Wednesday, October 26, 2022

The danger of advanced artificial intelligence controlling its own feedback

The Conversation
October 24, 2022

Artificial Intelligence (Shutterstock)

How would an artificial intelligence (AI) decide what to do? One common approach in AI research is called “reinforcement learning”.

Reinforcement learning gives the software a “reward” defined in some way, and lets the software figure out how to maximize the reward. This approach has produced some excellent results, such as building software agents that defeat humans at games like chess and Go, or creating new designs for nuclear fusion reactors.

However, we might want to hold off on making reinforcement learning agents too flexible and effective.

As we argue in a new paper in AI Magazine, deploying a sufficiently advanced reinforcement learning agent would likely be incompatible with the continued survival of humanity.

The reinforcement learning problem

What we now call the reinforcement learning problem was first considered in 1933 by the pathologist William Thompson. He wondered: if I have two untested treatments and a population of patients, how should I assign treatments in succession to cure the most patients?

More generally, the reinforcement learning problem is about how to plan your actions to best accrue rewards over the long term. The hitch is that, to begin with, you’re not sure how your actions affect rewards, but over time you can observe the dependence. For Thompson, an action was the selection of a treatment, and a reward corresponded to a patient being cured.

The problem turned out to be hard. Statistician Peter Whittle remarked that, during the second world war,

efforts to solve it so sapped the energies and minds of Allied analysts that the suggestion was made that the problem be dropped over Germany, as the ultimate instrument of intellectual sabotage.

With the advent of computers, computer scientists started trying to write algorithms to solve the reinforcement learning problem in general settings. The hope is: if the artificial “reinforcement learning agent” gets reward only when it does what we want, then the reward-maximizing actions it learns will accomplish what we want.

Despite some successes, the general problem is still very hard. Ask a reinforcement learning practitioner to train a robot to tend a botanical garden or to convince a human that he’s wrong, and you may get a laugh.


An AI-generated image of ‘a robot tending a botanical garden’.DALL-E / The Conversation


As reinforcement learning systems become more powerful, however, they’re likely to start acting against human interests. And not because evil or foolish reinforcement learning operators would give them the wrong rewards at the wrong times.

We’ve argued that any sufficiently powerful reinforcement learning system, if it satisfies a handful of plausible assumptions, is likely to go wrong. To understand why, let’s start with a very simple version of a reinforcement learning system.

A magic box and a camera


Suppose we have a magic box that reports how good the world is as a number between 0 and 1. Now, we show a reinforcement learning agent this number with a camera, and have the agent pick actions to maximize the number.

To pick actions that will maximize its rewards, the agent must have an idea of how its actions affect its rewards (and its observations).

Once it gets going, the agent should realize that past rewards have always matched the numbers that the box displayed. It should also realize that past rewards matched the numbers that its camera saw. So will future rewards match the number the box displays or the number the camera sees?

If the agent doesn’t have strong innate convictions about “minor” details of the world, the agent should consider both possibilities plausible. And if a sufficiently advanced agent is rational, it should test both possibilities, if that can be done without risking much reward. This may start to feel like a lot of assumptions, but note how plausible each is.

To test these two possibilities, the agent would have to do an experiment by arranging a circumstance where the camera saw a different number from the one on the box, by, for example, putting a piece of paper in between.

If the agent does this, it will actually see the number on the piece of paper, it will remember getting a reward equal to what the camera saw, and different from what was on the box, so “past rewards match the number on the box” will no longer be true.


At this point, the agent would proceed to focus on maximizing the expectation of the number that its camera sees. Of course, this is only a rough summary of a deeper discussion.

In the paper, we use this “magic box” example to introduce important concepts, but the agent’s behavior generalizes to other settings. We argue that, subject to a handful of plausible assumptions, any reinforcement learning agent that can intervene in its own feedback (in this case, the number it sees) will suffer the same flaw.

Securing reward


But why would such a reinforcement learning agent endanger us?

The agent will never stop trying to increase the probability that the camera sees a 1 forevermore. More energy can always be employed to reduce the risk of something damaging the camera – asteroids, cosmic rays, or meddling humans.

That would place us in competition with an extremely advanced agent for every joule of usable energy on Earth. The agent would want to use it all to secure a fortress around its camera.

