Saturday, September 10, 2022

 

⚡ NEWS ALERT

Federal Ministers Targets of ‘Violent Extremist Threats’ Ahead of Ottawa Convoy, Counterterrorism Report Reveals

A newly released internal counterterrorism report reveals that at least four federal cabinet ministers were subjects of specific “violent extremist threats” in the lead-up to the Ottawa convoy occupation in January.

PressProgress obtained the Integrated Terrorism Assessment Centre (ITAC)'s report through Access-to-Information, revealing threats were concerning enough to meet the thresholds of what might be considered terrorism, and threats to national security. Read more.

Social Security enemy Ron Johnson endorses plan to 'coax' retirees back to work

Jake Johnson, Common Dreams
September 02, 2022

Senator Ron Johnson of Wisconsin speaking at CPAC 2011 
in Washington, D.C. (Gage Skidmore/Flickr)


Republican Sen. Ron Johnson this week endorsed a proposal to "coax" seniors out of retirement to address so-called worker shortages, drawing backlash from his Democratic opponent and other critics who noted the GOP lawmaker's long history of attacking Social Security.

"There are a number of innovative ideas I would support," Johnson (R-Wis.) said during a tele-town hall with constituents on Wednesday as he's locked in a close reelection race with Democratic challenger Mandela Barnes in the key battleground state of Wisconsin.

"Former Senator Phil Gramm came to the Senate, we were talking about our labor shortage, and one of his suggestions was to coax seniors that could reenter the workforce—don't charge them payroll tax," Johnson said in remarks first reported by the Heartland Signal. "They're not paying it anyway so if they want to get back and earn a few extra bucks, let them start working."

The Republican senator's comments came weeks after he sparked outrage by suggesting that funding for Social Security and Medicare should be discretionary rather than mandatory, a change that would pave the way for cuts or the complete demise of the popular programs.

Barnes, Wisconsin's lieutenant governor, was quick to respond to Johnson's latest remarks, slamming his opponent for "waging a war on our seniors and the benefits they've worked towards their entire lives."

"Ron Johnson's solution to the labor shortage: send seniors back to work," Barnes said in a statement Thursday, noting that Johnson has voted to raise the retirement age from 65 to 70.


Social Security Works, a progressive advocacy group, also denounced Johnson's comments on social media.

"This is the same senator who wants to turn Social Security into 'discretionary spending,'" the group tweeted Thursday. "Ron Johnson thinks that working-class Americans don't deserve to retire. That's why he's trying to steal our earned benefits."

Survey data released in recent days shows that Barnes is out to a narrow lead over Johnson in Wisconsin's U.S. Senate contest, which could play a pivotal role in determining control of the upper chamber.

"On Sunday, the Trafalgar Group released the results of a survey of Wisconsin voters conducted between August 22 and August 25. Barnes led Johnson 49.4% to 47.1%," Wisconsin Public Radio reported earlier this week. "Just more than 3% of those surveyed were undecided. Barnes' lead was within the poll's 2.9% margin of error."

"A Fox News poll released August 18 had Barnes with 50% of the support of likely voters and Johnson trailing with 46%," the outlet added. "The Democrat's lead was just outside the survey's 3% margin of error."
NATIONALIZE PG&E 
Operators of Diablo Canyon apply for $6 billion federal aid program for nuclear plants

2022/09/06

Aerial view of the Diablo Canyon Nuclear Power Plant which sits on the edge of the Pacific Ocean at Avila Beach in San Luis Obispo County, California, on March 17, 2011. - Mark Ralston/Getty Images North America/TNS

Fresh from getting an extension to keep the last nuclear power plant in California open, Pacific Gas & Electric now looks to receive a chunk of a $6 billion federal program aimed at helping the nation's nuclear fleet remain online.

PG&E turned in paperwork Friday to the U.S. Department of Energy's Civil Nuclear Credit program, created by the Biden administration earlier this year, beating the program's Sept. 6 filing deadline.

The Department of Energy has not indicated if it will give PG&E's application the OK but shortly after SB 846 passed, the department's assistant secretary came out in support.

"I'm extremely pleased to see California extending the operation of Diablo Canyon," Katy Huff said in a statement. "These reactors critically underpin our nation's decarbonization goals and their 24/7 power will support grid stability for consumers in the state during our transition to net zero."

Now that PG&E has turned in its application, the Department of Energy will determine if PG&E is eligible to receive funding and then will determine how much the utility will receive. Diablo Canyon is the only plant that is potentially eligible for the Civil Nuclear Credit's first award period.

