to uphold democracy and equality in India. The first demonstration was largely student-led and was held at McGill on Friday, December 20. The second demonstration, held on Sunday, December 22 at Norman Bethune square, brought together many members of the Montreal community.
Since the signing of the statement below, the Indian government has escalated violence against peaceful protestors. To date, over 23 people have been killed while protesting, including an 8-year old boy. Hundreds have been injured and thousands have been arrested, wrongfully detained and even tortured. Despite the efforts of the government to quash dissent, hundreds of thousands of people have been out on the streets every day, protesting against this discriminatory law since it was passed on December 12, 2019. In addition, students across the globe have added their voices to the ongoing resistance against Hindu supremacism in India, and have gathered together in solidarity with protestors in India.
On January 5, a peaceful student protest at the Jawaharlal Nehru University was attacked by masked goons who charged students wielding sticks. More than 80 students and teachers have been admitted to hospital with injuries, many of whom are in critical condition. Aishe Ghosh—the student union President at the university in Delhi—needed about 16 stitches for a deep gash in her head. Video footage reveals that police present at the university stood by, enabling the assault to continue unimpeded for hours. Reports show that this assault was pre-planned and coordinated by the ABVP, the student wing of the Hindu right. This state-sanctioned violence against students and citizens is a reprehensible attack on human rights and freedoms, and we wholeheartedly condemn it.
Since the state crackdown on protestors in India has been so brutal, we are now seeking immediate and sustained international pressure on the Indian government. We call for government officials, business leaders, and all citizens and residents of Canada to unequivocally condemn the Indian government for its violent treatment of citizens, its disregard for human rights, and its discrimination against Muslims and other minority groups in India.
Demonstration in Montreal at Norman Bethune square against India’s new Citizenship Amendment Act, Sunday, December 22. Photo supplied by the authors.

We, the members of the Montreal academic community, stand in solidarity with students exercising their fundamental right to dissent and protest across India.
We condemn the brutality unleashed by the police against students of Jamia Millia Islamia, Aligarh Muslim University and many other academic institutions in the Northeastern states, and across the country. On the 15th of December, at JMI, police fired tear gas shells, entered hostels and attacked students studying in the library and praying in the mosque. Over 200 students have been severely injured, many who are in critical condition. There have also been reports of sexual harassment of female students by the police. A similar situation of violence has been unfolding at other universities, in some cases without any recourse to the press or public due to internet shutdowns and imposition of section 144.
For the Indian Government to mobilise police and paramilitary forces against its own non-violent and peacefully protesting students is emblematic of a troubling trend that attacks the very foundations of a democratic society. Under no circumstances should it be acceptable for the police to barge into University campuses, libraries, hostels or prayer spaces, to physically and verbally abuse and intimidate students and arbitrarily detain them. It is particularly concerning that this state-led repression is targeting students at majority-Muslim institutions, indicating the impunity with which the state can enact violence against minority populations in India. An atmosphere of fear, insecurity and anxiety is being deliberately created to brow-beat students into silence against what is a clear violation of the Indian Constitution and its secular ethic. To mischaracterize student protests as “riots,” and the police’s use of excessive force as justified “peacekeeping,” is an unlawful denial of students’ rights as citizens. We demand an immediate end to all forms of violence against the protesting students and call for accountability of those responsible.
Over the past several days, we have witnessed many peaceful protests and demonstrations against the National Register of Citizens (NRC) and the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), 2019. The Act provisions for preferential treatment of religious minorities from Pakistan, Bangladesh and Afghanistan seeking to acquire Indian citizenship, while explicitly excluding Muslim refugees from its purview. This blatant discrimination against Muslims violates the principles of equality, liberty, and secularism that form the basis of the Constitution of India. We lend our unconditional support to all those across India fighting this unconstitutional law and join their call for its immediate withdrawal
SEE https://plawiuk.blogspot.com/search?q=HINDUISM IS FASCISM, CASTISM AND RACISM


Monday, January 18, 2021

UAlberta Faculty of Law Margaret Crang (Class of 1932), the first woman law graduate to serve on City Council in Edmonton