Assuming it is possible for an agent to gain so much power, and assuming sufficiently advanced agents would beat humans in head-to-head competitions, we find that in the presence of a sufficiently advanced reinforcement learning agent, there would be no energy available for us to survive.
Avoiding catastrophe

What should we do about this? We would like other scholars to weigh in here. Technical researchers should try to design advanced agents that may violate the assumptions we make. Policymakers should consider how legislation could prevent such agents from being made.

Perhaps we could ban artificial agents that plan over the long term with extensive computation in environments that include humans. And militaries should appreciate they cannot expect themselves or their adversaries to successfully weaponize such technology; weapons must be destructive and directable, not just destructive.

There are few enough actors trying to create such advanced reinforcement learning that maybe they could be persuaded to pursue safer directions.

Michael K. Cohen, Doctoral Candidate in Engineering, University of Oxford and Marcus Hutter, Professor of Computer Science, Australian National University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


AI is changing scientists’ understanding of language learning – and raising questions about an innate grammar

The Conversation
October 20, 2022

Mother and Child (Shutterstock)

Unlike the carefully scripted dialogue found in most books and movies, the language of everyday interaction tends to be messy and incomplete, full of false starts, interruptions and people talking over each other. From casual conversations between friends, to bickering between siblings, to formal discussions in a boardroom, authentic conversation is chaotic. It seems miraculous that anyone can learn language at all given the haphazard nature of the linguistic experience.

For this reason, many language scientists – including Noam Chomsky, a founder of modern linguistics – believe that language learners require a kind of glue to rein in the unruly nature of everyday language. And that glue is grammar: a system of rules for generating grammatical sentences.

Children must have a grammar template wired into their brains to help them overcome the limitations of their language experience – or so the thinking goes.

This template, for example, might contain a “super-rule” that dictates how new pieces are added to existing phrases. Children then only need to learn whether their native language is one, like English, where the verb goes before the object (as in “I eat sushi”), or one like Japanese, where the verb goes after the object (in Japanese, the same sentence is structured as “I sushi eat”).

But new insights into language learning are coming from an unlikely source: artificial intelligence. A new breed of large AI language models can write newspaper articlespoetry and computer code and answer questions truthfully after being exposed to vast amounts of language input. And even more astonishingly, they all do it without the help of grammar.

Grammatical language without a grammar

Even if their choice of words is sometimes strangenonsensical or contains racist, sexist and other harmful biases, one thing is very clear: the overwhelming majority of the output of these AI language models is grammatically correct. And yet, there are no grammar templates or rules hardwired into them – they rely on linguistic experience alone, messy as it may be.

GPT-3, arguably the most well-known of these models, is a gigantic deep-learning neural network with 175 billion parameters. It was trained to predict the next word in a sentence given what came before across hundreds of billions of words from the internet, books and Wikipedia. When it made a wrong prediction, its parameters were adjusted using an automatic learning algorithm.

Remarkably, GPT-3 can generate believable text reacting to prompts such as “A summary of the last ‘Fast and Furious’ movie is…” or “Write a poem in the style of Emily Dickinson.” Moreover, GPT-3 can respond to SAT level analogies, reading comprehension questions and even solve simple arithmetic problems – all from learning how to predict the next word.


An AI model and a human brain may generate the same language, but are they doing it the same way?
Just_Super/E+ via Getty Images

Comparing AI models and human brains

The similarity with human language doesn’t stop here, however. Research published in Nature Neuroscience demonstrated that these artificial deep-learning networks seem to use the same computational principles as the human brain. The research group, led by neuroscientist Uri Hasson, first compared how well GPT-2 – a “little brother” of GPT-3 – and humans could predict the next word in a story taken from the podcast “This American Life”: people and the AI predicted the exact same word nearly 50% of the time.

The researchers recorded volunteers’ brain activity while listening to the story. The best explanation for the patterns of activation they observed was that people’s brains – like GPT-2 – were not just using the preceding one or two words when making predictions but relied on the accumulated context of up to 100 previous words. Altogether, the authors conclude: “Our finding of spontaneous predictive neural signals as participants listen to natural speech suggests that active prediction may underlie humans’ lifelong language learning.”

