Friday, January 03, 2025

 

US appeals court overturns FCC decision reinstating net neutrality rules
US appeals court overturns FCC decision reinstating net neutrality rules
The US Court of Appeals for the Sixth Circuit ruled Thursday that the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) did not have legal authority when it reinstated net neutrality rules last May, striking a blow to President Joe Biden’s telecommunications policy.

Net neutrality is the idea that internet service providers (ISPs) must provide access to all content without favoring or blocking particular websites or services. In May the FCC voted to classify ISPs as
“telecommunications services” as opposed to “information services,” thereby subjecting them to net neutrality rules. Several telecommunications companies challenged the decision.

The court found that ISPs are information services and thus net neutrality rules do not apply. In doing so, it applied the US Supreme Court’s decision in Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo Secretary of Commerce, which abolished the deference afforded to administrative bodies in interpreting their enabling statutes. The court went on to find that the FCC’s classification of ISPs as telecommunications services was wrong:

A provider need only offer the “capability” of manipulating information to offer an “information service” under. Even under the FCC’s narrower interpretation of “capability,” Broadband Internet Access Providers allow users, at minimum, to “retrieve” information stored elsewhere. And we think it equally plain, for the reasons recited below, that Broadband Internet Service Providers offer at least that capability.

This ruling is the latest in a long line of dispute over net neutrality. In 2014, the US Court of Appeals of the District of Columbia Circuit struck down FCC rules requiring net neutrality. After that, the FCC implemented new rules in 2015. Courts upheld the rules in 2015, but they were repealed by the FCC in 2017 during the first Trump presidency. The May 2024 decision by the FCC effectively reinstated the 2015 net neutrality rules.

Many have criticized the court’s decision. For example, Representative Ro Khanna (D-CA) worries over the possibility that “[ISPs] could throttle or block news sites based on the political views of their investors and corporate CEOs.” On the other hand, some have supported the decision. Ajit  Pai, the FCC Commissioner responsible for repealing net neutrality in 2017, lauded the decision, calling net neutrality “unlawful” and “pointless.”

Solidarity with Palestine and the Struggle from Below

Joseph Daher, author of a recent book, Palestine and Marxism, writes that amid drawn-out suffering in Palestine and Lebanon, we should not despair. He argues that resistance from below against our own complicit states offers a way forward.
January 3, 2025
Source: Rebel News

Palestine solidarity protest in Berlin, 2018 | Image by Hossam el-Hamalawy via Flickr



Israel’s genocidal war against the Palestinians in Gaza shows no sign of ending more than a year after its beginning, while the Israeli occupation army and settlers have continued to escalate its violence in the West Bank, as well as its continuous annexation, by dispossessing the Palestinians and confiscating their lands. Moreover, Israel’s government launched a new war against Lebanon by mid-September 2024, resulting in several thousand deaths and massive destructions, with scenes and images reminding us of Gaza.

It is in this context that former US president Donald Trump has been elected against Kamala Harris. Among many other elements, the Democratic party continuous and expanding support to the Israeli genocide against Palestinians provoked their defeat. Israel’s war on Palestine and Lebanon has indeed been completely supported by the Biden presidency. Since 7 October 2023, the US has acted in the most hypocritical way. Despite rhetorical calls to de-escalate the situation, it has in practice allowed Israel to act with impunity. It has provided Israel with all the military equipment it needs to carry out its genocidal war, occupy and colonise Palestinian lands, launch a war in Lebanon, bomb Yemen and Syria, conduct assassinations throughout the region and escalate military operations against Iran. The US has spent more than $18 billion on military aid to Israel since October 2023.

Trump will officially take office in the White House on January 20, 2025. Despite claims by Trump that he will bring about a cease-fire and end to wars in the Middle East, nothing should be expected from his rule. In August 2024, the Republican billionaire stated that if elected, Israel would receive all necessary aid to “end the war” in the Gaza Strip swiftly. As a reminder, Trump’s first term included notably moving the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem and supporting Israel’s annexation of the Golan Heights, while encouraging the normalization between Israel and different Arab countries through the Abraham accords. None of these decisions were challenged by Democrats, quite on the opposite as we mentioned above.

Regardless of who is in power in the USA, both democrats and republicans have supported Israel because it acts as their local police force mobilising against threats to US and Western imperialists interests in the region, in particular any revolutionary movements that might emerge which would challenge US control over the area’s strategic energy reserves. Because Israel is a state predicated on the displacement of a people with deep roots on the land Israel claims, a reality which arouses anger and hostility among the region’s masses, Israel is forced to rely on imperial patronage and make itself such an instrument against radical change in the Middle East.

At the same time, Israel’s outspoken, unapologetic racist repression of the Palestinian population has become a model that far-right and right-wing neoliberal parties around the world would like to follow: ignoring international law and dealing however they want with non-white populations, whether those are new migrants or other minorities.