 OFFICIAL CITY OF EDMONTON BIO

https://www.edmonton.ca/city_government/documents/PDF/Crang_Margaret_-_Updated_Bio.pdf

ANOTHER IMPORTANT RADICAL CITY COUNCILLOR AND MY FAVORITE, MARGRET CRANG SHE WAS THE SECOND WOMAN ON CITY COUNCIL AND THE YOUNGEST 

I DISCOVERED HER WHEN I WAS DOING MY BIOGRAPHIES OF LABOUR  REPRESENTATIVES ON CITY COUNCIL. LABOUR OMNI VINCINT

UAlberta Faculty of Law's List of Firsts: Margaret Crang (Class of 1932), the first woman law graduate to serve on City Council in Edmonton

Article by Paula Simons (Edmonton Journal)

Katherine Thompson - 16 July 2013

Margaret Crang, as a young woman, in front of her family home in Garneau. The picture is from the collection of her nephew Robert Allin of Banff.

Margaret Crang, city's youngest elected official finally gets her name on a little piece of Edmonton (by Paula Simons, Edmonton Journal)

EDMONTON - "As a young girl in my teens, I found myself rather addicted to spasms of conviction. Like all adolescent youth, I was given to the projection of desperate ideals of personal and social perfection. The fact is that I really believed that I had a mission to save the world, and what is worse, I knew exactly how the thing was to be done. I was out to mould the world in conformity with the heart's desire."

Margaret Crang,  "Where My Convictions Have Led Me"

Lawyer, journalist, teacher, politician, social activist. The youngest person ever to serve on Edmonton city council. A beautiful woman who turned down three marriage proposals, and who was rumoured, by some of her younger relatives, to have been Dr. Norman Bethune's lover. An eccentric aunt who grew marijuana on her windowsill, hoarded books and magazines, and spent her days in a ratty housecoat.

Margaret Crang, who died in 1992 at the age of 82, dedicated her life to causes she believed in, from women's rights to labour rights to anti-fascism. Whether in the courtrooms of Edmonton or the battlefields of Civil War Spain, she never hesitated to fight for her principles - even when her idealism was her political undoing.

She was one of the most intriguing, exasperating, and ultimately tragic public figures Edmonton has ever produced. Yet Edmonton has no memorial of her extraordinary life and adventures.

That could soon change. Last month, the city's naming committee approved a plan to name a road for Crang in the new southwest subdivision of Cavanagh. They also propose to name a park in the new district, south of Ellerslie Road and west of Calgary Trail, in her honour.

Finally getting her due

City’s youngest elected official will finally have her name on a little piece of Edmonton

Simons: An extraordinary Edmontonian will finally be honoured by the city.

“As a young girl in my teens, I found myself rather addicted to spasms of conviction. Like all adolescent youth, I was given to the projection of desperate ideals of personal and social perfection. The fact is that I really believed that I had a mission to save the world, and what is worse, I knew exactly how the thing was to be done. I was out to mould the world in conformity with the heart’s desire.” — Margaret Crang, “Where My Convictions Have Led Me”

Lawyer, journalist, teacher, politician, social activist. The youngest person ever to serve on Edmonton city council. A beautiful woman who turned down three marriage proposals, and who was rumoured, by some of her younger relatives, to have been Dr. Norman Bethune’s lover. An eccentric aunt who grew marijuana on her windowsill, hoarded books and magazines, and spent her days in a ratty housecoat.

Margaret Crang, who died in 1992 at the age of 82, dedicated her life to causes she believed in, from women’s rights to labour rights to anti-fascism. Whether in the courtrooms of Edmonton or the battlefields of Civil War Spain, she never hesitated to fight for her principles — even when her idealism was her political undoing.

She was one of the most intriguing, exasperating, and ultimately tragic public figures Edmonton has ever produced. Yet Edmonton has no memorial of her extraordinary life and adventures.

That could soon change. Last month, the city’s naming committee approved a plan to name a road for Crang in the new southwest subdivision of Cavanagh. They also propose to name a park in the new district, south of Ellerslie Road and west of Calgary Trail, in her honour.