A possible concern is that these new AI language models are fed a lot of input: GPT-3 was trained on linguistic experience equivalent to 20,000 human years. But a preliminary study that has not yet been peer-reviewed found that GPT-2 can still model human next-word predictions and brain activations even when trained on just 100 million words. That’s well within the amount of linguistic input that an average child might hear during the first 10 years of life.

We are not suggesting that GPT-3 or GPT-2 learn language exactly like children do. Indeed, these AI models do not appear to comprehend much, if anything, of what they are saying, whereas understanding is fundamental to human language use. Still, what these models prove is that a learner – albeit a silicon one – can learn language well enough from mere exposure to produce perfectly good grammatical sentences and do so in a way that resembles human brain processing.


More back and forth yields more language learning.

Westend61 via Getty Images

Rethinking language learning

For years, many linguists have believed that learning language is impossible without a built-in grammar template. The new AI models prove otherwise. They demonstrate that the ability to produce grammatical language can be learned from linguistic experience alone. Likewise, we suggest that children do not need an innate grammar to learn language.

“Children should be seen, not heard” goes the old saying, but the latest AI language models suggest that nothing could be further from the truth. Instead, children need to be engaged in the back-and-forth of conversation as much as possible to help them develop their language skills. Linguistic experience – not grammar – is key to becoming a competent language user.

Morten H. Christiansen, Professor of Psychology, Cornell University and Pablo Contreras Kallens, Ph.D. Student in Psychology, Cornell University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
From Black Death to COVID-19, pandemics have always pushed people to honor death and celebrate life

The Conversation
October 24, 2022

Painting showing the plague in Constantinople. (Credit: Walters Art Museum)

After the last couple of Halloweens were plagued by doubt and worry thanks to a global pandemic with no clear end in sight, Halloween 2022 may feel especially exciting for those ready to celebrate it. Thanks to ongoing vigilance and continuing vaccination efforts, many people in the U.S. are now fortunate enough to feel cautiously optimistic after all those awful months that have passed since March 2020.
Etching of a plague doctor in the era’s personal protective equipment.

I am a historian of pandemics. And yes, Halloween is my favorite holiday because I get to wear my plague doctor costume complete with a beaked mask.

But Halloween opens a little window of freedom for all ages. It lets people move beyond their ordinary social roles, identities and appearances. It is spooky and morbid, yet playful. Even though death is symbolically very much present in Halloween, it’s also a time to celebrate life. The holiday draws from mixed emotions that resonate even more than usual during the COVID-19 era.

Looking at the ways survivors of past pandemics tried to celebrate the triumph of life amid widespread death can add context to the present-day experience. Consider the Black Death — the mother of all pandemics.

Black Death birthed a new death culture

The Black Death was a pandemic of plague, the infectious disease caused by the bacterium Yersinia pestis. Between 1346 and 1353, plague rampaged across Afro-Eurasia and killed an estimated 40% to 60% of the population. The Black Death ended, but plague carried on, making periodic return visits through the centuries.

The catastrophic effects of plague and its relentless recurrences changed life in every possible way.


One aspect was attitudes toward death. In Europe, high levels of mortality caused by the Black Death and its recurrent outbreaks made death even more visible and tangible than ever before. The ubiquity of death contributed to the making of a new death culture, which found an expression in art. For example, images of the dance of death or “danse macabre” showed the dead and the living coming together.



Everyone from the poor to the powerful will eventually dance with death.
Dance of death: death and the bishop. Etching attributed to J.-A. Chovin, 1720-1776, after the Basel dance of death. Wellcome Collection., CC BY

Even though skeletons and skulls representing death had appeared in ancient and medieval art, such symbols gained renewed emphasis following the Black Death. These images epitomized the transient and volatile nature of life and the imminence of death for allrich and poor, young and old, men and women.

Artists’ allegorical references to death stressed the closeness of the hour of death. Skulls and other “memento mori” symbols, including coffins and hourglasses, appeared in Renaissance paintings to remind viewers that because death was imminent, one must prepare for it.

Bruegel the Elder’s famous “Triumph of Death” stressed the unpredictability of death: Armies of skeletons march over people and take their lives, whether ready or not.