The elections of Trump, continuous rise of far right and deepening of authoritarian practices in western states, could lead sometimes to a form of despair among some sections of the working and popular classes. This also includes the Palestinian solidarity movement, particularly as the genocide continues, as well as the support of western imperialist states to Tel Aviv, while solidarity with the Palestinian struggle and support for the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions BDS campaign have been increasingly criminalized in Western states. The criminalization of Palestine solidarity today serves to normalize attacks on fundamental democratic rights by the ruling classes and expanding state control.

The obstacles to achieve results and victories can lead some groups and individuals within the Palestine solidary movement and on the left to lose faith in the possibility of change from below and instead to place their hopes for the liberation of Palestine in the actions of some states, claiming to be allies of the Palestinians.

There have been indeed some saluting the so-called “Axis of resistance” led by the Islamic republic of Iran and describing it as the way forward for the liberation of Palestine. Iran, Hamas’s main regional ally, has however sought since October 7 to improve its standing in the region so as to be in the best position for future political and economic negotiations with the US. Iran wishes to guarantee its political and security interests, and is therefore keen to avoid any direct war with Israel. Its main geopolitical objective in relation to the Palestinians is not to liberate them, but to use them as leverage, particularly in its relations with the United States. Similarly, Iran’s passivity in the deepening war against Lebanon, and in the wake of the assassination of key Hezbollah political and military cadres including Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah, also suggests its first priority is protecting its own geopolitical interests. Iran has also not hesitated in the past to reduce its funding for Hamas when their interests did not coincide: Tehran significantly decreased its financial assistance to Hamas after an historic mass uprising erupted in Syria in 2011 and the Palestinian movement refused to support the Syrian regime’s murderous repression of Syrian protesters.

Similarly, some have looked to Turkey as a champion of the Palestinian cause and its president Erdogan. Despite Turkish Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s criticism of Israel and his government’s ban on domestic trade with the Israeli state (in place since May 2024), Turkey and Israel maintain close economic ties. According to data released by the Turkish Exporters’ Assembly (TIM), Turkish businesses appear to be bypassing the trade ban by routing exports through Palestinian Authority customs: there was an 423% increase in exports to Palestine during the first eight months of 2024, with exports in August alone surging by over 1150%, climbing from USD $10M last year to USD $127M. Trade between both countries has also been ongoing through third countries such as Greece. In addition, Turkey and Israel found common ground during Azerbaijan’s recent military aggression in the Nagorno-Karabakh region, controlled and populated primarily by Armenians. Israeli and Turkish drones, as well as support from both countries’ intelligence services, proved essential to Azerbaijan’s victory over the Armenian armed forces. More than 100,000 Armenians, nearly the entire pre-conflict population, were forced to flee Nagorno-Karabakh and become refugees.

More generally, grassroots progressive forces need not align themselves with imperialist or sub-imperialist states that each compete for political gains and strive to intensify their exploitation of resources and working people. Of course, US imperialism remains exceptionally destructive and deadly through its military, political, and economic powers. But to choose one imperialism over another is to guarantee the stability of the capitalist system and the exploitation of popular classes.

Left and progressive forces must of course defend the Palestinians’ right to resist Israel’s racist, colonial apartheid state violence, including through military resistance. Similarly, the Lebanese have the right to resist Israeli aggression. Defending the right of people to resist oppression should not be confused with political support for the specific political projects of Hamas or Hezbollah in their respective societies, or lead us to imagine these parties will be able to deliver Palestinian liberation or that they have a strategy in this direction.

That said, the most important task for those outside the MENA region is to win over the left, unions, progressive groups, and existing social movements to build a strong mass popular movement in solidarity with Palestinian liberation, and to support the BDS campaign against Israel. The best way to serve Palestinian liberation today is indeed to build strong local popular solidarity movements and push forward BDS campaigns. We need also to cultivate regional and internationalist analyses in our movements, believing in the common interests and common destiny of popular and working classes.

The main task of a large popular movement for Palestine is to denounce the complicit role of our ruling classes in supporting not only the racist settler-colonial apartheid state of Israel and its genocidal war against the Palestinians, but also Israel’s attacks on other countries in the region such as Lebanon. The movement must pressure those ruling classes to break off any political, economic, and military relations with Tel Aviv. No one should expect Western ruling classes to easily change their political positions regarding Israel. Never in history have the ruling classes granted genuine democracy or justice except under pressure from working-class mobilization from below.

International solidarity is absolutely needed as Palestinians face not only the state of Israel but its imperialist backers as well as we explained above.

There is a growing awareness that a victory for the Palestinian cause would be a victory for the entire left – for the whole progressive camp opposed to the destructive impulses of neoliberal capitalism and the rise of fascist movements, which are the two dominant political projects threatening popular and working classes today. Weakening Western ruling classes weakens Israeli apartheid, and vice versa. Struggling for Palestine, important in itself, is also a way to defend the rights of everyone engaged in challenging this unequal, authoritarian world system.

