It’s possible that I shall make an ass of myself. But in that case one can always get out of it with a little dialectic. I have, of course, so worded my proposition as to be right either way (K.Marx, Letter to F.Engels on the Indian Mutiny)
Saturday, September 21, 2024
U.S. city of Flint still reeling from water crisis, 10 years on
Agence France-Presse September 21, 2024 The Flint Water Plant tower is shown in 2016 in Flint, Michigan. - Bill Pugliano/Getty Images North America/TNS
Turning her faucet on one day in 2014, Chanel McGee watched in disgust as a brownish trickle poured out.
Today, a strong musty smell lingers. Residents of the American city of Flint are still suffering the consequences of a historic water crisis, which is fuelling a lively rejection of politics -- and, by extension, the White House race.
For ten years, this mother of two from the Canadian border state of Michigan -- a key swing state in the November polls -- has consumed only bottled water.
"I started getting a little sick ... I drink bottled water now, I don't drink out of the faucet because I don't like the smell," the 47-year-old says in her kitchen, pierced by the scent of mildew.
A trap blackened with insects hangs over her sink. Even to wash, she says she buys water, which she pours into pots and heats on the stove.
"I want everything to change, I want the creek to be clean, I want everything to be clean, I just want it to be decent for us and the kids, so we could go ahead and live and not worry about this water and all that stuff going on ... I'm tired of it," McGee, who is unemployed, says.
"I'm not going to keep crying about it," she adds.
- 'They can drink it' -
The crisis she is living through began in 2014, when Michigan decided to change the water supply to the predominantly Black city of Flint as a cost-saving measure.
Instead of drawing from the region's lakes, one of the world's largest freshwater reserves, officials decided to draw from a polluted, acidic river, exposing its 100,000-strong population to severely lead-contaminated water for more than a year.
The health scandal had international repercussions, and -- among other issues -- caused learning disabilities in many children.
It saw a spike in cases of Legionnaires' disease, leading to the death of a dozen people and widespread mistrust of public officials.
Those same authorities have said that the vast majority of lead pipes have since been replaced and that the water is now safe to drink.
"They can drink it but I know I'm not going to," McGee tells AFP.
That distrust of authorities extends right to the top: she says she has no confidence in the two presidential candidates, both of whom are eyeing Michigan -- a coveted prize in the November election.
Her thoughts on Republican Donald Trump, who visited the state on Tuesday: "What is he going to do for us? Is he going to change something around here? Change the water? Change the city?"
And Democrat Kamala Harris? "I don't even know who that is," McGee replies with a shrug.
- 'Contaminated city' -
"No one seems to be concerned about a struggling city and the problems that they've had," agrees Dennis Robinson, leaning against the table of a yellow-brick diner.
The 69-year-old man, a lifelong resident of Flint, hasn't imbibed the city's water in years either. "You can only lie to me so long," he tells AFP.
An ex-employee of General Motors, the automaker founded in the city and for many years its main employer, Robinson says he has noticed learning problems in many of the children in his area, which he believes are linked to their exposure to lead.
The observation has been corroborated by several scientific studies.
"It creates a generation of people, a group of young folks that will be facing struggles, probably their entire life," says Robinson with a sigh.
A host of public and private initiatives have been launched to support these children and pull Flint, hit hard by the 2008 financial crisis, out of the doldrums.
More than a third of the population lives below the poverty line.
The city center, with its pretty art deco buildings, has benefited from major renovations.
But whole swathes of the city, with its condemned doorways and gutted front porches, bear witness to how far there is to go.
It also has to shake off its image as a "contaminated city."
Bri Gallinet, a waitress in an upmarket restaurant, describes the fear and panic when the crisis first hit -- but now, she says, visitors to the city make jokes about the water.
"Every time we cater a table, we'll put waters in front of them and they'll laugh and say, 'Is it safe?'" says the 35-year-old.
"My first response is, well I'm not trying to harm you," she says.
"It's kind of not funny. It hurts our feelings."
Study finds levels of a dangerous gas 'off the scales' in Central Texas oilfield
The first readings Abigail Edgar took of hydrogen sulfide and methane at oilfields in Caldwell County in 2021 were so high that she thought her equipment was malfunctioning.
“It was off the scales. Methane was off the scales and hydrogen sulfide was off the scales,” said Edgar, a master’s student in geography at Texas State University. “The monitor would immediately start beeping when I crossed the property line.”
Edgar was recording dangerous levels of hydrogen sulfide at wells on private property in Caldwell County, 30 miles southeast of Austin. Hydrogen sulfide is a toxic and highly flammable gas often found in oil and gas formations. During the course of her research, the gas was so potent at three separate wells that Edgar’s respirator did not provide enough protection and she had to leave for her safety.
Edgar teamed up with University of Cincinnati environmental scientist Amy Townsend-Small, an expert on methane, to take another round of measurements in 2023. They found the wells were directly releasing gas — including hydrogen sulfide and methane — into the atmosphere in a process called venting. Some of the wells venting gas were alongside public roads. Others were next to backyards and driveways.