“Her story just seemed really fascinating,” says Jeff Nachtigall, who chairs the committee. “She was a very unique individual who had a major influence here.”

Crang first entered public life in 1933, when she ran for Edmonton city council.

It was a typically bold decision.

Although several prominent women had run for and won seats in the Alberta legislature, only one had ever been on Edmonton city council before; Izena Ross, elected in 1921, served a one-year term.

Crang was just 23, an accomplished track star, swimmer and competitive diver. She’d already earned a bachelor of arts and a teaching degree, and she was a fresh graduate of the University of Alberta law school, so fresh she’d not yet been called to the bar.

She’d grown up Garneau, in a political family, one of the six children of Dr. Frank Crang and his wife Margaret Bowen.

Dr. Crang, a former bricklayer who went back to school to train as a physician, encouraged his daughter’s interest in social justice.

please turn here and h “While accompanying my father on his rounds, I saw the distress among the poor people,” she later told the Toronto Star.

The politics of equal opportunity for all, she said, “were our family topics of conversation, morning, noon and night.”

Father and daughter ran in the 1933 election on the same Labor slate, she for city council, and he for school board.

Crang’s election handouts featured a photograph of a young lady in her graduation gown. Despite her three university degrees, she scarcely looks old enough to be out of high school.

“With thousands of women and children vitally interested in the action of the city council, it is essential to have a woman on the Council,” read the flyer. “Miss Crang is peculiarly well fitted to fill this position.”

On Nov. 8, 1933, in the depths of the Depression, Crang was elected, still the youngest person ever to have served on Edmonton city council.

The Edmonton Journal was well-pleased with her victory.

“Extremely quiet in personality, Miss Crang articulates her ideas with amazing clarity and swiftness and a remarkable singleness of purpose concerning her ideas which augers well for balanced action,” said the paper.

Dan Knott, elected mayor that same night, was asked by the Journal whether he would “treat his girl alderman nicely.”

That he promised to do — although he bemoaned the fact that councillors would have to stop smoking during their meetings.

No one was more shocked by her unexpected victory than Crang herself.

“I can scarcely believe it,” she told the paper. “It makes me feel very serious. I will try to do my utmost to stand up for the principles for which I think I was elected.”

That she did. Over the next decades, Crang dedicated herself to fighting for her principles — even when her idealism was to her political disadvantage.

She ran successfully for reelection in 1935, and served on council until 1937.

She ran three times — always unsuccessfully — for the Alberta legislature. She advocated fiercely for the rights of Chinese and Sikh immigrants, fought to raise the “relief” rates, fought to maintain Edmonton’s streetcar system, and championed the rights of women, including advocating more liberal divorce laws. She took legal cases pro bono for clients would couldn’t pay.

She wrote passionate newspaper articles and delivered thundering radio addresses and public lectures on the dangers of fascism and the rise of Adolf Hitler.

And she criss-crossed the province, making speeches to high school classes, union meetings, service clubs and political rallies.

“I campaigned all over Alberta in the provincial elections in August for the Labor Party,” she wrote to a cousin in Saskatchewan in late 1935. “No sooner was I through with this work than the Federal Election was upon us. I spoke and worked hard for the CCF candidates in and around Edmonton. This was no sooner through than I began a strenuous Civic campaign for re-election to the aldermanic board. Many times I was about to write to you at my office, when the phone would ring or a visitor arrive to talk CCF or a legal client would be waiting for me.”

In September 1936, while still an alderman, she travelled to Spain to witness first-hand the impact of the Civil War between the loyalist Republicans and Francisco Franco’s fascist rebels. Four months after the war began, and a year before the famous Mackenzie-Papineau Battalion was formed, “Margarita” Crang travelled to Barcelona, Madrid and Toledo, dodging sniper bullets and enrolling as a member of the Battalion of Young Guards, writing a series of articles for the Edmonton Journal when she returned about the atrocities she had witnessed.

She outraged many across Canada when she boasted of firing a gun “in the general direction” of the rebel forces. The Vancouver Sun called her “beastly” and “unwomanly.” The Montreal Gazette dubbed her a Communist. The Toronto Star pointed out that Crang had originally gone to Europe as a peace activist, a delegate to a conference in Brussels on war prevention.

