Sunday, March 17, 2024

Rise and fall: The National Front, football hooliganism, and skinhead culture in Britain in the 1970s

Far-right groups like the National Front rose in the 1960s-70s with anti-immigrant, nationalist ideologies – can we see parallels today?


byJohn Heywood
17-03-2024


image by Tav Dulay. CC BY-SA 3.0


Former Conservative – now Reform – MP, Lee Anderson and others have recently stated that they want to “reclaim our country”, asserting that “our country has been given away”. What do they mean by that, and do they truly want to go back to the days of the 1970s and early 1980s? If so, God help us.

During the late 1960s and 1970s, the National Front (NF) emerged as a prominent fascist movement in Britain, with roots tracing back to the British Union of Fascists (BUF) formed in 1932 under Oswald Mosley’s leadership. Mosley, a former Tory MP turned Labour minister, advocated protectionism and state intervention to tackle unemployment, ideas that were not well-received amidst prevailing economic orthodoxies.

Roots of British fascism

The BUF, openly embracing paramilitary tactics and fascist ideology, gained some initial mainstream support but faced significant backlash, particularly after violent clashes at events like the infamous Olympia rally in 1934. Despite claiming a substantial membership, the BUF struggled to gain significant traction beyond specific demographics, including some disaffected professionals and members of the armed forces.

Mosley’s movement was unabashedly antisemitic, with explicit ties to Nazi Germany, evidenced by his marriage at Goebbels’ home and alliances with Hitler. The party’s shift to include “National Socialists” in its name in 1936 underscored its alignment with fascist ideology.

Waning support for British fascism


The Battle of Cable Street in 1936 marked a significant anti-fascist victory, although the BUF still maintained some support, particularly in East London. Despite limited electoral success, the BUF’s influence waned by 1937 as economic conditions stabilised and support from segments of the ruling class diminished.

Following World War II, attempts to revive far-right movements faced substantial challenges due to the stigma associated with Nazi collaboration. Oswald Mosley’s post-war endeavours, including the Union Movement, aimed to bring together disparate far-right factions but largely floundered.

Post-war resurgence of far-right groups

The League of Empire Loyalists, founded in 1954, espoused a mix of white supremacy, antisemitism, and anti-Communism, finding some appeal among disillusioned Conservatives. However, it eventually shifted towards anti-immigrant sentiment, aligning with the Conservative Party’s evolving policies.

The Conservative Party Monday Club, initially focusing on apartheid and immigration, transitioned to a more mainstream conservative stance, advocating for free-market principles and limited government intervention. By the 1970s, it boasted significant Tory support but maintained a controversial reputation due to its positions on race and immigration. In 2001, the Conservative Party formally severed relations with the club, which by then has ceased to exercise significant influence,

Birth of the National Front

Rising immigration in the late 1950s and early 1960s fuelled racial tensions, exploited by figures like Enoch Powell, who’s inflammatory “Rivers of Blood” speech in 1968 exacerbated divisions within the Conservative Party and galvanised far-right sentiments.

The formation of the National Front in 1967 marked a concerted effort to consolidate various far-right factions under a unified platform, emphasizing anti-immigrant rhetoric and populist appeals. However, internal divisions and opposition from anti-fascist groups hampered its electoral success.

The NF’s attempts to capitalise on industrial disputes and racial tensions in the 1970s, including backing strikes and populist economic policies, failed to garner significant support, but did engender increasing opposition from anti-fascist organisations. the NF was not only a political force, but also a breeding ground for violence and extremism. NF members were often involved in violent clashes with anti-fascist protesters, leading to numerous confrontations on the streets of Britain’s cities.

The really nasty party

The NF was known for its aggressive tactics and street brawls with opponents. These clashes frequently turned violent, resulting in injuries and arrests. One of the most notorious incidents occurred during the Battle of Lewisham in 1977 when the NF attempted to march through a predominantly black neighbourhood in South London. The ensuing clashes between NF supporters and anti-fascist activists, along with local residents, resulted in widespread violence and injuries.

Football hooliganism also played a significant role in the NF’s activities, as many of its members were involved in organised gangs known for their violence at football matches. These gangs, often composed of young working-class men, saw football matches as an opportunity to engage in physical confrontations with rival supporters and to verbally and physically abuse black players, leading to frequent disturbances in stadiums and surrounding areas.




Skinhead culture

Skinhead culture, which emerged in Britain during the late 1960s and early 1970s, became closely associated with the NF and far-right extremism. While not all skinheads were fascists, the movement attracted a significant number of individuals sympathetic to the NF’s racist and nationalist ideologies. Skinhead gangs often clashed with anti-fascist groups and immigrant communities, contributing to a climate of fear and intimidation.

Despite efforts by law enforcement and anti-fascist organisations to combat NF violence, the group continued to pose a significant threat to public safety throughout the 1970s. By the late 1970s and early 1980s though, the NF splintered, with offshoots like the British National Party (BNP) briefly gaining traction but ultimately failing to sustain electoral momentum. While remnants of the far right persist, particularly in the form of splinter groups, their influence remains limited compared to earlier decades. Despite challenges, the legacy of these movements underscores the ongoing struggle against fascism and the importance of vigilant opposition to extremist ideologies.

THE ANTIDOTE 

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