In a paper published in Environmental Research Communications last week, Edgar, Townsend-Small and other authors at Texas State University and the University of Maryland report hydrogen sulfide readings at 46 wells around Caldwell County. Hydrogen sulfide concentrations at 13 of the wells were at least 300 parts per million (ppm) — the maximum reading on the measuring device. Eight other sites had readings over 100 ppm. Exposure to 100 ppm of hydrogen sulfide is immediately dangerous to life or health, according to the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health. The study warns these hydrogen sulfide levels are a hazard for people living and working in the area.
“Here in Texas we rely heavily on the oil industry and protect the oil industry. And I think rightfully so,” Edgar said. “But there has to be something done for these neighbors. We’re slowly poisoning these communities.”
Abigail Edgar, left, and Amy Townsend-Small observe a bubbling gas leak at a well that state records list as inactive in May 2023.
Credit: Courtesy of Abigail Edgar
Oilfield companies are required to adopt protocols to protect workers from hydrogen sulfide. But the general public is often exposed to low-level concentrations. The gas can disperse for miles downwind, especially during cold weather. Symptoms of low to mid-level hydrogen sulfide exposure include headaches, nausea, coughing and nose and eye irritation. The gas is also present at landfills, wastewater treatment facilities and large animal feedlots.
State rules prohibit the waste of natural gas through venting and flaring except under certain circumstances. But researchers found that venting was commonplace in Caldwell County after the gas processing plant there closed down in 2017. Inside Climate News found that the Railroad Commission of Texas, which regulates oil and gas extraction, has not issued any recent exceptions for venting or flaring gas in the county.
The agency did not respond to questions about gas venting or hydrogen sulfide exposure in the area. Spokesperson Patty Ramon said, “Our rules, permitting and inspection systems are designed to protect public safety and the environment.”
The Texas Commission on Environmental Quality (TCEQ) regulates ambient concentrations of hydrogen sulfide. Agency spokesperson Richard Richter said that the measurements in the study cannot be used to evaluate the exposure to the general public. He said that in an unspecified number of TCEQ investigations in Caldwell County since 2017 the H2S concentrations in ambient air did not exceed state standards. Production flatlined in the Luling oilfield
The railroad town of Luling in Caldwell County, about 50 miles south of Austin, boomed after Edgar B. Davis struck oil in 1922. Wells in the Luling oilfield cut diagonally across the county, dotting unincorporated areas like Stairtown and within the Luling city limits.
The oil patch was largely tapped out by the 1980s, but low-production wells keep pumping to this day. In June 2024, the most recent month with available data, operators in Caldwell County reported producing less than 71,000 barrels of oil. That places Caldwell at 63 out of 199 oil-producing counties in Texas that month.
Amid production declines, the Luling Oil Museum still invites visitors to learn about the town’s drilling heritage. The other main attraction in Luling, population 5,500, is the annual Watermelon Thump festival.
The Luling oilfield is one of many across Texas characterized by gas high in hydrogen sulfide.
An aging oil well in Caldwell County. Seen on the ground at the left side of the well head is an open vent releasing hydrogen sulfide. Researchers measured over 300 ppm of the dangerous gas at the well head.
Credit: Courtesy of Abigail Edgar
The pungent “rotten egg” smell emanating from the Luling oil fields is so ubiquitous that local media outlets have dubbed it the “Luling effect.” People as far as Austin have called 911 to report the smell, which comes from hydrogen sulfide and other chemicals.
The Railroad Commission implements State Rule 36, requiring operators to report the hydrogen sulfide concentration at wells, determine the radius of exposure and report any accidental releases of hydrogen sulfide. Operators are required to install signs and restrict public access to sites with a risk of exposure.
Groundlevel hydrogen sulfide concentrations over 0.08 ppm, averaged over a 30-minute period, are prohibited by state law if the emissions affect residential or commercial property. In an investigation earlier this year, the Houston Chronicle and The Examination found that residents in the Permian Basin often report symptoms of hydrogen sulfide exposure, but state regulators rarely issue meaningful penalties to the companies responsible for the pollution.
When the TCEQ records elevated H2S levels in ambient air, the agency’s goal is to identify the source and ensure the emissions are stopped, its spokesperson said. He reiterated that because the study’s measurements were taken at the wellhead, the readings were not in violation of TCEQ standards. Low producing oil wells, but high hydrogen sulfide emissions
Texas State University’s Edgar contacted landowners in Caldwell County to find sites to measure hydrogen sulfide and methane emissions.
Edgar said that the landowners were unaware that gas was being directly vented on their property. She said one resident had been asked by his doctor if he could be suffering hydrogen sulfide poisoning.
“They were happy to have somebody take notice of it,” she said.
The researchers selected 46 wells to study. The oldest had been drilled in the 1930s, but most were drilled in the 1960s through 1980s. All the wells are considered marginal, with less than 15 barrels of oil production a day. (In contrast, fracked wells in Texas can produce thousands of barrels a day.) The team took direct measurements from the wellhead using a Bascom-Turner Gas Rover and an Indaco Hi-Flow Sampler. Hydrogen sulfide was measured over a five-minute period.