“What justification could there be for a peace delegate’s participation in a civil war?” the Star asked.

Though Crang always insisted she hadn’t shot at any actual people, the resulting controversy may have contributed to her loss at the polls when she ran again for council the following year. Then again, it was a bad election for Labor candidates: no incumbents won their seats, and even Crang’s father, a 25-year trustee, lost his own re-election campaign.

While family legend suggests that Crang and Norman Bethune began their rumoured relationship in Spain, that can’t be true. Bethune, the radical leftist doctor, didn’t arrive in Spain as a volunteer with the International Brigade until November 1936, by which time Crang was already back in Canada, writing and speaking about the Loyalist cause. But the two did finally meet when Bethune came on a western Canadian fundraising trip in July 1937, six months before he left to join the Communist cause in China. They travelled together to Medicine Hat and Swift Current, on a joint speaking tour. Bethune was divorced and it was certainly a dramatic breach of 1930s etiquette for a single lady and gentleman to travel together. But whether the two shared anything more than a podium is unclear.

Despite the communist label, Crang’s actual political allegiances weren’t always easy to pin down. While she was prescient when she used her speeches and articles to warn Canadians about the rise of Hitler and Mussolini, and the links between Spanish fascism and that in Germany and Italy, some of her other political ideas were much murkier. She decried anti-Semitism — yet didn’t hesitate to blame Canada’s economic woes on a cabal of evil bankers. She flirted with communism, was an active member of the CCF, then later became enamoured of William “Bible Bill” Aberhart and his Social Credit monetary policies.

When she ran for a seat in the legislature, that lack of rigid ideology came back to haunt her. She attempted to run as a compromise candidate, appealing to both CCF and Social Credit voters. Instead, she ended up splitting the left-wing vote, and disillusioning labour supporters

She advocated fiercely for the rights of Chinese and Sikh immigrants, fought to raise the “relief ” rates, fought to maintain Edmonton’s streetcar system, and championed the rights of women, including advocating more liberal divorce laws.

who were baffled by her new Socred leanings.

Frustrated politically, she left Edmonton and worked as a reporter for the Montreal Gazette. Privately, she was fighting a very different battle. In her 1930s, she was diagnosed with a severe case of Cushing’s syndrome, which affected her pituitary and adrenal glands. The condition sapped her energy, and led to depression. According to Crang’s nephew, Edgar Allin, a retired doctor, it also caused severe osteoarthritis, hunching her spine. From a height of five-foot-seven, she shrunk to less than five feet.

“She went from being quite an attractive woman to a much modified, less attractive individual,” he says.

The condition became so severe, Crang’s family feared for her life. They finally took her to Peter Bent Brigham Hospital in Boston, where George Thorn, the world’s leading authority on diseases of the adrenal gland, was physician-in-chief. There, Crang bravely became a pioneer of a different sort. Allin says his aunt became the first person to survive a bilateral adrenalectomy — the removal of both glands. The surgery saved her life, but she never truly regained her health or energy — or as she later complained, her libido.

For a time, she lived with her older sister, Florence, and her family back in Garneau.

“She was hard to live with and rather messy,” her niece Shirley Moen recalls. “She lived in her housecoat. We’d be having guests over and she’d come downstairs to join us in her ratty old dressing gown, even though my mother had given her nice dressing gowns.”

But Edgar Allin, Moen’s brother, has fonder memories of their aunt and the stories she told about her love affairs and her Spanish adventures.

“Margaret had a rather bad temper and I don’t think she was very fond of children. But I had some very interesting conversations with her when I was a teenager. She was very uninhibited in what she would talk about.”

Crang spent her later years in Vancouver, where she remained passionately interested in politics, especially the politics of China. And she never quite lost her ability to shock. In about 1973, Moen remembers taking her own children to Vancouver to visit their greataunt. Crang offered Moen’s 14-year-old son a beer. When the startled teen declined, the mischievous Crang offered him some pot, from the marijuana plants she was growing on her kitchen windowsill.