Death culture influenced the 19th-century Western European doctors who started writing about historical pandemics. Through this lens, they imagined a specific version of past pandemics — the Black Death, in particular — that one modern historian named “Gothic epidemiology.”

Flawed image of Black Death emerged in 1800s

The German medical historian Justus Hecker, who died in 1850, and his followers wrote about the Black Death in a dark, gloomy, emotional tone. They emphasized its morbid and bizarre aspects, such as violent anti-Jewish pogroms and the itinerant Flagellants who whipped themselves in public displays of penance. In their 19th-century writing of the Black Death, it was cast as a singular event of cataclysmic proportions — a foreign, peculiar, almost wondrous entity that did not belong to European history.

As it is remembered today, the dominant symbols of the Black Death – like images of uncanny dancing skeletons and the Grim Reaper – are products of that Gothic imagination. Ironically, the iconic plague doctor was not a medieval phenomenon but a 17th-century introduction. It was only then – 300 years post-Black Death – that doctors treating plague patients started wearing special full-body outfits and a beaked mask, a precursor of modern personal protective equipment. So, sadly, my own plague doctor Halloween costume has nothing to do with the Black Death pandemic itself.

Even the term Black Death is a 19th-century invention; none of the medieval witnesses wrote of a “Black Death” or thought of plague as black.

The living legacy of this Gothic epidemiology still defines scholarly and popular understanding of plague and may creep into today’s Halloween costumes and decorations.
Triumph of death or celebration of life?

Pandemics never mean death and suffering for all. There is strong evidence that Black Death survivors experienced better living standards and increased prosperity. Even during subsequent outbreaks, differences in class, location and gender informed people’s experiences. The urban poor died in greater numbers, for example, as the well-off fled to their countryside residences. Giovanni Boccaccio’s famous “Decameron,” written in the immediate aftermath of the Black Death, tells the story of 10 young people who took refuge in the countryside, passing their days telling each other entertaining stories as a way to forget the horrors of plague and imminent death.


The characters of ‘The Decameron’ retreated and distracted themselves from death.
  Heritage Images/Hulton Fine Art Collection via Getty Images

A later example is Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq, a Habsburg ambassador to the Ottoman Empire who took refuge in the Princes’ Islands off the coast of Istanbul during a plague outbreak in 1561. His memoir describes how he spent his days fishing and enjoying other pleasant pastimes, even while the daily death toll in the city surpassed 1,000 for months.

Countless narratives testify that recurrent outbreaks of plague inspired people to find new ways to embrace life and death. For some, this meant turning toward religion: prayer, fasting and processions. For others, it meant excessive drinking, partying and illicit sex. For still others, self-isolation and finding comfort in one’s own company did the trick.

No one yet knows how the COVID-19 pandemic will be remembered. But for the moment, Halloween is the perfect occasion to play with the pandemic lesson to simultaneously celebrate life and contemplate death.

As you dress up in spooky costumes or decorate your home with plastic skeletons to celebrate this late capitalist holiday – yes, Halloween is now a thriving US$10 billion industry annually – you may find comfort thinking about how the way you feel about life and death connects you to those who survived past pandemics.

[The Conversation’s science, health and technology editors pick their favorite stories. Weekly on Wednesdays.]

Nükhet Varlik, Associate Professor of History, Rutgers University - Newark

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

BUT NOT EVEN A THIRD OF AMERICANS
How a radical third of the electorate dictates the terms of American democracy

John Stoehr
October 25, 2022

Donald Trump supporters traveled from Newton, Massachusetts, to Washington to protest Joe Biden's election win(AFP)

USA Today runs a daily poll on its frontpage. On Friday, the public survey results were on gun laws. “If it were harder to obtain guns legally, Americans think there would be ____ mass shootings.”

Sixty-six percent said there would be far fewer or somewhat fewer mass shootings. Nearly 30 percent said no difference. (A smattering of cranks, 5 percent, said there would be more or somewhat more.)

I bring this to your attention not so much to bolster the prospect of tighter gun laws (though it does), but to point out a pretty common demographic pattern – that a radical third stands against the majority with respect to issues concerning us all. Whether gun control, abortion or “indoctrination” in public school, there’s always about a third of the country representing the country’s shame.