The methane emissions measured at the wells were similar to previous studies of marginal oil wells. Hydrogen sulfide concentrations ranged from zero parts per million to at least 300 parts per million, the maximum reading on the Gas Rover.
Hydrogen sulfide can be immediately lethal at concentrations over 700 ppm. Exposure to more than 500 ppm will cause people to collapse within five minutes. An oilfield worker and his wife were killed by hydrogen sulfide exposure in Odessa in 2019.
Hydrogen sulfide dissipates and would be found in lower concentrations in public areas near the wells. While not as well understood as acute, high-level exposure, research shows that chronic, low-level hydrogen sulfide exposure also has health effects. One 2023 literature review of over 100 previous studies found that chronic community hydrogen sulfide exposure at average concentrations below 0.01 ppm has been associated with health effects including eye, nose, respiratory and neurological symptoms. The authors write that individuals with underlying health conditions such as asthma could be particularly at risk.
The University of Cincinnati’s Townsend-Small said the Caldwell County wells are deserving of study because of the anecdotal evidence of strong hydrogen sulfide smells and their proximity to large urban areas.
“These wells are so close to so many people,” she said. “And they are emitting a hazardous substance that could be affecting so many people.”
Townsend-Small said plugging the Caldwell County wells or capturing the gas is “low-hanging fruit” to reduce methane emissions and health effects of hydrogen sulfide without significant impacts to oil production.
Edgar said it is unclear whether the Railroad Commission or the TCEQ is responsible for regulating venting at oil wells when it contributes to air pollution. She said one simple step would be for Railroad Commission staff to record hydrogen sulfide levels when they make field visits in Caldwell County.
“I was not able to come up with any good answers to whose fault is this, who should fix it, and how it should be fixed,” she said.
She said her greatest concern is for oilfield workers and neighbors who live next door to wells. “Part of being in the oilfields”
Luling city manager Mark Mayo said people coming through town often comment on the smell.
But Mayo, who grew up in the Permian Basin, is no stranger to the odor of sour gas. He said he didn’t think Luling residents are at risk from hydrogen sulfide.
“Just because it has a smell doesn’t mean it’s always bad,” he said. “That’s part of being in the oilfield.”
A sign warns of dangerous hydrogen sulfide gas at a drilling site in the Permian Basin in August 2023. Exposure to high concentrations of the gas can be lethal.
Credit: Martha Pskowski/Inside Climate News
But he took note of discrepancies documented in the study. Researchers found that some wells listed as “active” with the Railroad Commission were no longer producing. Others listed as “inactive” or “plugged” were still producing. Mayo said the city relies on the agency to ensure oil companies are following state rules, including those for hydrogen sulfide.
“That’s the Railroad Commission’s place,” he said. “As far as the city, we don’t have the ability or the equipment to stay up on that.”
Air quality experts have long known that Caldwell County is a locus of hydrogen sulfide emissions. But there are no stationary hydrogen sulfide monitors to track community levels of exposure.
Neil Carman, the Lone Star Sierra Club’s clean air director, previously worked as an air pollution control inspector for the TCEQ. Carman said to prove that emissions exceed the TCEQ standards would require 30-minute readings, subtracting any contributions of hydrogen sulfide from upwind, instead of the five-minute measurements of the study. But he did not doubt that excess hydrogen sulfide is being released.
“Luling, Texas, there is a huge mess out there,” he said. “I’ve been through many times. I’d say almost every time I’d get a headache.”
Carman said that memory loss and insomnia are other frequent symptoms of exposure.
“It's really unacceptable and outrageous to the people in these communities,” Carman said.
Sharon Wilson of the nonprofit Oilfield Witness has researched compliance with the Railroad Commission’s hydrogen sulfide rules. In a previous report, she found that many companies fail to submit the H9 form reporting the hydrogen sulfide level at wells.
“Texas has a gas problem. We have a hydrogen sulfide problem and it's putting people at risk,” Wilson said. “We see the high levels of hydrogen sulfide from the few air monitors there are in the Permian Basin.”
Wilson travels the Texas oil fields measuring methane emissions with a thermal camera. She said often the hydrogen sulfide fumes are so overwhelming she can’t leave her vehicle.
“Texans are not receiving equal protection from oil and gas pollution,” she said. “We need more monitors in all areas of oil and gas activity.”
The Texas Tribune is a member-supported, nonpartisan newsroom informing and engaging Texans on state politics and policy. Learn more at texastribune.org
DESANTISLAND
Ron DeSantis just handed a Florida state forest to a golf course builder
There’s a tradition among Florida developers of naming their projects after any natural attributes obliterated by the development. That’s why you see subdivisions with such monikers as “Cypress Woods,” “Panther Trace,” and “The Canopy.” My personal favorite, found in Naples, is “Wilderness Country Club.”
That’s why I’ve been trying to figure out what the Canadian developers from Cabot should call the Hernando County golf course development they plan to build on what’s currently a thriving part of the Withlacoochee State Forest.
The Burrows, for all the imperiled gopher tortoises to be destroyed? Maybe The Rookery, in honor of the sandhill cranes? Or how about The Habitat, for the black bears?
No, wait, I’ve got it. They should call it “Good Sense.”