Joseph Daher is an internationalist anti-capitalist and an academic. He is the author of Palestine and Marxism (2024), Syria after the Uprisings (2019) and Hezbollah: The Political Economy of Lebanon’s Party of God (2016).
In Which Language Do Palestinian Women Live?

Re-reading Etaf Rum’s 'A Woman is No Man' in the current context reminds us that Arab-Palestinians have lived with painful, disfiguring histories of displacement for generations now.
January 3, 2025
Source: The Wire India


Women in the Golan Heights Protesting for Syria and Palestine | Image vis Spectre Journal

Etaf Rum’s story begins in the 1990s in the hilly countryside of Birzeit – flocked by olive trees and mulberry bushes, the hometown of the Hadids. We follow the life of Isra Hadid, a young Arab-Palestinian girl ,who is married off at 17 and travels from Birzeit to Brooklyn to live with her husband and his parents.

We are led into the book with an emphatic confession: “I was born without a voice, one cold, overcast day in Brooklyn, New York.” The innate ‘condition’ of voicelessness of the women of Palestine is assiduously developed throughout the novel, as Rum takes it upon herself to voice her silence, and that of countless other women. In hearing Rum speak, we are faced with troubling realities of patriarchy, of traumas of wars and ‘refugees’, of lives in ‘exile’, of states and borderless-ness, of ‘homes’ free of occupation and blood.




Etaf Rum’s
A Woman is No Man,
Harper (2019)

Yacob’s family was forced to evacuate their seaside home when he was 10 years old, as Israel invaded Palestine. Yacob’s daughter, Isra, a brooding young lady in love with folktales and the idea of love, grew up in Birzeit, close to a cemetery, on a plot of land that no one laid claim to.

At a very young age, Isra’s optimism that accompanied her migration to America- “land of the free” was promptly overtaken by a quiet resignation. We meet her husband, Adam, who runs a deli in Brooklyn and comes home drunk most nights, only to violate her. The burden of loveless marriages, relentless chores, and a near-captivity express themselves in fiercely diverse ways among the women of the household.

Fareeda, Adam’s mother, chooses to look away at Isra’s wounds as she sends silent prayers for the arrival of ample grandsons, while Sarah, Adam’s rebel sister, brings her Kafka and Lolita.

We are faced with a world wherein marriage, shame and motherhood reign supreme. With a haphazard timeline alternating between Birzeit and Brooklyn, the book reverberates with an aching feeling of anguish, but also, of wisps of hope, dreams of an unlived life, of secret ambitions and longing for freedom.

In sketching three generations of Arab-Palestinian women, refugees and immigrants from an undefined land, we learn that the book is partly autobiographical. A feisty Sarah’s life closely mirrors that of Rum’s, who, like Isra, migrated to New York from a small village in Palestine.

The women in Rum’s narrative are complex and layered, while the men seem linear; broken as they are by the Nakbah, poverty and dogmatism. The women – caught up in the banality of domesticity, motherhood and chores – are lonely, joyless and tired beings.

As they silently suffer through multiple childbirths, taunts of the fastidious mother-in-law, and abuses of their husbands, one is left wondering: Why are all the Arab women in Rum’s narrative uniformly powerless? Why do we witness recurring horrors of deep-seated internalised patriarchy? Can there not be women like Scheherazade – the captivating storyteller of One Thousand and One Nights, that Isra so fondly treasures, who seamlessly weaves story after story to save Muslim women from the evil king Shahriyar? In a world that feeds off typecasting Arabs as bigots, conservatives and extremists, how do we escape the stereotype of violence and victimhood? And more dangerously, what if the reality is sometimes indeed a single story? What if there are no possibilities of defiance, even if our Western-educated, feminist-self desperately seeks to find signs of resistance and choices?

Rum masterfully takes us through these questions as she complicates the narrative. Towards the end, the women break their oppressive anatomy of silence that held them captive for generations. Here, we are confronted with runaway mothers, young women-rebels, who turn down potential suitors and marriage offers, as they make their way into colleges. Eighteen-year-old Deya, Isra’s first-born, is an outlier. Just like Sarah who runs a bookstore and lives alone without a “male protector” in the crowded city of Brooklyn, Deya loves to read, stalls marriage plans and dreams of a life unlike her mother’s. And herein, the single-story breaks down.

Arab-Palestinians have lived with painful, disfiguring histories of displacement for generations now. Historians have dwelled on the fateful consequences of the 1917 Balfour Declaration and the eventual Nakba as Palestinians saw themselves inexorably turning into strangers in their own land. In Rum’s story, Adam craves a ‘return’ to his homeland. However, ‘return’ is fraught with a deep emotional turmoil.