But despite such flashes of puckish humour, the beautiful athletic woman, the unstoppable firebrand, was gone forever.

“Once, she told me, she went for a walk in Vancouver. She looked over on her right and saw this odd, gnome-like little person walking beside her. Then she realized it was her reflection,” says Allin.

Yet the real reflection of Crang’s life is the society she helped to shape. Today, there are four strong women on Edmonton city council. The premier and the leader of opposition are women. Female law students outnumber their male classmates. And many of the radical policies Crang championed — welfare, universal health care, equal rights for Asian immigrants — have become core Canadian values. Some of her political enthusiasms, to be sure, have not withstood the test of history. Yet without Crang, and her generation of social revolutionaries, we would not have the country we have today.

Still, her family is surprised and pleased to learn the city is proposing to name a park for their remarkable aunt and cousin.

“I think she would have been delighted. And so am I,” says nephew Edgar Allin.

It will be some time before Margaret Crang Park comes to be. Its location still needs to be approved by city council, the subdivision still has to be built. In the meantime, Nachtigall, chair of the city’s naming committee, is delighted to see Crang’s story being told.

“We in Edmonton need to know our characters. It’s good when people dig into things and find out these stories. It’s good to dig into our past. These stories are little treasures, that help us to understand more about our history.”

Certainly, with a new civic election season upon us, it’s a perfect time to remember the importance of city councillors with convictions, who fight with passion to make this a better city. psimons@edmontonjournal. com Twitter.com/Paulatics Paula Simons is on Facebook. To join the conversation, go to www. facebook.com/ EJPaulaSimons or visit her blog at edmontonjournal. com/Paulatics edmontonjournal. com To see more archival photos and to read the original text of Margaret Crang’s fiery 1934 radio address, courtesy the Provincial Archives of Alberta, go to edmontonjournal.com/insight


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March 08, 2016

Saturday, October 03, 2020

The International Brigades by Giles Tremlett review – fighting fascism in Spain

This overarching history of the Brigades who fought in the Spanish civil war is a remarkable collection of testimonies and captivatingly readable

British volunteers in the International Brigade, 1937. Photograph: Universal History Archive/Universal Images Group/Getty Images

Dan Hancox
Sat 3 Oct 2020 

“We shall not forget you,” promised the famous Spanish communist known as La Pasionaria, addressing the surviving International Brigades as they departed Barcelona in October 1938, with Franco’s victory in the Spanish civil war nearly complete: “And when the olive tree of peace is in flower … return!” In mid-September 2020, the Spanish cabinet made a remarkable gesture in the same spirit: approving a draft of a new “democratic memory” law, which would offer citizenship to the descendants of those same volunteers. “It is about time we said to these heroes and heroines of democracy: thank you for coming,” Deputy PM Pablo Iglesias wrote.

A government spokesperson later rowed back on this highly unusual idea, but its spirit speaks to a unique moment in 20th-century history, where the engine of political change was in overdrive across Europe, to the point that volunteers travelled in their thousands to fight fascism and defend democracy in a foreign land, in the face of their own government’s indifference. There exist few parallels either before or since, although the journey of some volunteers to help the Kurds fighting Islamic State is one notable exception. For the late academic and writer David Graeber, whose father volunteered to fight fascism in Spain, the resonance was especially painful; he argued in the Guardian that the west’s abandonment of the struggle in Rojava, Syria, was tantamount to letting history repeat itself.

The Spanish civil war has long been valorised by the European left, documented, debated and commemorated in incredible detail – in many thousands of books, but also in film, in song, in musical theatre, in poster exhibitions, badges and T-shirts. And while there are many tales of selfless sacrifice, solidarity and idealism, there is also much in the story that is inglorious – the boredom, unpreparedness and terrible equipment, the panic, internal arguments and betrayals, lice, accidental deaths and injuries and Franco’s eventual triumph.
Sculpture of ‘La Pasionaria’ in Glasgow, Photograph: Peter Marshall/Alamy

Imposing order on a history that is both chaotic and contentious can be tricky, but like the volunteer army itself, Giles Tremlett’s epic new book is greater than the sum of its many parts. It comprises 52 time-specific chapters, discrete moments, battles, battalions and tales, building into a narrative of astonishing scope. Tremlett is known for his reporting and several books, among them the excellent Ghosts of Spain, which looks at the shadows cast by the “memory wars” in a country otherwise riding high, pre-financial crash. This latest study is a remarkable act of scholarship, as well as being captivatingly readable. The first overarching history of the brigades in English, it is alive with the testimonies of those who fought, and so much richer for stretching far beyond the obvious and famous Anglophone accounts of men of letters.