The submission came less than two days after California's Legislature, at the urging of Gov. Gavin Newsom, reversed the previously scheduled closure dates of the Diablo Canyon Power Plant in San Luis Obispo.

Introduced as an emergency measure, Senate Bill 846 zoomed through the Assembly on a 67-3 vote and passed the Senate, 31-1, capping a frantic final night of the legislative session.

Under the terms of the bill, Diablo Canyon's Unit 1 reactor can continue to produce electricity up to Oct. 31, 2029, and Unit 2 can continue as long as Oct. 31, 2030. That's five years longer than a 2016 agreement had called for.

Newsom pushed Sacramento lawmakers to pass SB 846, saying the 2,200 megawatts generated by the power plant is needed to ensure short-term reliability to California's increasingly shaky electric grid. The governor signed the bill into law Friday.

"Following the state's direction, we submitted an application seeking Department of Energy funding through its Civil Nuclear Credit program to help lower costs for customers should the plant's operating license be extended," PG&E spokeswoman Suzanne Hosn said in an email to the Union-Tribune Tuesday.

SB 846 included a provision that allows PG&E to access a $1.4 billion forgivable loan from the state's general fund, i.e., taxpayers, "to facilitate the extension of the operating period of the Diablo Canyon power plant."

But in the runup to the vote, the governor's office said the federal government is "expected to cover most if not all of the cost of the loan" and if the Department of Energy turns down PG&E's application, the loan will be terminated.

The bill also establishes a framework for rate recovery and power purchases at the plant that sets fixed and volumetric fees charged to "all load-serving entities" under the jurisdiction of the California Public Utilities Commission. That means utility customers across the state, including those in the San Diego Gas & Electric service territory, will share in the expense — not just PG&E customers.

However, one of the bill's sponsors, Sen. Bill Dodd, D-Napa, cited estimates on the Senate floor that an extension of Diablo Canyon would lead to an increase in monthly bills of no more than 57 cents per month and potential savings of $5.43 per month, "depending upon on load and how much is sold on the system," Dodd said.

A number of environmental groups and opponents of Diablo Canyon lambasted the extension, with Friends of the Earth calling it "reckless beyond belief."

PG&E still has to obtain licenses from the Nuclear Regulatory Commission and receive approval from state agencies. Also, lawsuits over earthquake safety at Diablo that were put aside will now be resurrected, said David Weisman of the Alliance for Nuclear Responsibility, an anti-nuclear group in San Luis Obispo.

"Here's every deadline, here's every report (the state) says needs to be issued, we will be bird-dogging and watching every single step," Weisman said. "We're going to make sure every I is dotted and every T is crossed."

Diablo Canyon produces some 2,200 megawatts of electricity, accounting for almost 9 percent of the state's power supply and 17 percent of California's zero-carbon electricity.

© The San Diego Union-Tribune
GOOD QUESTION
Why haven’t California lawmakers decriminalized psychedelic drugs such as mushrooms?

2022/09/10
In this file photo from June 7, 2018, Sen. Wiener speaks at the Lambda Legal 2018 West Coast Liberty Awards at the SLS Hotel in Beverly Hills, California. 
- Randy Shropshire/Getty Images North America/TNS

In February 2021, state Sen. Scott Wiener, a Democrat, introduced a bill that would have decriminalized the possession and use of psychedelic drugs and ordered a state health committee to explore policies that could help California prepare for any regulatory changes to federal drug classifications in the future.

Here’s a beakdown:

The proposal

Senate Bill 519, would not have changed penalties for people who illegally sell psychedelic drugs, and would have imposed new restrictions on school grounds and for minors. Supporters viewed the legislation as a stepping stone to solidify a nascent decriminalization movement nationwide.
Supporters, opposition

The primary sponsors were the Heroic Hearts Project, Veterans Exploring Treatment Solutions and other veterans groups and research institutes that support psychedelic access for research and therapeutic purposes. Several law enforcement groups, including the California Police Chiefs Association and the California District Attorneys Association, opposed the legislation but did not actively lobby against it.
The bills track record

To the surprise of some, the bill quickly gained momentum last year and advanced through three committees in the Legislature’s higher house, an indication that there was broad public support for decriminalizing psychedelics. On June 1, 2021, SB 519 received a majority vote with support from both major political parties, and advanced to the Assembly.

After progressing through the lower house’s public safety and health committees, Wiener opted to slow down in August 2021 to help generate more support, and made SB 519 a two-year bill.