An all-encompassing captivity

As Peter Gatrell writes in his book, The Making of the Modern Refugee, the persecution and displacement of European Jews and Palestinians after the World War II can only be understood as a struggle between two memories – through the shared sense of being victimised, and their dual aspiration to seek restitution through ‘return.’ Rum paints an evocative pastoral landscape of grape vines and hill-lined terraces to remind us of a ‘home’ that is no more; of an “absentee love” that wells up within.

One cannot help but reflect on how an all-encompassing captivity framed the lives of most Arab-Palestinian women. Their territorial captivity, marked by the historical reality of Occupation in Palestine; their domestic captivity of shame and silence that defined their immigrant experience in Brooklyn. And I wondered: How important is it for one to belong? To a land, to a loved one, or yourself.

As the violence of the Nakbah resonated with the conjugal and emotional violence that scarred these women, I hoped to wish away the rootlessness of countless Arab-Palestinian women abandoned by the world and possessed (a haunting reference to ‘possession’ by djjins that hangs loosely) by the dominant power of Israeli military and Arab masculinity. And yet, like Scheherazade’s extraordinary stories, these women, stuck in a muzzled existence, puncture the single narrative of oppression, war, and inequality with their uncatalogued acts of rebellion.

In his memoir, Out of Place, Edward Said, one of the most eloquent proponents of Palestinian self-determination, writes, “everyone lives life in a given language.” What is the language that the women of Rum’s narrative, and the innumerable displaced women of Palestine, live their lives in?

If we look beyond the binary of agency and victimhood, a whole new world emerges. In this world of liminality, there is no performative resistance. This is no outright act of revolution. Yet, through their emotive spaces, dreams, desires and defiance, the women craft their language. By emphasising everyday acts of resistance and the depths of silence, Rum’s novel participates in the construction of a new Arab-Palestinian female identity. As Bashar-al-Assad’s regime comes to a historic end in Syria and displaced refugees pledge to return home, one wonders if we are perpetually defined by the desire to belong across anxious borders and identities.

Samiparna is trained as a historian and teaches at O.P Jindal Global University.
Hebron clans issue joint statement condemning PA assault on Jenin camp

Dozens of families in Hebron have issued a statement calling for the PA to end its siege of Jenin camp and engage in dialogue with Palestinian fighters there.


The New Arab Staff
03 January, 2025


A member of the Palestinian security forces stands in a roundabout in the Jenin refugee camp on December 29, 2024 [Jaafar Ashtiyeh/AFP via Getty]

Senior clan figures from Hebron province in the West Bank have publicly condemned the military operation being conducted by the Palestinian Authority (PA) in Jenin Camp.

They issued a joint statement following a meeting which brought together dozens of prominent Palestinian families on Wednesday.

The clan meeting took place amid the unprecedented violence between the Fatah-led PA's security forces and Palestinian fighters in Jenin and its refugee camp.

PA forces have been besieging the camp since 6 December, after the PA launched a "security operation" dubbed 'Protecting the Homeland'.

Attendees of Wednesday's meeting rejected the siege of Jenin camp and emphasised the "sanctity of Palestinian blood" after the killing of six civilians and six security personnel in Jenin in the course of the standoff which shows no signs of abating.


Fayez Al-Rajabi, a prominent figure among the Hebron clan families, told The New Arab’s Arabic-language sister site Al-Araby Al-Jadeed: “We are treating what’s happening in Jenin from the standpoint that both sides are our family. Therefore, we must solve the dispute by calling for the good and forbidding wrongdoing, without siding with either party”.

He said the clans’ statement had been delivered to the PA’s security forces via mediation figures with close ties to them.

He also explained that previously circulated statements claiming that the Hebron clans supported the PA’s operation were not representative of the “general stance of the clans”.

This, he said, is what had prompted the public meeting, which was attended by over 1,000 people representing families from all over the province, and their decision to issue a clear, collective position.

Al-Rajabi pointed out that the PA was the party with the most capacity to resolve the problem, and therefore must take decisions which would spare further bloodshed, as what was occurring in Jenin was “unacceptable”.

“It isn’t permissible for the Jenin Brigades to shed the blood of the security services, nor for the services to shed the blood of the Jenin Brigades,” he said.

The clans’ statement read: “We reject […] anything that could be understood as our approval or endorsement of what the [PA] is doing in Jenin camp, and we condemn those who incite killing. The members of the security forces are our sons, and it hurts us to see them drawn into conflict with their brothers - the duty is to unify ranks against the occupation”.

On 24 December a Fatah-led demonstration was held in various towns in the province in support of the Palestinian security forces, and was attended by a number of prominent clan figures.

Abbas al-Junaidi, another senior clan figure in Hebron, said: “The positions of many Hebron clans have been falsified, with claims circulating that the people of Hebron have granted legitimacy to the killings happening in Jenin camp. This is a clear falsification of the tribal stance, and it never happened”.

He said Wednesday’s meeting had been held to “clarify the truth” through a recorded statement signed by “well-known figures and representatives from family councils”.