That’s what was tossed out by Gov. Ron “None of My Administration’s Foul-ups is Ever My Fault” DeSantis and the Cabinet when they approved deeding this well-wooded acreage over to the Canadians in exchange for some less worthy land in Levy County.
“This deal was added to the Cabinet’s agenda the day before the meeting through an unusual, last-minute process typically reserved for natural disasters and other extenuating circumstances,” the Tampa Bay Times reported last week. “Emails show DeSantis’ deputy chief of staff, Cody Farrill, drafted agenda language with environmental agency officials a day before the rest of the Cabinet was officially notified of the new item.”
But surely, our top elected state officials were cautious about making such a drastic decision, right? Nooooope.
“The Cabinet’s June 12 discussion, which lasted less than 30 seconds, did not mention golf courses nor the state forest where more could be built. There was no debate, no public comment. No mention of endangered wildlife,” says the Times.
Oh, wait, I’ve got it. How about we call the new development “Transparency”? Because that definitely went out the window with this land swap.
Fortunately, when the huge scandal erupted over DeSantis’ attempt to build golf courses, hotels, and sports facilities in nine state parks, it flushed out news of this sneaky swap, too. Otherwise, it would have remained hidden from the public until it was too late to stop it.
Now, while the skids are well greased, there’s still one more stop where it could be derailed.
“If they get away with this, they can get away with anything,” former Florida Park Service director Eric Draper told me. “Any piece of land becomes available for a trade to a developer.”
“We were getting better conservation land … and we gave them less desirable land,” DeSantis said, talking as if it were a done deal.
Those comments are about as believable as saying DeSantis only gave up his pursuit of the presidency because he likes being governor so much.
Let’s examine the facts, shall we?
The Withlacoochee State Forest property has a history that’s … oh, let’s call it “interesting.”
The 164,073-acre forest was originally acquired by the federal government from private landowners between 1936 and 1939, then transferred to the state in 1958. But this particular 324-acre parcel that Cabot wants wasn’t part of it yet.
So, if the state okays this boneheaded swap with Cabot, it would be getting land in distant Levy County to make up for destroying some Hernando County land that had been preserved to make up for earlier destruction there — destruction that was nowhere near Levy County.
But wait, it gets worse: DOT paid $6 million for what became state forest property. The Department of Environmental Piffle — er, excuse me, “Protection” — seems to be claiming the value somehow dropped to $85,000, but there’s been no land appraisal to explain why.
Perhaps it’s the only way the DEP could justify swapping it for the less valuable parcel in Levy County.
“I’m guessing that they are trying to game the public interest requirement,” Draper told me.
Retired Southwest Florida Water Management District executive director Emilio “Sonny” Vergara, who lives in Brooksville, pointed out to me that instead of dropping lower, the value of that forest property has likely escalated quite a bit. That’s because of all the nearby development — including, of course, Cabot’s.
“I’d like to hear [the DEP’s] explanation for this,” Vergara told me. “That it was done this way doesn’t speak well for the governor’s office.”
I’d like to hear that too, but DEP officials didn’t want to answer my questions about it for some reason. Neither did DeSantis’ deputy chief of staff, Cody Farrill.
So far the best comment about the land swap by any state official involved in this mess came from an email exchange uncovered by the Times. The assistant bureau chief of the forest management bureau summed it up perfectly: “It still sucks.” Island versus Main Street
Kelly, who lives 20 minutes away from the state forest parcel, holds a master’s degree in plant ecology. He spent 16 years working for the Southwest Florida Water Management District in the Save Our Rivers and Florida Forever land protection program.
In other words, he knows his onions, as well as all the other plants. And if Cabot had asked him to hand over this forest parcel, I think he would have not just said no but he would’ve quoted Tom Petty and told the company, “Don’t come around here no more.”
“It is easy to understand why Cabot … covets the parcel for development, but difficult to understand why [Florida] would even consider relinquishing ownership,” he wrote in a letter to the Florida Forest Service director last week.
Kelly told me he and everyone else interested in land preservation were clueless about this secret land swap until the Times broke the story last month. He went to see the state forest property himself, hiking a portion of it from south to north. He counted more than a dozen gopher tortoise burrows.
The property is full of 25-year-old pines and sandhill habitat of the kind fast disappearing from Florida. One of the best things about the property is that it’s close to other preserved lands, such as the Chassahowitzka Wildlife Management Area.
Plus, it’s a crucial part of the Florida Wildlife Corridor. Turn it into a golf course development and wild animals will find it much more difficult to get through.
The Levy County property, on the other hand, is a pine plantation with spotty growth that’s nowhere near any other conservation land, he said. In fact, it’s 17 miles west of the nearest land managed by the Florida Forest Service: Goethe State Forest.
That’s like the difference between owning a business on Main Street versus owning one on an island. You can probably guess which one’s likely to see more visitors, not to mention which would be easier to manage.
“No land manager in the Florida Forest Service would want to be responsible for a place that’s so isolated,” he told me.
How they did it up North
Cabot is considered hot stuff in the golf world, with picturesque courses in the Caribbean, the Scottish Highlands, and British Columbia. This property in Brooksville is their first in the U.S.