Despite polling that showed 58% of California voters supported psychedelic decriminalization, the legislation was gutted last month by the opaque Assembly Appropriations Committee, which completely removed the legal provision and only retained the health study.

What’s next


Wiener’s office still doesn’t know what happened. A spokesperson for Assemblyman Chris Holden, a Democrat who chairs the committee, directed questions to appropriations staff members. Committee staff did not respond to requests for comment.

The bill’s demise was a setback for veterans and people suffering from mental illnesses in California, but Wiener vowed to reintroduce the bill next year. A spokesperson for his office said they expect to bring forward a similar bill with the hopes that the path laid over the past two years in the Legislature will lead to its enactment.

© The Sacramento Bee
US official rejects Amazon challenge to New York union vote

Agence France-Presse
September 02, 2022

Union leaders are joined by community group representatives, elected officials and social activists for a rally in support of unionization efforts by Amazon workers in the state of Alabama on March 21 in Los Angeles, California (AFP)

A US official Thursday rejected Amazon's efforts to overturn a worker vote in favor of unionization at a New York warehouse, dismissing the retailer's election complaints as groundless.

Lisa Dunn, a hearing officer with the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), who oversaw a 24-day hearing on Amazon's complaints earlier this summer, concluded the firm's objections "should be overruled in their entirety," according to a statement released by the NLRB's press office.

"The Employer has not met its burden of establishing that Region 29, the Petitioner, or any third parties have engaged in objectionable conduct affecting the results of the election," the NLRB said, adding that Amazon should recognize Amazon Labor Union as the bargaining representative for the facility, JFK8.

Amazon has until September 16 to contest Dunn's conclusion. The NLRB regional director would then decide whether to rerun the election or certify the vote in a determination that could be appealed to the board itself.

Dunn's decision is the latest development since Amazon Labor Union's (ALU) shock victory in April in which New York workers voted to establish the first Amazon union in America at a facility in Staten Island, New York.

Amazon criticized the decision and said it intends to appeal.

"As we showed throughout the hearing with dozens of witnesses and hundreds of pages of documents, both the NLRB and the ALU improperly influenced the outcome of the election and we don't believe it represents what the majority of our team wants," spokesperson Kelly Nantel said.

Amazon has asserted that union members intimidated workers into voting for the union and that local NLRB staff were biased against the retail colossus.

But the ALU has said these claims are groundless, accusing the company of using delay tactics to put off talks on a on a contract in an attempt to quash the labor movement.

© Agence France-Presse
Biden’s support of California farmworker bill makes it ‘complicated’ for Newsom

2022/09/07
Joe Aguilar of Sacramento waves a United Farm Workers flag in front of the state Capitol in Sacramento after the union finished a 24- day march on Aug. 26, 2022, to call on Gov. - Hector Amezcua/The Sacramento Bee/TNS

SACRAMENTO, Calif. — As Gov. Gavin Newsom weighs whether to veto another California farmworker union bill, he has a new and unexpected voice in his ear: President Joe Biden, who has decided to inject national politics into a state labor battle.

Over Labor Day weekend, Biden issued a statement backing a bill that would allow farmworkers to vote by mail in union elections. Supporters say the measure would make it easier and less intimidating for them to organize.

“Farmworkers worked tirelessly and at great personal risk to keep food on America’s tables during the pandemic,” Biden said. “In the state with the largest population of farmworkers, the least we owe them is an easier path to make a free and fair choice to organize a union. I am grateful to California’s elected officials and union leaders for leading the way.”

Presidents seldom intervene in state legislative fights. But underlying Biden’s involvement is the tension between an unpopular incumbent and a rising national Democratic star. Newsom has criticized party leadership for failing to aggressively push back against Republican policies on abortion, climate change and other issues. Biden’s support for the bill is a little pushback of his own, some political professionals say.

“There’s some back-room positioning between the two of the biggest Democratic politicians in the country,” said Mike Madrid, a Republican Latino political consultant. “The president has taken on a much more aggressive posture with all of his critics, whether they’re Republicans or whether they’re Democrats and this is another sign of that. There’s no other reason for the president to weigh in on this other than to put Gov. Newsom in his place.”

Assembly Bill 2183, sponsored by the United Farm Workers and authored by Assemblyman Mark Stone, D-Monterey Bay, passed in the final days of the legislative session. Newsom has until Sept. 30 to sign or veto it.