He said the clans had issued a call for the security services not to be drawn into political positions and urging for disputes to be resolved through dialogue “especially since we are under occupation, which requires us to stand united”.

Furthermore, he questioned the PA’s claim that it was targeting “outlaws”: “What kind of legal sovereignty are we talking about when we live under occupation and don’t have a real state? When the occupation attacks us, it doesn’t differentiate between anyone, so we have urged the PA to make dialogue the basis [for resolving the dispute]”.

He emphasised that what was needed was for the PA to "lift the siege on Jenin, end the military operation, and open the door to dialogue through calm discussions."

Moreover, he said many of those who had attended the march in support of the security forces had been put under significant pressure, with some even ordered to attend under threat of salary deductions if they had refused.

This article is based on an article that appeared in our Arabic edition by Malik Nabil on 2 January 2025. To read the original article click here.
Widespread condemnation follows PA's closing of Al-Jazeera's office in West Bank

Secretary of the Democratic Press Gathering, Omar Nazzal, called on the Palestinian government to retract the decision as it violates Palestinian Basic Law.


The New Arab Staff
03 January, 2025


Pictures of slain Palestinian journalist Shireen Abu Akleh are hung across the facade of the building housing the Doha-based Al-Jazeera TV channel in the occupied-West Bank city of Ramallah on 2 January 2025. [Getty]



Palestinians circulated widely on social media a picture of the Palestinian security services handing over the decision by the Palestinian Authority (PA) to close the offices of Al-Jazeera News Channel in the occupied West Bank on the first day of the New Year, and another picture of the Israeli army handing over a similar decision to its office director last September.

These pictures expressed the state of popular discontent over the decision, which came in light of the security campaign launched by the PA on the Jenin camp under the pretext of fighting those it described as "outlaws". Most Palestinians see the PA's security operation as an attack on fighters resisting the Israeli occupation.

The closure of the Al-Jazeera office came after a fierce smear campaign launched by the Palestinian security services and their supporters against the channel and its correspondents.

As the security campaign in Jenin escalates, causing deaths and injuries among residents and members of the security services, human rights activists believe that the closure of Al-Jazeera's offices comes as an attempt to suppress any other opinion that conveys the Palestinians' rejection of the campaign.

The decision also comes at a very sensitive time due to the controversy over the security campaign in Jenin, the Palestinian Authority's suppression of political and human rights activists, and the issuance of strict decisions to suppress freedom of opinion in the occupied West Bank.

'Muzzling voices'

The prominent political activist in the West Bank, Omar Assaf, told The New Arab that closing Al-Jazeera's office and preventing its broadcast is "a grave mistake" in principle and constitutes "an unacceptable precedent" in the Palestinian situation, especially in light of the circumstances in which the decision came.

He considered that the decision came in response to pressure from within the Fatah movement, which controls the PA, through statements issued before the official decision banning the channel's work in the Palestinian territories, which means that there are those who want to apply the law according to their whims.

"The decision violates the third clause of Article 27 of the media law, which emphasizes freedom of the press, and any action must be based on a judicial decision. The issued decision, which claimed that there was a violation of the principles of work, should be scrutinized without providing a clear explanation for this disruption," he added.

What is unfortunate is that this decision coincided with the period’s expiration of the channel’s ban and the closure of its office by the Israeli authorities a few days ago, Assaf noted.

"It represents a muzzling of voices, an invasion by the security services, and an attack on the fourth estate, in addition to the harm that the legislative and judicial authorities were subjected to at the hands of the executive authority. Here I see that the freedom of media work should be protected and standards should be unified in dealing with the media in all similar cases," hr concluded.
Impact on press freedom

A widespread condemnation from human rights centres and others concerned with press freedom for this decision, which several statements warned would be a prelude to the destruction of press freedom in the occupied West Bank.

Secretary of the Democratic Press Gathering, Omar Nazzal, called on the Palestinian government to retract the decision as it is a violation of the Palestinian Basic Law.

He remarked to TNA that freedom of media work is a must without restrictions or interference, even if any party has the right to criticise Al-Jazeera's editorial policy. "In the end, the judge is the public who decides whether to follow it or not, but no one has the right to prevent the work of any media outlet," he said.

"The decision was also related to journalists working on Al-Jazeera, and it is unacceptable because the right of any journalist to work with any media outlet he wants should not be infringed at all, and this must be consistent with the need for everyone to adhere to the ethics of the journalistic profession," he added.

Most Palestinian on the ground believe that the decision will affect the coverage of their suffering to the world, especially since Israeli settlers, backed by the Israeli military, were waging an unprecedented war on Palestinians in the occupied West Bank.

Head of the Youth Against Settlement Gathering, Issa Amr, said that closing Al-Jazeera and restricting the freedoms of its correspondents will greatly affect its coverage of the Israeli war on the Gaza Strip and the war waged by settlers and Israel on the occupied West Bank.