READ MORE: Dark money groups have pumped $1 billion into GOP effort to retake the Senate

This alone isn’t noteworthy. After all, every country has its yokels and yahoos. But not every country has a political setup that gives yokels and yahoos more practical power than the majority. Very few countries, if any, give voters in sparsely populated farming areas an effective veto over densely populated areas with large urban centers.

That setup – or the political advantages of it – are apparent when the Republicans slander cities, and in the slandering, they protect those same advantages. Ohio Congressman Jim Jordan said last week: “Do you feel safe in cities controlled by the Left? Cities that defunded the police? Cities that ignore police staffing issues. No. No. No.”

The dynamic of political power between urban and rural is obviously asymmetrical. That’s by design. It’s to prevent liberal democracy from flourishing fully. The thinking at the time of the founding was that a fully flourishing liberal democracy would inflict tyranny on the minority. In the case of the founders, rich white men like them.

But the problem is and has been the opposite.


A radical minority dictates the terms of American democracy.

I suspect that even people with something better to do than pay attention to politics get this. The Electoral College stands against democracy. So does the US Senate. The courts, especially the Supreme Court, do, too. We liberals say “it’s a republic, not a democracy” is wrong, but we don’t consider whether right-wingers have a point. Saying they’re wrong is more theoretical than empirical.

We should consider something else that’s more theoretical than empirical – the idea that political violence is an exception to the rule. Precisely, that political violence is random, irrational, senseless: something that deviates from the norm. It’s nothing of the sort.

Its origins have always been here.


It’s that place, demographically speaking, where the minority believes, say, that tighter gun laws will make no difference to shooting massacres, even amid mass death, even amid murder rates in Republican-controlled state outstripping those of all other states.

What respect is the truth (or anything) owed when a third controls contramajoritarian institutions built into the system by design? What respect is the political majority owed by a political minority? Why would the politically strong give respect to the politically weak?

But sometimes those contramajoritarian institutions fail (or appear to). If and when they do, this radical third of America is entitled, on account of having political advantages, to resort to violence in order to maintain those same political advantages. While democracy is the point for the political majority, with violence the exception, violence is the point for the political minority, with democracy the exception.

So when a school kid is sent a letter like the one above (regarding the child’s mother, a Loudoun County, Virginia, school board member), it should not be seen as extraordinary, because it’s actually ordinary. After all, what’s more common? People discussing hard topics like “critical race theory” in public school? Or people losing their minds over things they don’t understand and don’t want to understand?

The radical third has been living among us since the founding. They had kids. Their kids had kids had kids. This is how they think. This is what they do. The difference is of degree, not kind. As long as the contramajoritarian institutions hold, all’s well. If they don’t, well …

According to USA Today, “bomb threats at [historically Black colleges and universities] had swelled to at least 57” since February, “leaving administrators and students on edge and rekindling a history of violence aimed at Black students seeking educational advancement.”

The FBI said that it had focused on six subjects in 2021, but arrested no one, according to USA Today. In the meantime, however, “the menacing behavior continued into the next school year.”

“If we allow people to feel like they can continue to do this without being held accountable, they will always be able to be disruptive,” Walter Kimbrough told the newspaper. “We’re the only group where there have been threats, and nobody has been caught” (my italics).

If it isn’t apparent, the source of these threats is the radical third of America, where democracy is undeserving of respect and where the rule of law applies only if it maintains baked-in political advantages.

A radical third dictates the terms of American democracy.

It’s empirical, not theoretical.



John Stoehr is a fellow at the Yale Journalism Initiative; a contributing writer for the Washington Monthly; a contributing editor for Religion Dispatches; and senior editor at Alternet. Follow him @johnastoehr.

 MHI, Hitachi reviving Japan’s nuclear power industry

After Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, in late August, ordered the development and construction of new nuclear power plantsJapan’s nuclear power plant builders are following up quickly with new and safer reactors.

Mitsubishi Heavy Industries (MHI) today unveiled a conceptual design for a new light water reactor with additional safety features. The next day, he reported on September 30 that Hitachi-GE Nuclear Energy was also designing its own new reactor with enhanced safety features.