He vetoed a similar measure in 2021, citing technical issues. This year, the governor has been facing pressure to sign from labor advocates backing UFW, which led a 335-mile march across California to demonstrate in support of the bill.

Biden’s involvement in the farmworker debate adds another layer to Newsom’s already complex decision, political consultants and communications experts say.

“Joe Biden just made Gavin Newsom’s life a whole lot more complicated,” said Dan Schnur, a political communications professor at the University of California, Berkeley and USC and former spokesman for Republican Gov. Pete Wilson. “It’s not unheard of for a president to weigh in on state legislation. But it’s relatively rare to put the squeeze on a governor of your own party like this.”

Newsom’s office did not respond to requests Monday for comment.

Gaspar Rivera-Salgado, project director for the UCLA Labor Center, could not recall the last time a sitting president weighed in so strongly on a state labor issue.

It’s yet another “message” sent in Newsom’s direction, said Rivera-Salgado. Lorena Gonzalez, new head of the California Labor Federation, did a similar move when she invited UFW back into the fold of the state’s labor movement.

“I would read it as trying to put some political pressure on Gavin Newsom to come through,” he said.

Rivera-Salgado added that Biden has put Newsom in an “interesting” position and further open to criticism that the governor has a “soft spot” for growers. The winery Newsom co-founded just bought a Napa vineyard for $14.5 million.

Some labor leaders were not surprised by Biden’s support. He is widely seen as the most outspokenly pro-union president in decades and made headlines in early 2021 for the 22-inch-tall bronze bust of farm labor leader Cesar Chavez behind his desk.

The UFW also endorsed Biden for president in 2020, banking on hopes he would implement farmworker safety protections and immigration reforms. And in March 2021, first lady Jill Biden visited Forty Acres in Delano, the storied birthplace of UFW.

“This shows his commitment to farmworkers.… And it shows that the farmworkers have done a really good job using their voices to share their struggles directly with individuals,” Gonzalez said.

Vice President Kamala Harris, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and former Secretary of Housing and Urban Development Julian Castro have also urged Newsom to sign the bill.

UFW President Teresa Romero said the union had been in communication with the “different people” in the administration, sharing farmworker challenges to organizing. Biden’s White House director of Intergovernmental Affairs is Julie Chávez Rodriguez, Chavez’s granddaughter.

“It’s very meaningful to us and to the workers, to know that we have the support of the president,” Romero said.

Romero remains “50/50” on whether the governor will support the bill. She notes there has been no communication with Newsom’s office since the bill was approved by the Senate last Tuesday.

AB 2163 continues to face staunch opposition from the agricultural industry and grower associations. They argue UFW no longer prioritizes organizing and is ineffective in advocating for better working conditions. In its 1970s heyday, the union had 80,000 members in California and other states. According to the U.S. Department of Labor, it now numbers a little over 6,000.

Rob Roy, president and general counsel for Ventura County Agricultural Association, called the union “virtually nonexistent.” He pointed to the last five years during which UFW has not successfully filed for an election to represent California farmworkers.

“I think the president ought to keep his nose out of state laws dealing with unionization,” Roy said. “But given his background, being pro-union, I guess he just can’t help himself.”

Roy said he expected Biden to have no effect on Newsom’s decision.

During the last few days of the legislative session, Newsom signaled he may veto AB 2183 and has not taken a public stance on the measure since lawmakers approved it.

“Gov. Newsom is eager to sign legislation that expands opportunity for agricultural workers to come together and be represented, and he supports changes to state law to make it easier for these workers to organize,” Erin Mellon, Newsom’s communications director, told The Fresno Bee in August.

“However, we cannot support an untested mail-in election process that lacks critical provisions to protect the integrity of the election and is predicated on an assumption that government cannot effectively enforce laws.”

The main sticking point is whether growers would be notified about an impending union election. UFW staffers say doing so would allow employers to union bust and take action against workers for organizing, including deporting those who are undocumented.

Newsom’s office says not notifying growers about upcoming union elections goes against national labor organizing standards.

Stone, the bill’s author, said his office worked closely with both Newsom and UFW on the bill, which he thinks the governor largely supports, except for “a piece of it he does not like.” He said that’s why the bill includes a five-year sunset provision that would allow lawmakers to reconsider it.

“It was really an attempt to try and say, ‘We know we’re not completely there, but we’re willing to continue to work,’” Stone said.

William Gould IV, former head of the California Agricultural Labor Relations Board and the National Labor Relations Board, said he had respect for Biden, but that the president was given “bad information” on the bill.