He considered that the closure came at a very critical period, with Israel implementing the policy of practically annexing the occupied West Bank during the year 2025, while Israeli settler attacks on Palestinian villages, cities and towns will increase greatly.

"There is an existential threat even to the PA posed by Israel, and Al-Jazeera will be one of the most important satellite channels in the world that will shed light on these violations," he said.

"I see that the decision is stupid, superficial and serves the occupation and some influential people in the PA who prove daily that they are failures without wisdom or strategy," Amr added.
2,500 prisoners forcibly disappeared by Israeli occupation forces in Northern Gaza

Published: 03 Jan 2025 - 


QNA

Gaza: The Palestine Center for Prisoner Studies revealed that Israeli occupation forces have arrested more than 2,500 civilians from northern Gaza, including dozens of medical staff, civil defense personnel, and journalists, with their fate unknown.

In a report issued today, the center, which focuses on Palestinian prisoners' issues, confirmed that the occupation has executed 54 prisoners since the assault on Gaza 15 months ago, in addition to many others from Gaza whose names the occupation refuses to disclose, continuing its policy of enforced disappearance.

The center added that the occupation subjects Gaza prisoners to all forms of abuse and torture in various detention centers, most notably "Sdei Teiman" and "Ofer Prison," during interrogation period.

This has resulted in martyrdom of dozens due to torture.

The report clarified that the occupation intensifies abuse of prisoners after their transfer to prison sections, using medical neglect, starvation, beatings, and humiliation, which has also led to martyrdom of dozens of others, some of whom have been identified, while others remain hidden by the occupation, which claims to have no information about them.

Israeli aggression against Gaza Strip continues on land, sea, and air since October 7, 2023, resulting in the martyrdom of 45,581 Palestinians, mostly women and children, and 108,438 others wounded.

Meanwhile, Gaza Strip suffers from a severe humanitarian catastrophe, including food insecurity, a shortage of essential aid, and the biting cold that exacerbates the suffering of civilians and worsens the already dire situation.
Paris Basketball fans boycott game against Maccabi Tel Aviv team in solidarity with Gaza

The club's fan group Kop Parisi has refused to 'attend, sing, or wave our flags in the stands' in condemnation of Israel's war on Gaza

The New Arab Staff
03 January, 2025


Fans of Paris football club PSG previously held a banner in support of Palestine [Getty]

Fans of the Paris Basketball team have announced they will boycott the upcoming EuroLeague match against Maccabi Tel Aviv, scheduled for January 16.

The club's fan group Kop Parisi, known for its passionate support during home and away games, declared that this match would not be “business as usual.”

In a statement, a spokesperson said: “Given the current circumstances, we cannot ignore the ongoing situation in Palestine. This will not be an ordinary game. As a result, we will not attend, sing, or wave our flags in the stands. No one will represent our group during this match. There are things bigger than basketball.”

This move comes amid Israel's ongoing war on Gaza, which is killing dozens of people every day, and increasing solidarity with Palestine among sports fans in Europe.

Recently, supporters of Nanterre Basketball disrupted a EuroCup game against Israel's Hapoel Holon by storming the court while carrying Palestinian flags, prompting a temporary suspension of the match and a heavy security response.


Similarly, Paris Saint-Germain football fans faced investigations last month after they unveiled a giant 'Free Palestine' banner before the kickoff of their Champions League game against Atletico Madrid, eight days before France took on Israel in Paris in a Nations League game.

Kop Parisi’s boycott comes as the EuroLeague continues to face criticism for including Israeli teams despite widespread opposition.

Football competitions attended by fans of Israeli clubs and the national team have sparked tensions over the year, amid Israel's continued military onslaught in the Gaza Strip, which has killed more than 45,000 Palestinians since October 7 last year.

Israeli football fans have a track record of chanting anti-Palestinian, anti-Arab and Islamophobic slogans over the years during football matches, which have been often aimed at players of Arab and Palestinian origins.

In November, Maccabi Tel Aviv fans chanted anti-Arab and racist slogans while visiting the Dutch capital Amsterdam, sparking violence.

Riots started in Amsterdam as members of the city's Moroccan community confronted the football hooligans. Dutch authorities claimed sixty-two people were arrested in connection with the violence.

In December, an Amsterdam District Court imposed sentences of up to six months against five men who were involved in the violence.

ANTIWAR.COM


Why Congress Members Face a Lawsuit for Funding Israel’s War on Gaza


On the last day of 2024, the deputy general counsel for the House of Representatives formally accepted delivery of a civil summons for two congressmembers from Northern California. More than 600 constituents of Jared Huffman and Mike Thompson have signed on as plaintiffs in a class action accusing them of helping to arm the Israeli military in violation of “international and federal law that prohibits complicity in genocide.”

Whatever the outcome of the lawsuit, it conveys widespread anger and anguish about the ongoing civilian carnage in Gaza that taxpayers have continued to bankroll.