You can tell Cabot is from somewhere outside Florida because the company labeled its property “Citrus Farms” instead of “Citrus Grove.”
But that property was not a citrus grove when they bought it. It was a failed Japanese golf course development called World Woods. The company knew when they bought it that there was a state forest next door. In fact, Cabot uses that as a selling point:
“Tucked between state forests and nature reserves in the central-west region of Florida, aptly known as the Nature Coast, Cabot Citrus Farms is perfectly situated to enjoy laid-back southern living, while in convenient proximity to major urban centers,” Cabot says on social media about its property in Brooksville, where the real estate starts at $1.8 million.
I was curious about why Cabot had proposed this unusual land swap, but the Cabot folks did not return my calls. Perhaps they were worried about being tarred and feathered by people who remain upset over the state park debacle.
I was particularly keen on talking to Cone. Her bio shows she used to work for the DEP and served a couple of years as deputy chief of staff for former Gov. Rick “I Love Toll Roads” Scott before he appointed her interim secretary of the Florida DOT. She was with DOT when it first bought the Withlacoochee property to make up for the toll road.
Alas, neither lobbyist was brave enough to defend their client. Fortunately, Cabot’s founder and CEO, Ben Cowan-Dewar, did an interview with a golf publication in which he discussed it.
“What we proposed is something we have done in Cape Breton (in Nova Scotia), a property swap to be able to build more golf which will create more economic development, more jobs, and a more attractive destination,” Cowan-Dewar told Golf Week. “And in return, we give something to the state that I think they feel is of real value to them. That process is one we had done in Nova Scotia with great success.”
This is the point at which Florida residents will rise to their feet, shake a fist toward the Canadian border, and shout, “WE DON’T CARE HOW YOU DID IT UP NORTH!”
Apparently, Cowan-Dewar doesn’t realize that preserved environmental treasures like a state forest are of “real value” to folks in rapidly developing Florida. We’re losing land like this so quickly, we want to hang onto what we’ve got, not hand it over to a developer.
In fact, Kelly told me, Cabot’s Hernando holdings include a parcel the state has had on its acquisition list since 1995: Annutteliga Hammock. State documents call it “some of the last large tracts of longleaf pine sandhills in Florida, unique forests of northern hardwood trees, and many archaeological sites.”
If I ran Florida, I’d strongly suggest Cabot withdraw its request for the state forest land. Then I’d enter into negotiations with them for the Annutteliga Hammock property.
In real life, there’s one more step where this backroom business maneuver could be halted.
Something to investigate
When the Cabinet approved this stooped swap, they did it backwards.
The Cabinet — operating under the title “Trustees of the Internal Improvement Trust Fund” — said the swap would still have to go before the state’s Acquisition and Restoration Council.
“A board with the word ‘trust’ in its name delegates its decisions to an agency that is directed by the governor’s staff to get it done,” Draper said.
The 10-member council usually sees these proposals before the Cabinet, not after. It “has responsibility for the evaluation, selection, and ranking of state land acquisition projects … and land uses for all state-owned conservation lands,” says the DEP website.
“The delegation of authority allows DEP to consider the approval of the proposed exchange if several prerequisites are met, none of which have been met by the applicant at this time,” DEP communications director Alexandra Kuchta said in the terse statement she emailed me.
To declare the Withlacoochee State Forest land eligible for handing over Cabot, state law says the council has to determine “whether the lands are no longer needed for conservation purposes.” A number of Florida’s environmental groups have now written to one or more members of the ARC to point out that the state forest land is most definitely still needed.
Meanwhile, DeSantis has attempted to move on. He was busy this week trying to snag a little publicity by declaring that he doesn’t trust the feds to investigate the guy with a rifle near a certain West Palm Beach golf course. Instead, he vowed, the state would investigate.
Governor D, if you want to investigate something shady, send investigators into your OWN office to find out how Cabot nearly stole 300-plus acres of state property.
If this dirty deal still goes through, I have the perfect name for the development to show what lost: the Public Interest. Florida Phoenix is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Florida Phoenix maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Michael Moline for questions: info@floridaphoenix.com. Follow Florida Phoenix on Facebook and X.
Nick MacWilliam reports on the progress of Gustavo Petro’s administration and previews Justice for Colombia’s fringe meeting at Labour’s upcoming Party Conference.
As eyes look ahead to Colombia’s presidential election in 2026, the current administration of Gustavo Petro – the first progressive government in Colombian history – is striving to turn its vision of a fair and conflict-free society into a reality.
Petro’s 2022 election was rooted in mass rejection of a ruling system that for decades enforced economic hardship on the majority. This was consolidated through state-led violent repression of social movements that challenged the status quo: trade unionists, indigenous communities, peasant farmers and students were routinely targeted by the security forces and their paramilitary proxies.
In April 2021, just over a year before Petro’s election, public indignation erupted in Colombia’s largest social uprising since the 1948 bogotazo (the violent protests that followed the assassination in the capital, Bogotá, of Liberal leader and presidential candidate Jorge Gaitán).