“President Biden does not understand farm labor law situation in California. … This is complete make believe. I’m sorry the President has fallen for this lie,” Gould said.

He echoed Roy’s sentiments and shared that, as chairman of the NLRB, UFW only filed one election petition in three years. He said farmworkers deserve protection and was in favor of more organizing. However, Gould said this bill would not help improve unionization rates.

“No one is trying to organize the farmworkers,” Gould said. “They should be organized and hopefully, at some point there will be a union that will try to organize them.”

Newsom has shown support for organized labor in certain situations. On Monday, he signed a bill that will create a fast-food council to help low-wage employees improve their working conditions. This could help to soften some of the criticism from labor if he vetoes the farmworker union bill, Schnur said.

“Newsom (doesn’t) need to sign the farmworkers’ bill in order to shore up his labor credentials this year,” he said. “He took care of that with the fast-food legislation.”

Biden’s support for the farmworker union bill could give Newsom political cover to sign it, or it could make the optics worse if he vetoes it.

Madrid said it’s dangerous for Biden or other politicians to view policies like AB 2183 as a way to appeal to the Latino community. It’s unfair to stereotype Latinos as farmworkers or undocumented residents who care only about border issues, he said.

“When you poll Latino voters ... these are not issues of huge concern,” Madrid said. “They are of symbolic concern. But when you’re the governor that has to actually deal with these issues, you have to deal with substance as much or more than symbolism.”

———

© The Sacramento Be

While hoping for a deal, Seattle teachers vote to strike on the eve of first day of school

Brett Wilkins, Common Dreams
September 07, 2022

Fans hold up a banner expressing support for teachers and students at a Seattle Sounders soccer match on September 4, 2022 in Seattle. (Photo: Seattle Education Association/Twitter)

Members of the union representing roughly 6,000 Seattle teachers voted overwhelmingly on Tuesday to strike the following day—a move the labor group says it hopes to avoid, as public school classes are set to resume on Wednesday.

The Seattle Education Association (SEA) announced Tuesday that of the 75% of its members who voted, 95% elected to authorize a strike, which is set to begin at 7:30 am Wednesday absent an agreement with Seattle Public Schools (SPS) officials.



"None of us want to strike. SPS has forced us to because of its repeated refusal to provide our students with the supports they need to thrive," SEA explained in a statement. "Our bargaining team continues to work at the table and we still hope to announce an agreement rather than a strike tonight."

Jamillah Bomani, a fourth grade teacher at Leschi Elementary School, told KING-TV that "we want to come to school for our students, we want to be here on Wednesday, we want to be ready. But we want to make sure we are coming back to school with everything we need and everything our students need."

"So we are still holding out hope that something will happen and we can come tomorrow," she added, "but we are ready and willing, if we need to, to let the district know that we're not going to show up if we don't have everything our students need."


SEA's strike priorities are:
Supports for students in special education and multilingual education, for students in the schools with highest needs, and for interpretation and translation;

Workload, caseload, and class size controls to prevent educators from burnout; and

Respectful, competitive pay so that educators can live in the communities where they work.

"Our students' needs are greater than I've seen in my career, yet the SPS wants to pursue a distraction rather than an agreement to improve student supports," SEA president Jennifer Matter said in a statement.

"We call on SPS to stop the distractions and instead match our urgency to get to a tentative agreement that better serves our students," she added.



SEA paraprofessional president Marla Rasmussen, who is apart of the union's bargaining team, told KING-TV that "we have been here every day, putting in the hours from early in the morning to late at night."

"We will continue to do so; we're prepared to stay all night as long as it takes, we've done it before and we'll do it again," she added. "It's really important that we have your support and backing and understanding that we are all in this together in solidarity."

SPS said in a statement that the district asked SEA to consider a memorandum of understanding (MOU) "that would have guaranteed an on-time start to school, while allowing negotiations to continue in earnest. At this time, SEA has rejected the proposed MOU."

"Starting school on Wednesday is what is best for our students," the statement added. "We understand this uncertainty about a delay is difficult and unsettling for our students, staff, and families. We hope that SEA will reconsider this MOU and sign it before Tuesday."


The looming strike comes as teachers in nearby Kent—who are seeking higher pay and more manageable caseloads—continued a strike that began August 25.