By a wide margin, most Americans favor an arms embargo on Israel while the Gaza war persists. But Huffman and Thompson voted to approve $26.38 billion in military aid for Israel last April, long after the nonstop horrors for civilians in Gaza were evident.

Back in February – two months before passage of the enormous military aid package – both Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International found that, in the words of the lawsuit, “the Israeli government was systematically starving the people of Gaza through cutting off aid, water, and electricity, by bombing and military occupation, all underwritten by the provision of U.S. military aid and weapons.”

When the known death toll passed 40,000 last summer, the UN’s high commissioner for human rights said: “Most of the dead are women and children. This unimaginable situation is overwhelmingly due to recurring failures by the Israeli Defense Forces to comply with the rules of war.” He described as “deeply shocking” the “scale of the Israeli military’s destruction of homes, hospitals, schools and places of worship.”

On Dec. 4, Amnesty International released a 296-page report concluding that Israel has been committing genocide “brazenly, continuously and with total impunity” – with the “specific intent to destroy Palestinians,” engaging in “prohibited acts under the Genocide Convention.”

Two weeks later, on the same day the lawsuit was filed in federal district court in San Francisco, Human Rights Watch released new findings that “Israeli authorities are responsible for the crime against humanity of extermination and for acts of genocide.”

Responding to the lawsuit, a spokesperson for Thompson said that “achieving peace and securing the safety of civilians won’t be accomplished by filing a lawsuit.” But for well over a year, to no avail, the plaintiffs and many other constituents have been urging him and Huffman to help protect civilians by ending their support for the U.S. pipeline of weapons and ammunition to Israel.

Enabled by that pipeline, the slaughter has continued in Gaza while the appropriators on Capitol Hill work in a kind of bubble. Letters, emails, phone calls, office visits, protests and more have not pierced that bubble. The lawsuit is an effort to break through the routine of indifference.

Like many other congressional Democrats, Huffman and Thompson have prided themselves on standing up against the contempt for facts that Donald Trump and his cohorts flaunt. Yet refusal to acknowledge the facts of civilian decimation in Gaza, with a direct U.S. role, is an extreme form of denial.

“Over the last 14 months I have watched elected officials remain completely unresponsive despite the public’s demands to end the genocide,” said Laurel Krause, a Mendocino County resident who is one of the lawsuit plaintiffs.

Another plaintiff, Leslie Angeline, a Marin County resident who ended a 31-day hunger strike when the lawsuit was filed, said: “I wake each morning worrying about the genocide that is happening in Gaza, knowing that if it wasn’t for my government’s partnership with the Israeli government, this couldn’t continue.”

Such passionate outlooks are a far cry from the words offered by members of Congress who routinely appear to take pride in seeming calm as they discuss government policies. But if their own children’s lives were at stake rather than the lives of Palestinian children in Gaza, they would hardly be so calm. A huge empathy gap is glaring.

In the words of plaintiff Judy Talaugon, a Native American activist in Sonoma County, “Palestinian children are all our children, deserving of our advocacy and support. And their liberation is the catalyst for systemic change for the betterment of us all.”

As a plaintiff, I certainly don’t expect the courts to halt the U.S. policies that have been enabling the horrors in Gaza to go on. But our lawsuit makes a clear case for the moral revulsion that so many Americans feel about the culpability of the U.S. government.

To hardboiled political pros, the heartfelt goal of putting a stop to the arming of the Israeli military for genocide is apt to seem quixotic and dreamy. But it’s easy for politicians to underestimate feelings of moral outrage. As James Baldwin wrote, “Though we do not wholly believe it yet, the interior life is a real life, and the intangible dreams of people have a tangible effect on the world.”

Organizing together under the name Taxpayers Against Genocide, constituents served notice that no amount of rhetoric could make funding of genocide anything other than repugnant. Jared Huffman and Mike Thompson are the first members of Congress to face such a lawsuit. They won’t be the last.

In recent days, people from many parts of the United States have contacted Taxpayers Against Genocide (via classactionagainstgenocide@proton.me) to see the full lawsuit and learn about how they can file one against their own member of Congress.

No one should put any trust in the court system to stop the U.S. government from using tax dollars for war. But suing congressmembers who are complicit in genocide is a good step for exposing – and organizing against – the power of the warfare state.

Norman Solomon is the national director of RootsAction.org and executive director of the Institute for Public Accuracy. The paperback edition of his latest book, War Made Invisible: How America Hides the Human Toll of Its Military Machine, includes an afterword about the Gaza war.




 

Israel court annuls key component of controversial police law
Israel court annuls key component of controversial police law
Israel’s High Court of Justice on Thursday struck down a key component of a controversial 2022 law passed at the behest of National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir.

The court annulled a provision that granted the minister increased powers over the police’s investigative policies. The court emphasized that the provision could lead to a politicized police force, undermining professional standards and eroding public trust in law enforcement. Despite this annulment, aspects of the law that allow for increased oversight over police functions remain intact.