Huge protests across towns and cities were met with extreme state violence, as unarmed protesters were killed, sexually assaulted, beaten and blinded amid virtual impunity for the police officers responsible. The neoliberal system’s legitimacy was in shreds, paving the way for Petro – who had come close to the presidency four years earlier – to win the election on a pledge for transformative change rooted in peace, social investment, environmental protection and human rights.
Since taking office, the Petro government has made notable efforts to advance its progressive agenda. One major area is the peacebuilding strategy known as Paz Total, or Total Peace, that promotes dialogue with armed groups in pursuit of negotiated settlements for their disbandment. The previous government’s disregard for the 2016 peace agreement with the FARC, then Latin America’s largest guerrilla movement, resulted in a proliferation of armed groups. As a consequence, conflict violence continues to affect several regions, as rival groups compete for territorial control, with local populations in the firing line.
Reaching settlements with these groups – which range from guerrillas to paramilitary successors to urban gangs – is a complex task, yet crucial to a stable and lasting peace. However, ongoing confrontation by some groups, which in places has seen ceasefires end, has raised questions over whether Total Peace will achieve its primary objective. International support can help keep the talks on track.
Tackling Colombia’s gaping inequality is another of the government’s core goals. The longstanding impact of oligarchic violence and neoliberal governance has created one of the world’s most unequal societies, with the outgoing Duque government’s woeful management of the pandemic exacerbating social conditions that, at the time of Petro’s election, saw over 40 per cent of the population subsisting below the poverty line.
The new government has proposed a series of expansive social reforms – in healthcare, labour rights, education and pensions – that provide access to essential services for millions of low-earning Colombians. Only the pensions reform has so far been approved, with the others encountering strong opposition in the national Congress, where Petro’s Historic Pact coalition lacks a majority and must find compromises with opposition blocs if it is to enact the economic redistribution so clearly required in Colombian society.
The prospects for Total Peace and the social reforms are just two of the important themes to be discussed in Justice for Colombia’s fringe meeting at Labour Party Conference. The keynote speaker is Historic Pact Congress member Alirio Uribe, who will provide an update on the current situation, while also examining the 2026 election in which Petro cannot be re-elected owing to Colombia’s single-term limit.
While there is awareness that the legacy of violence and inequality that has been the norm for generations of Colombians cannot be overcome in just four years, advances in Total Peace and the social reforms increase the likelihood of a continuation of progressive governance in 2026. Otherwise, Colombia’s traditional elite, still determined to stamp out any challenge to its economic interests, will be optimistic of retaking control of the country. That would be a major step backwards for all those in Colombia who dream of living amid peace and social justice.
If you are attending Labour Party Conference, you can join JfC’s fringe meeting:
‘How a Labour Government Can Support Peace in Colombia’ Tuesday 24th September, 5-6.30pm: Room 14, ACC Liverpool
Please note, you must have a conference pass to attend this fringe.
Alirio Uribe will also be speaking at the following Labour Friends of Progressive Latin America event (open to all):
‘¡Viva la Solidaridad! Stand with Latin America’s Left’
Monday 23rd September, 6.30-8pm: The Racquet Club Hotel and Ziba Restaurant, Liverpool L3 9AG
Nick MacWilliam is Trade Union & Programmes Officer at Justice for Colombia.
Image: Colombia – Women Peace and Security: Reintegration of former female combatants is a key piece of implementing peace. https://www.flickr.com/photos/unwomen/52607403838 Creator: UN Women/Pedro P’o | Credit: UN Women/Pedro P’o Copyright: UN Women/Pedro P’o. Licence: Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 2.0 Generic. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0.
UK
Revealed: PM’s allies help snuff out thorny women’s conference motions on winter fuel, two-child cap and gender
Tom Belger
20th September, 2024
:
Labour women members’ attempts to shape policy on thorny issues including the winter fuel allowance, sex and gender policy and the two-child benefit cap have been frustrated, after supporters of the party leadership lobbied delegates to women’s conference to pick less sensitive topics for debate, LabourList can reveal.
In the lead-up to the party’s annual women’s conference this Saturday in Liverpool, Constituency Labour Parties and affiliated unions and societies had submitted dozens of motions on issues particularly affecting women, which they hoped to see debated, and then sent on for a floor vote at the main conference.
Starmer allies mobilise ahead of conference
The process for women’s conference sees motions whittled down in advance however, first ruled in or out on procedural grounds, and then grouped into subjects. Delegates attending are then also balloted in advance on which subjects should be picked for debate, with three CLP choices and three union choices.
The campaign group Labour to Win, which played a key role in Keir Starmer’s campaign to become party leader, wrote to some delegates hours before the recent vote, urging them to pick three of the 18 subjects motions were filed on this year: women’s health, women in the economy, and education and girls.
An email seen by LabourList told delegates that picking these themes would ensure a “wide range of topics are discussed, while remaining committed to the Labour Party’s priorities, supporting Keir Starmer, Angela Raynor and the Cabinet to build the best possible Britain for women and girls”.
Further party correspondence seen by LabourList suggests delegates then did vote to approve these three subjects in the ballot, alongside three union-backed themes: violence against women and girls in the workplace, women in the workplace, and women as working parents and carers.