It is true the brigades drew an astonishing array of international literary figures – Orwell, Hemingway, Spender, Auden – and also great photographers, artists, and politicians in the making. But above all, it attracted working-class men and women from across Europe and beyond: many of them already refugees, those fleeing or fearing persecution, unemployment and degradation. There were French, Poles, Germans and Italians in their thousands, but also brigaders from Ethiopia, Argentina, Indonesia, Japan and Pakistan. A good half of those who volunteered were communists, and they did so alongside socialists, anarchists, liberals, democrats, people of all faiths and none, even a few conservatives and politically agnostic adventurers, from 65 countries, with only one thing uniting them: anti-fascism. Remarkable individual lives fly past in a single tantalising line: the three Jewish tailors from Stepney who had “arrived by bicycle”, for example.

In one of many unforgettable vignettes, a trainload of new volunteers from “all the nations in Europe, and some from outside Europe as well” crossing the border into Spain with no common language, join together to sing the “Internationale”, but each doing so in their own tongue. “I find it extremely difficult to explain how exhilarating this was,” recalls a British volunteer. “I don’t think I’ve ever felt the same feeling at any other time in my life.”
   
Photograph: Photo 12/Universal Images Group/Getty Images

For too long the volunteers were fighting an amateur war in defence of the republic; they were a ragtag collection of militias in mismatched uniforms, who looked, in the words of artist Felicia Browne, “like pirates”. In October 1936, when the first official brigade departed from a base in Albacete for the front, the British writer John Sommerfield recalled that their uniforms and equipment had arrived that very afternoon. “Everyone got something and no one got everything. We marched off looking like a lot of scarecrows, and in filthy tempers.”

Bad weapons, lack of training, the urgency of the conflict and, in the minds of some brigaders, “absurd democratisation” weakened discipline in the ranks. Tremlett records the distrust and tensions, especially in the anarchist and Poum ranks, over the Soviet Union’s semi-professionalisation of the initial anti-fascist militias: “Discipline was something that the fascist army in front of them used to oppress its working-class soldiers,” Tremlett writes. These were internal suspicions that would last almost throughout the three-year conflict.

As recounted in one horrifying chapter, the Sans Nom, or “nameless” battalion of Poles, Serbs and other miscellaneous non-French volunteers, went to the southern front in Andalusia after just five days of training, having fired only six practice shots each, with only four of their 36 machine guns working. They were sent into battle on Christmas Eve without maps, mostly on foot, right into a Francoist assault. Abandoned by their commander to the fascists’ Moroccan cavalry, they fled chaotically – rather than beating an organised retreat – across the substantial Guadalquivir river, where some drowned, and others were picked off with ease on the other side. On Christmas Day, unarmed groups and individuals wandered the olive groves, lost, clothes in tatters, eating bitter olives and grass for sustenance; only half of the 700 Sans Nom volunteers made it back alive.

Betrayal is a thread that runs throughout the Spanish tragedy. The brigades were often let down by their Soviet and Spanish commanders, but also by their own governments, who left both their lives and that of Spanish democracy to the fate of the aerial assault of Hitler and Mussolini. On returning to their own countries – those who did make it home; one-fifth of British volunteers died in Spain – many were treated as dangerous dissidents, spied on and prevented from fighting fascism in the second world war. But they were not abandoned by the establishment in its entirety: it is notable that both Clement Attlee and the anti-appeasement Edward Heath were among the crowd at Victoria Station to welcome home the returning British volunteers.
A memorial to anti-fascist dead in Valladolid. Photograph: Juan Medina/Reuters

The International Brigades arrives at a critical point in more ways than one. It would be useful for some contemporary pundits and politicians to be reminded that “horseshoe theory”, which places anti-fascist activity in the same category as the fascists they oppose, is dangerous nonsense. But it is also a critical point for the legacy of the brigaders: the last British veteran, Geoffrey Servante, died last year at the age of 99; there are at most a couple of other survivors left in the world.