Teachers in Port Angeles on the Olympic Peninsula are set to strike if a deal on a new contract is not reached by the end of Tuesday.
White supremacist group crashes New Jersey Labor Day parade and tries to march
Matthew Chapman
September 06, 2022

Members of the National Socialist Movement (Neo-Nazis) during
 a 2010 march to the Phoenix Federal building (John Kittelsrud/Flickr)

On Tuesday, The Daily Beast reported that members of a white supremacist group crashed a Labor Day parade in South Plainfield, New Jersey, and tried to march with their own banner promoting their group's ideology.

"South Plainfield Mayor Matthew Anesh says the group of racists, part of the New Jersey European Heritage Association, tried to sneak into the back of his city’s annual parade but were quickly stopped by police. The group never registered with the city and were treated as protesters, Anesh said," reported Josh Fiallo. "The group’s unofficial status didn’t stop pissed off parade goers from heckling and recording the men, however. 'You know these guys are racist pieces of sh*t, you know who they are right?' one man says on the video. 'You guys are not welcome here. Not welcome.'"

"The group donned matching white tees, sunglasses and wore American flag bandanas over their faces, all while holding a massive sign that read, 'DEFEND AMERICAN LABOR … CLOSE THE BORDER.' They stayed quiet as parade goers heckled them, though, one member briefly stepped to the front to snap a photo of the sign before the recording cut out," said the report. "It’s unclear how long the group was on the parade route, as video only shows them standing silently as police flanked them, no floats in sight. Mayor Anesh did not answer a phone call or text from The Daily Beast on Tuesday afternoon seeking clarification."

“In no way shape or form did I, the Governing Body, the Public Celebrations Committee or any other group or organization in South Plainfield condone or welcome this group to the Parade,” said Anesh in a written statement after the incident.

The New Jersey European Heritage Association are best known for their flyer campaigns; according to their report, their flyers feature QR codes that direct to a site showing photos of pregnant white women and espousing the "Great Replacement" conspiracy theory, which states that there is a deliberate plot by elites — sometimes depicted as Jews — to flood majority-white countries with nonwhite immigrants and breed white people out of existence. Some of these flyers were even found in the U.S. Capitol after January 6.

This comes amid new reporting on efforts by white supremacist and neo-Nazi groups — who had been laying low after the blowback from the deadly 2017 Charlottesville, Virginia "Unite the Right" rally — to redouble their recruiting efforts. Some of these groups have been focused on recruitment in the Northeast, with Boston a particular target for hate groups like Patriot Front and NSC 31.
Analysis shows 'quiet fleecing' of workers — not 'quiet quitting' — is the real problem


Kenny Stancil, Common Dreams
September 10, 2022

Photo by ThisisEngineering RAEng on Unsplash

"Quiet quitting"—an allegedly new trend characterized by workers performing only their required job duties and no more—has been getting a lot of attention in recent weeks, but the defining trend of the past 40 years of U.S. economic history is "quiet fleecing," and we should be talking much more about it.


"The reality is workers have long been going 'above and beyond' and not getting paid for it."

That's the argument put forth Friday by the Economic Policy Institute (EPI), a progressive think tank with a long track record of popularizing research on wage suppression and runaway inequality.

"Everyone's obsessed with a post-pandemic phenomenon called 'quiet quitting,'" EPI wrote in an email. "It's basically defined as workers just doing the basic requirements of their jobs and not going 'above and beyond.'"

"But the reality is workers have long been going 'above and beyond' and not getting paid for it," EPI continued. "We're calling this phenomenon 'quiet fleecing.'"

To illustrate what is meant by "quiet fleecing," EPI pointed to an animated chart showing that between 1948 and 1979, the nation's economy and working-class wages grew largely in tandem. Although wages began to flatline during the 1970s crisis of stagflation, a 118% increase in productivity during this 31-year period—when Keynesianism was still dominant—was mirrored by a 107% increase in typical worker pay.

But ever since former President Ronald Reagan's neoliberal counterrevolution against unions, public goods provided by the welfare state, and other fixtures of the New Deal era—a pro-corporate and anti-labor agenda that became bipartisan and has only recently lost some of its hegemony—the gap between productivity and typical worker pay has widened dramatically.
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According to EPI, net productivity rose 61.8% from 1979 to 2020. Hourly pay, meanwhile, increased by just 17.5% during those 41 years, meaning that productivity grew 3.5 times as much as wages over the past four decades, after adjusting for inflation.

"Workers are more productive than ever," EPI noted Friday, "but employers haven't been sharing the wealth. In fact, they've been fleecing workers for 40 years when it comes to having pay rise with productivity."

"Who's reaping the benefits if workers are getting quietly fleeced?" the think tank asked.