The decision means motions which fell into a string of other categories will not be voted on: antisocial behaviour, border security command, child poverty, domestic and sexual abuse, female genital mutilation, Great British Energy, social care, tackling hate, the Equality Act, trans rights, women and pensions, and women in Palestine.
Some of the motions would likely have sparked controversy, and the avoidance of votes is likely to come as a relief to senior figures as Labour prepares for one of its most high-profile, heavily scrutinised conferences in years with the party now in government. Some emergency motions on thornier topics could still emerge, however.
Winter fuel protest motion rejected
One motion by members in Shrewsbury, calling on the party to either retain winter fuel payments as a universal benefit or significant increase the threshold for pension credit, will therefore not make the cut, as it fell into the rejected ‘Great British Energy’ category.
The motion had warned: “Means testing the winter fuel payment is a regressive move which will hit the most vulnerable hardest, and women in particular”, causing “severe hardship” to those who rely on their state pension.
Two-child cap not on the agenda
Four CLPs had filed motions on the two-child benefit cap, with Labour’s refusal to ditch it to date sparking ongoing controversy within the party.
But all fell into the rejected ‘child poverty’ category, which included motions backed by campaign groups Campaign for Labour Party Democracy and Labour Women’s Declaration, but which not enough delegates voted for it to make it to the conference floor.
Poole CLP had said in their motion: “Key to addressing the scandal of child poverty will be the removal of the iniquitous two child benefits cap and we call on the Labour government to make this change as a matter of urgency.”
Mid Bedfordshire, Halifax and Erith and Thamesmead CLPs had filed similar motions warning: “Labour cannot achieve its objective of reducing child poverty without scrapping the two-child limit…It’s immoral to treat some children as less deserving than others because of the circumstances of their birth.
“Women’s Conference calls upon the Labour government to abolish the two-child limit as soon as possible as an urgent priority.”
No motions on trans rights
Meanwhile one Equality Act motion that will not make the cut was a Glasgow Cathart submission which called for the party to “commit to a tightening of the definition of ‘women’ in the Equality Act to mean biological women only”, and to oppose any reform of gender recognition across the UK or Scotland.
Another unsuccessful motion from North Shropshire CLP had Labour to “acknowledge the principle of women’s sex-based rights and clarify ‘sex’ in law means ‘biological sex’.”
A further motion by Manchester Central CLP had urged the party to stick to a manifesto pledge on reforming gender recognition law, deliver a trans-inclusive ban on conversion therapy and make hate crime motivated by sexual orientation and transgender identity aggravated offences.
Palestine motion also doesn’t get through
The ‘women in Palestine’ category also failed to make the floor, though only one approved morion was filed under the header, and the motion did not appear to go far beyond current party policy.
Tamworth CLP had called for an immediate ceasefire, unimpeded aid into Gaza, the recognitino of Palestine as part of a renewed peace process, and Labour playing a “full diplomatic role” securing a deal and peace process.
Labour was not immediately available for comment.
Anger as women’s conference assigned only 20 minutes to debate each motion
Tom Belger & Daniel Green
20th September, 2024
Labour women members have voiced their anger at only having around 20 minutes to debate each policy motion at the women’s conference tomorrow, after the party further scaled back the annual event.
Only six motions will be debated at the women’s conference, taking place the day before events for the national conference kick off in Liverpool, with the amount of time for debate on policy motions cut from three hours last year to just two.
Rachel Garnham, co-chair of the Campaign for Labour Party Democracy (CLPD) and a former Labour national executive committee member, told LabourList: “CLPD has been disappointed to see the further diminishing of women’s voices in the Labour Party with a smaller, deprioritised, top-down women’s conference this year.
“20 minutes for discussion on crucial topics is an insult.
“Grassroots women members and trade unions bring a valuable perspective that Labour in government need to listen to in order to deliver the change women need.
“CLPD continues to call for a two-day, policy-making spring women’s conference where women’s voices can genuinely be heard.”
A video filmed by one delegate comparing the level of information about its women’s and its main conference has been circulating among frustrated women members.
Sammy Wentworth, a delegate from Bexleyheath and Crayford CLP, said it “sickens me” after filming herself flicking through the long main programme, comparing it to the single A4 sheet she has about the women’s event.
A recent CLPD email to its members urged delegates to vote for three candidates at the conference to the Women’s Conference Arrangements Committee (CAC) who back the restoration of a standalone two-day policy-making conference that is separate from annual conference, as well as for an agenda “that includes as much input from grassroots women members and trade unionists as possible.”
Jean Crocker of CLPD, one of the candidates for the Women’s CAC election, said: “At the two-day women’s conferences, we had eight motion debates. When we were cut to one day in 2023, there was pressure to have only four – but we held firm on six, which increased the number of grassroots CLP voices heard, and the same has happened in 2024.
“We are calling for a return to a two-day standalone women’s conference in 2025.”
Two other candidates, Louise Irvine and Lynne Troughton, backed by the gender-critical group Labour Women’s Declaration, also expressed their commitment to fighting to restore the two-day conference.