Fortunately, Tremlett is a worthy custodian of their stories. He has created a dazzling mosaic of vignettes and sources, of lives lived and lost, of acts of heroism, solidarity, betrayal and futility, that builds to a grand picture of a conflict that drew idealists from across the world. The war left many of them in despair, injured or dead – but also hardened many more in their determination to defeat fascism. This book is as close to a definitive history as we are likely to get.

• The International Brigades: Fascism, Freedom and the Spanish Civil War is published by Bloomsbury (£16.99). To order a copy go to guardianbookshop.com. Delivery charges may apply.

1400 CANADIANS FOUGHT WITH THE INTERNATIONAL BRIGADES 


The Spanish civil war: a primer



Jules Paivio, right, is the last surviving veteran of the Mackenzie-Papineau Batallion. This photo shows him with two other briadistas, Briton Frank Graham and American Harold Smith, during the Spanish Civil War.






KATE TAYLOR

Spanish Civil War: Deep divisions in Spanish society between the army, church and monarchists, and the democratically elected reformist Republican government supported by democrats, anarchists, socialists and communists led to a military coup in 1936. Russia and Mexico supported the Republicans; Italy, Germany and Portugal supported the Nationalists. The bloody conflict that ensued ended with the Nationalists' victory in 1939 and the collapse of the government: General Francisco Franco took power in a military dictatorship that lasted until his death in 1975, after which King Juan Carlos established a constitutional monarchy.

International Brigades: In the absence of armed support for Spain from the Western powers, the Communist International headquartered in Paris organized a volunteer army, with Soviet approval. About 60,000 men and women from more than 50 countries, including France, Italy, Germany, Britain, Canada and the United States, volunteered for combat and non-combat roles. They were soldiers, nurses, doctors (includijng Norman Bethune) and journalists (such as George Orwell). At any given point in the war, it was estimated that 20,000 volunteers were fighting. The brigades were discharged by the Spanish government in 1938, shortly before it fell. In recent years, Spain has awarded honorary citizenship to the remaining brigadistas.

The Mackenzie-Papineau Batallion: In 1937, Canadian volunteers, who first fought in the two American battalions, formed their own unit and fought in Spain until 1938. They took their name from William Lyon Mackenzie and Louis-Joseph Papineau, two heroes of the 1837 Rebellion. Library and Archives Canada records the names of 1,546 Canadians who fought in Spain, and estimates that about 400 of them were killed, although some researchers put the death toll higher. Because of the brigades' association with communism, the veterans had difficulty getting recognition at home, even as thousands more Canadians were soon fighting fascism in Europe during the Second World War. A monument to their memory was finally erected in Ottawa in 2001.

RADIO
The Mac-Paps get the last word


Spain; 1937-1938--Spanish Civil War-- Soldier of the Mackenzie-Papineau Batallion in a trench.

(CP PHOTO) 1999 (NATIONAL ARCHIVES OF CANADA)

KATE TAYLOR
PUBLISHED NOVEMBER 9, 2012

At the click of a mouse, a frail and cracked old voice fills the office of a CBC radio producer. "I have been a very lucky guy … I was lined up to be shot," says 95-year-old veteran Jules Paivio as he recalls his last-minute escape from a fascist firing squad during the Spanish Civil War.

CBC producer Steve Wadhams is also lucky: To create The Spanish Crucible, a two-hour radio documentary filled with the voices of veterans of the Mackenzie-Papineau Battalion, he didn't have to rely solely on his recent interview with Paivio, the last living Canadian volunteer to have fought in Spain in 1936 to 1938. Instead, he could draw on 150 hours of interviews with dozens of hearty middle-aged men that were recorded in the 1960s, but never aired.

"Forty-plus years of doing radio, and I have never stumbled into a treasure trove like this," Wadhams said.