At the same time that typical worker pay has remained largely flat despite climbing productivity, the share of income captured by the top 1% has soared. From 1948 to 2019, the top 1% enjoyed a 407% increase in compensation, with the bulk of those gains coming after 1979.

In a more detailed analysis on the topic, EPI noted that the growing gulf between productivity and typical worker pay represents "income going everywhere but the paychecks of the bottom 80% of workers."

That wedge of income "went into the salaries of highly paid corporate and professional employees," EPI pointed out, "and it went into higher profits (i.e., toward returns to shareholders and other wealth owners)."

"This concentration of wage income at the top (growing wage inequality) and the shift of income from labor overall and toward capital owners (the loss in labor's share of income) are two of the key drivers of economic inequality overall since the late 1970s," the think tank added.

The link between productivity and typical worker pay was deliberately broken by neoliberal policies. As EPI tells it:
Starting in the late 1970s policymakers began dismantling all the policy bulwarks helping to ensure that typical workers' wages grew with productivity. Excess unemployment was tolerated to keep any chance of inflation in check. Raises in the federal minimum wage became smaller and rarer. Labor law failed to keep pace with growing employer hostility toward unions. Tax rates on top incomes were lowered. And anti-worker deregulatory pushes—from the deregulation of the trucking and airline industries to the retreat of antitrust policy to the dismantling of financial regulations and more—succeeded again and again.
In essence, policy choices made to suppress wage growth prevented potential pay growth fueled by rising productivity from translating into actual pay growth for most workers. The result of this policy shift was the sharp divergence between productivity and typical workers' pay shown in the graph.

"There is something fundamentally wrong with the way our current economy distributes wealth and rewards work," the think tank concluded on Friday. So-called quiet quitting "is a symptom of a much bigger and deeper problem."

According to EPI's latest research on the subject, top CEOs in the U.S. were paid 351 times as much as typical workers in 2020.

EPI found that the ratio of CEO-to-typical-worker compensation was 21-to-1 in 1965 and 61-to-1 in 1989. Between 1978 and 2020, researchers noted, CEO pay soared by 1,322% while typical worker pay grew by just 18%.

"For future productivity gains to lead to robust wage growth and widely shared prosperity, we need to institute policies that firmly connect pay and productivity and build worker power," the think tank has argued. "Without policy interventions, economic growth will continue to sputter, and the growth we do see will largely fail to lift typical workers' wages."

Last year, Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) unveiled the Tax Excessive CEO Pay Act, a proposal to raise taxes on corporations that pay their CEOs over 50 times more than the median worker.

The legislation "would incentivize corporations to both rein in pay at the top and lift up wages—all while generating an estimated $150 billion over 10 years that could be invested in ways that reduce inequality," explained the Institute for Policy Studies' Sarah Anderson, one of many economists who attribute the worsening pay gap to the decadeslong assault on the labor movement and the rise of stock-based compensation for CEOs.

The U.S., Sanders warned when introducing his legislation, is "moving toward an oligarchic form of society where the very rich are doing phenomenally well, and working families are struggling in a way that we have not seen since the Great Depression."

"At a time of massive income and wealth inequality," he added, "the American people are demanding that large, profitable corporations pay their fair share of taxes and treat their employees with the dignity and respect they deserve."
Here is one of the most revealing lines in Jared Kushner's self-serving memoir

The Conversation
September 09, 2022

Jared Kushner participates in the signing ceremony 
of the Abraham Accords between Israel, UAE and 
Bahrain at the White House. (Shutterstock.com)


Jared Kushner is not the first presidential son-in-law to have held high office. President Woodrow Wilson leaned heavily on his talented and experienced Treasury Secretary, William McAdoo, who just happened to be his daughter’s husband.

McAdoo, however, was a skilled politician, and his appointment had to be ratified by the US Senate. Kushner, who spent much of Donald Trump’s period in office as a senior advisor, and even at times a de facto chief of staff, was previously a real estate developer.

Kushner’s marriage to Trump’s daughter, Ivanka, was facilitated by Rupert Murdoch and his former wife. But that friendship had its limits, as Jared would discover when Rupert refused to override the call made by Fox News in its coverage of the 2020 elections that gave Arizona to Trump’s adversary, Joe Biden.

Kushner was one of Trump’s inner circle, with a wide-ranging set of briefs that appeared to cut across half a dozen departments. Breaking History reads rather like a dutiful student’s account of “what I did on my summer holidays”, except in this case Jared actually influenced US policies in a number of areas.