Amendment No. 37 to Israel’s Police Ordinance, known colloquially as the “Ben Gvir Law,” conferred substantial authority upon Ben Gvir to dictate police policies and priorities, including those related to investigations.

Ben Gvir expressed his discontent with the ruling, framing the decision as an affront to the authority of elected officials and contending that the court’s intervention would impede effective governance and law enforcement efforts.

The court’s ruling reflects growing concerns over the politicization of law enforcement and its implications for civil rights and democratic governance in Israel. The decision came amid a backdrop of increasing tensions within the Israeli government and widespread criticism from various quarters regarding the potential for abuse of power inherent in the amendment. Critics, including human rights organizations, argued that Ben Gvir’s directives had already resulted in intensified police actions against Palestinian citizens, exacerbating existing tensions and contributing to a climate of fear and repression. Multiple opponents to the amendment filed petitions against it, primarily arguing that it undermined democratic principles and civil rights.

The background of the ruling is rooted in the broader political landscape following the formation of Israel’s current coalition government. The amendment was part of a coalition agreement between Ben Gvir’s Otzma Yehudit Party and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud Party. This partnership aimed to enhance security measures amid rising crime rates, but it has been criticized for fostering a culture of impunity and exacerbating systemic racism within policing practices.

There has been a marked increase in police actions targeting Palestinian communities since Ben Gvir assumed office, including restrictions on public expressions of Palestinian identity such as displaying flags. Reports indicate that these changes have led to heightened violence against Palestinians and a significant uptick in arrests for political expression.

The High Court’s verdict thus represents not only a legal challenge to specific governmental powers but also highlights ongoing tensions regarding governance, civil liberties, and the rule of law within Israel. The implications of this decision may resonate beyond immediate political ramifications, influencing public discourse on democracy and justice in an increasingly polarized society.

'If Not War, Cold Will Kill Us': Gaza's Children Dying Of Hypothermia As Aid Is Blocked

Thousands of refugees in the strip are staying along the coastline and battling the cold, the sea and floods caused by the rain. There is no proper infrastructure here, not even food or water.


Outlook Web Desk
Updated on: 3 January 2025 


Living without a mobile phone, this family has no pictures of little Sila — just a few of her clothes and memories from the last three weeks. Photo: Getty Images

Mahmood Faseeh tried to rouse his 20-day-old daughter Sila one cold morning unaware of the fact that the infant had slipped into slumber forever. "I tried to wake her up in the morning, but she was not alive. I rushed her to a hospital where the doctors declared her dead. They said she had passed away an hour ago due to the cold. We have neither proper clothing to protect us from the cold nor enough food and water. God knows our condition," the grieving father tells BBC.

Sila had been taken to Dr. Ahmad al-Farah, who explained that the baby had suffered from hypothermia that led to a severe condition. "She had a heart attack and ultimately died," he said.

He further said the previous day, two other cases had been reported — one involving a three-day-old baby and the other less than a month old. These deaths were attributed to living in tents under such harsh conditions.

Mahmood’s family has been displaced 10 times since Israeli aggression began in Gaza a year ago. Thousands of refugees in the strip are staying along the coastline and battling the cold, the sea and floods caused by the rain. There is no proper infrastructure here, not even food or water.

The United Nations has accused Israel of obstructing aid from reaching Gaza, a claim Israel has denied.

"Seeing her condition broke my heart. I did everything I could to keep her warm, but I could not save her," says Sila’s mother, Nariman al-Najmeh.

Living without a mobile phone, this family has no pictures of little Sila — just a few of her clothes and memories from the last three weeks.

"I never thought I would give birth to my child in this cold and in a tent with water leaking from the roof. We have had to move many times in an attempt to save our children," she said.

Last Sunday, another life was lost. A child who lived less than 20 days. Yahya al-Baatran was inconsoleable holding his son’s lifeless body outside a hospital.

Six children have died from the cold in the past week, claimed BBC, quoting Gaza health officials.

While Mahmood carried Sila’s lifeless body to a makeshift graveyard, Israeli drones flew overhead.

We are all sick; we are suffering from chest pain. We have colds because of the winter. If we survive in the ongoing war, the harsh winters will kill us," said Sila’s mother, with tears streaming down her face.

The greatest threat posed by this war is to the children.

The UN human rights organisation has expressed growing concerns over Israeli attacks on Gaza’s hospitals and called them war crimes and crimes against humanity. It has released a report, explaining how Israeli forces are besieging Gaza's hospitals and forcing evacuations - resulting in many deaths.

The United Nations also rejected Israel’s claim that Hamas is using hospitals. It has asserted that the blockades imposed by Israel have stopped vital aid from reaching Gaza. Israel dismissed this report and claimed it has allowed aid into Gaza to provide protection from the cold.