They said: Labour’s rulebook commits to an effective National Women’s Committee to leading on political policy work with women. Previously it was held as a two day policy-making conference in the spring, at a different time of year from Labour’s Annual Conference. In standing for the WCAC, we would campaign to re-establish this.
“We feel the 2023 and 2024 one day autumn events, offer very limited time for policy discussion, and do not do justice to the political contribution women members are entitled to make.”
Teresa Gray, women’s officer in Bexley and Sidcup CLP, said she was “appalled” by the cuts to the conference and said: “Conference appears to have lost its role in shaping policies for women.”
She said that the reduction to just one day last year “diminished the status of the conference” and claimed motions chosen in advance “seemed carefully chosen not so much to support debate as consensus”.
One CLP officer, who wished to remain anonymous, said: “I have been a long-time Starmer supporter.
“Two hours to discuss six motions plus emergency motions is derisory. Come on Labour. Women matter.”
The Labour Party was approached for comment.
THEY DON'T
‘Women at the table – why Labour women’s voices matter’
Natasa Pantelic 20th September, 2024
Photo: UK Government
Labour women from across the country will arrive in Liverpool tomorrow to make sure women’s voices are heard, in a party transformed, for the Annual National Women’s Conference.
There are currently 187 Labour women MPs in Parliament (46% of the Parliamentary Labour Party) making up 263 women MPs in total in the House of Commons. They bring hope for change not only within Parliament but for the work of government to create a more equal and prosperous country.
This is what so many women before have done, such as the 101 Labour women elected to Parliament in 1997 under the last Labour government, introducing swathes of reforms such as the National Minimum Wage, children’s centres, maternity and paternity pay, increased support for carers of elderly and disabled relatives, the right to request flexible working and a minimum income guarantee for pensioners. The list could go on!
‘Progress is not inevitable. We have to work together for it.’
This progress was reversed in many ways under 14 years of a Conservative government, starving local councils of funding, children’s centres cut back, tax credits cut, and support for victims of domestic violence reduced with women waiting years to see a conviction when reporting a crime such as rape, as highlighted by Dame Vera Baird when she was the Victims Commissioner for England and Wales saying in her annual 2021/22 report that ‘for victims, reporting rape is effectively a lottery and the odds are rarely in your favour.’
Yesterday, Rachel Reeves, Britain’s first woman Chancellor of the Exchequer confirmed her commitment to “improve life for women” wanting to close the gender pay gap, strengthen rights at work and invest in childcare too.
Progress is not inevitable. We have to work together for it. There is so much to learn and to celebrate which is why the women’s conference is an important space for Labour women to come together from across the country every year.
It provides an opportunity to share our experiences, ideas and have discussions to help shape the way ahead. Change can never happen with one Prime Minister or one Minister working alone and certainly not without women in the room.
This is a time to ensure the women’s conference is as inclusive as possible so that we can support the government to deliver change. Not just this year, but in future years, and many of us stand ready to support the party in evolving this conference.
There can be space for more people to attend and opportunities for us to hear from sisters in other progressive parties around the world. We do need to work from, as the Foreign Secretary David Lammy describes, “progressive realism” but this realism for many women is fuelled by a desire for change to make our party stronger and our country more prosperous for all.
‘I hope we can build a conference that gives space for motions to be debated’
Labour is often criticised for never having a woman Leader yet and yes, this is disappointing – not forgetting Dame Margaret Beckett and Harriet Harman stepping up for a time – but the Labour Party is one that has delivered progress for women. And this new government has more women serving in it than ever before, determined to work together to deliver what we have promised.
I have listened to party members talk about wanting to build on the women’s conference successes of the past. We can. I hope we can build a conference for the future that gives space for more motions to be debated, hear from more of our National Policy Forum representatives to be able to shape the policy agenda for the future together and hear from other underrepresented groups so that we can make the changes needed from listening to their lived experiences.
Whether it’s better access to transport and healthcare or quality housing and social care, there is so much change which needs to happen and has already begun. The experiences of women affects the success of our society as a whole and this is why we must work together to get this right.
‘I am inspired by the women serving our country in government’
Labour women in the party and in government will once more deliver the transformational change our country needs. We are only a few weeks into this new government and already I am inspired by the energy, determination and vision of those who serve our country, appointed by our Prime Minister.
Dame Diana Johnson tackling policing and crime prevention following rigorous scrutiny of government chairing the Home Affairs Select Committee, Jess Phillips using her years of experience in domestic abuse services to ensure we halve violence against women and girls, Sarah Jones working across two major government departments on the decarbonisation agenda with industry, Catherine McKinnell co-producing school reforms with our wonderful teachers and Rushanara Ali leading on improving the quality of our housing stock. There are so many other examples.
The national women’s conference is an important time for women to come together to help shape the change that’s needed for our country and I look forward to playing my part as a member of the Labour Party to ensure it continues to be a success in the future.
Following a landslide victory we all worked so hard for to return politics to public service and bring hope back to working people, change has begun.
Natasa Pantelic is a founding member of the Labour Women's Parliamentary Staff Network, Vice Chair of Fabian Women and a Compassion in Politics Ambassador.@natasapantelic5
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