The producer of Living Out Loud, a weekly program on CBC Radio One devoted to oral stories submitted by the public, Wadhams read about Paivio in a newspaper when the veteran was honoured with Spanish citizenship earlier this year. He asked CBC archivist Ken Puley to hunt for any interviews that might be on file. Puley found there was a 90-minute one with Paivio as well as "a few more." Puley handed over a stack of written summaries and "my jaw hit my chest," Wadhams said.

Puley had discovered the tapes from an oral history project conducted by CBC producer Mac Reynolds in 1964-65. Reynolds interviewed about 60 of the Mac-Paps, as the soldiers were known, a group of about 1,600 Canadian volunteers who, out of political conviction hardened by the Great Depression, went to the rescue of Spain's Republican government when it was under attack from the Spanish army lead by General Francisco Franco. Reynolds had recorded the stories of the often poor or unemployed Canadians who went to Europe to form an ill-equipped, amateur army fighting a bloody and ultimately unsuccessful battle against professionals backed by fascist governments in Italy and Germany.

"They were mainly working-class guys, a lot of them recent immigrants to Canada, 10-year immigrants. Loggers, miners, restaurant workers, out of work, in the relief camps. Some intellectuals, a university student, an accountant, a nurse, the only woman I've got," Wadhams said, referring to the interview with Rosaleen Ross, who worked on the mobile blood-transfusion team established by Canadian doctor Norman Bethune during his time in Spain. The volunteers were leaving the Depression behind, Wadhams said: "They were riding the rails, having a hard time in Canada, and they were politicized. Some were from Europe and saw what was happening."

The democratically elected reformist Republican government in Spain faced a military revolt, igniting the civil war, and anti-fascist volunteers were recruited abroad and sent to Spain. After the Canadian government passed a law in 1937 banning citizens from fighting in foreign wars, only the Communist Party was willing to flout the law and continue recruiting. Many of the volunteers were themselves Communists or at least sympathizers: The recruiters tried to weed out men who were seeking adventure or looking to escape a family.

Their politics and their decision to support a foreign government before Canada had entered the Second World War to join the battle against fascism in Europe were often held against them when they returned home. Discharged honourably by the Spanish government in 1938, shortly before its collapse in 1939, the Mac-Paps were regarded with suspicion by the RCMP, sometimes had trouble volunteering for the Canadian armed forces and were not recognized with their own monument in Ottawa until 2001.

Those politics may also explain why the CBC didn't use the tapes earlier: Wadhams speculates that during the Cold War years, the public broadcaster wasn't comfortable with, or at least not interested in, a project that might lionize the Mac-Paps. Reynolds is dead, but his daughter has told Wadhams that he was a Communist sympathizer, and may have regretted not going to Spain himself.

Wadhams says many documentaries about the International Brigades are clearly on the side of the boys, but he is trying to tell the story of these ill-paid and idealistic mercenaries more neutrally.

The details themselves are harrowing. The interviews include Paivio's description of climbing the snow-covered Pyrenees in dress shoes as the volunteers snuck into Spain from France. Others in a group that sailed to Barcelona narrowly escaped drowning when their ship was torpoed by an Italian submarine. They had arms supplied by the Russians – they often complained about their quality – and had to dig trenches in hard Spanish soil with helmets and spoons because they had no shovels. Their ranks were decimated in battles with the Nationalist army; more than a quarter of the battalion did not make it home.

If caught, they were treated to summary justice. But at the moment when Paivio and his comrades were about to be shot, an officer pulled them out of the firing line, perhaps recognizing that foreign nationals might prove useful hostages. When the war ended with the fascist victory, the foreigners were expelled while Spanish Republicans were relentlessly pursued by the regime that lasted until Franco died and democracy was restored in the 1970s.

"I'm lost in wonder," Wadham says of their experiences. "I can't imagine doing this, but they did … I feel an honour putting this on the radio, a responsibility. It's now or never."

In February 1965, almost 30 years after he set out for Spain, Paivio told a CBC interviewer: "The main thing was a terrible fear of fascism taking over. I didn't expect to come back … but it seemed a worthwhile thing."