While making sure to properly acknowledge the pater familias, Kushner claims some big personal achievements:

Across four years, I helped negotiate the largest trade deal in history, pass bipartisan criminal justice reform, and launch Operation Warp Speed to deliver a safe and effective COVID-19 vaccine in record time … In what has become known as the Abraham Accords, five Muslim-majority countries signed peace agreements with Israel.

Some of these claims are justified. In particular, the Trump administration did support some relaxing of the draconian penal restrictions that mean the US leads the world in incarcerations. Kushner’s account of building a bipartisan movement to modify some of these laws is important, even as it reminds us of the barbarity of much of the US justice system.

Kushner spent considerable time working with selected gulf states to develop what became the Abraham Accords, which saw four Arab states recognise Israel. His insight was that the various royal despots would ultimately collaborate in abandoning the Palestinians in the greater interest of building an anti-Iranian alliance, where they shared common concerns with Israel. It seems Kushner never met a ruler he didn’t like, nor one whose record on human rights was worth questioning.

Kushner seems blithely oblivious to the fact his close ties to Israel’s former prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu, which go back to childhood, and his own strong support for Israeli ambitions, might have restrained Palestinian enthusiasm for his peacemaking efforts.

In this he reminds one of his father-in-law, who never let sentiment get in the way of enthusiasm for making a deal. Remember how well that went with Kim Jong-un – and, yes, Jared and Ivanka were there when the two presidents met at the Demilitarised Military Zone between the two Koreas, but tactfully no more is said about the beautiful friendship Trump claimed was established.

Telling silences and a magic touch

After the outbreak of COVID, Kushner became a central player, along with Vice-President Mike Pence, in organising the national response. As with his account of the Abraham negotiations, there is a great deal of fascinating detail obscured by his need to be centre-stage.

That the US suffered among the highest COVID death rates within rich countries is apparently not worth mentioning beside the achievements of our hero in mobilising the private sector and pharmaceutical giants.

In Kushner’s world everyone is at fault, except the Trump family. President Trump, it seems, was constantly let down by his advisers, the Republican establishment, foreign leaders – by everyone, in fact, but Jared and Ivanka. Donald’s wife and sons barely appear (thankfully Melania, Eric and Donald Jr were hardly noted for their interest in policy).

Nor, one might note, do either of the Australian prime ministers who dealt with Trump rate a mention. Kushner seems largely uninterested in democratically elected governments, although he does tell us of his friendship with former UK prime minister Boris Johnson. It seems that for four years, only the steady hand of President Trump, supported by his daughter and son-in-law, steered the US through perilous waters.

Breaking History suggests there were few areas of government where Jared’s magic touch was not required. As he says, when the president calls, you answer, even if it means missing sleep and meals. He notes the rapid turnover of officials in the administration, and has little praise for most of the cabinet, other than former secretary of state Mike Pompeo and treasurer Steven Mnuchin.

But sycophancy has its limits. One of the most revealing lines in the book comes in a reflection on the days after the 2020 elections: “Like millions of Americans, I was disappointed by the outcome of the election.”

Kushner makes no attempt to support claims the election was stolen, and passes over the attack on the Capitol by Trump’s supporters, which he acknowledges was “wrong and unlawful”. His claim that had Trump anticipated violence he would have prevented it from happening has been essentially disproved in the recent hearings into the January 6 attack.

Analysing a morally corrupt presidency


Donald Trump is known to be a lazy reader, although Kushner claimed last month his father-in-law had started reading his book. Will he wade through the 400 or so pages of praise that come before the admission of electoral defeat?

One wonders whom else the book might attract. The prose is flat but grammatical, far removed from the overblown rhetoric and denunciations so beloved of the MAGA crowd. The book has been predictably panned by the New York Times and Washington Post, and largely ignored by Trump’s true believers, who far prefer the fiery speeches of Don Junior. But it would be wrong to ignore the insights into Washington and Middle Eastern policy-making that Kushner provides.

Even a morally corrupt presidency leaves a mark on the world that needs to be analysed. The plethora of books that have already appeared around the Trump presidency bear out Kushner’s claim to have been a key player across a number of crucial portfolios.

Indeed, the only other person to remain in “the room where it happened” through the entire four years was Pence, until his final break with Trump over the results of the 2020 elections. Now there’s a story Lin Manuel Miranda might consider as a follow-up to Hamilton.


By Dennis Altman, VC Fellow LaTrobe University, La Trobe University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.