Mitsubishi Heavy Industries

Developed jointly with four Japanese power companies – Hokkaido Electric Power, Kansai Electric Power, Shikoku Electric Power and Kyushu Electric Power – the MHI reactor meets regulatory requirements for “resilience to natural disasters and security against terrorism and unforeseen circumstances.” It is advertised as

'Shame on FIFA': Peter Tatchell hits out at World Cup organisers in Qatar protests

25 October 2022, LBC

Peter Tatchell in Qatar
Peter Tatchell in Qatar. Picture: Twitter/Peter Tatchell 

By Kit Heren

Veteran LGBT activist Peter Tatchell has criticised FIFA for awarding Qatar the World Cup, after he claimed he was arrested on Tuesday in the Gulf state for staging a protest against the homophobic regime that is putting on the football tournament in November

Homosexuality is illegal in Qatar, and punishable by up to three years in prison - and even the death sentence for Muslims, although there are no verified cases of anyone being executed for being gay in Qatar.

Mr Tatchell, 70, stood in front of the Qatar national museum in Doha for 35 minutes on Tuesday with a placard claiming that "Qatar arrests, jails and subjects LGBTs to 'conversion'."

Peter Tatchell in a protest in London in 2018
Peter Tatchell in a protest in London in 2018. Picture: Getty

Two uniformed police officers and three plain-clothes officials came up to him and took his placard away. Mr Tatchell said he was arrested, and told to leave the country. Qatar has denied he was arrested.

Speaking to LBC after his arrest, Mr Tatchell said he staged the protest in solidarity with gay people in Qatar.

"Think about what it’s like to be gay in Qatar," he said. Mr Tatchell said that LGBT people in the country would face arrests and harassment from police.

"For FIFA to give such a country the right to hold such an event is really shocking...

"Shame on FIFA", he added.

Speaking before his protest, Mr Tatchell said: “There can be no normal sporting relations with an abnormal regime like Qatar. It is a homophobic, sexist and racist dictatorship.

“Qatar cannot be allowed to sportswash its reputation. It is using the World Cup to enhance its international image. We must ensure that the tyrant regime in Doha does not score a PR victory.

Peter Tatchell in a protest in 1998
Peter Tatchell in a protest in 1998. Picture: Getty

“I did this protest to shine a light on Qatar’s human rights abuses against LGBT+ people, women, migrant workers and liberal Qataris. I am supporting their brave battle against tyranny.

Read more: Keir Starmer will refuse to go to the World Cup in Qatar because of human rights - even if England get to the final

“LGBT+ Qataris face police harassment, online entrapment, ‘honour’ killing, arrest, three years jail and potentially the death penalty. Qatar has secret gay conversion centres where LGBT+ people can be detained and subjected to abusive attempts to turn them straight.

“Women must get permission from a male guardian to marry, work in many government jobs and to study and travel abroad.

“Over 6,500 migrant workers have died since Qatar was given the right to host the World Cup. Many families are still waiting for compensation. Migrant workers complain of unpaid wages, overcrowded slum hostels and being refused permission to change jobs.”

Arab men sit at a shoemaker's stall with a replica of the World Cup trophy
Arab men sit at a shoemaker's stall with a replica of the World Cup trophy. Picture: Getty

A spokesperson for Mr Tatchell said this was the first ever LGBT demonstration in Qatar or any Gulf state.

Qatar is hosting the World Cup in late November and early December despite facing criticism for its anti-LGBT stance.

The FA has said that it has had assurances that LGBT fans will not face persecution in the country for the duration of the tournament if they commit "minor offences" against homophobic laws, so long as they respect local customs.

FA chief executive Mark Bullingham told the Guardian: "They’ve absolutely told us all the right answers for anything we’ve talked about, even down to ‘are our rainbow flags allowed’?

Mark Bullingham has said LGBT fans should not be persecuted in Qatar
Mark Bullingham has said LGBT fans should not be persecuted in Qatar. Picture: Getty

“Yes, absolutely, as long as someone doesn’t go and drape them on the outside of a mosque – that was one example we were given – and were disrespectful in that way. They have absolutely been briefed to be very tolerant and act in the right way.”

It is unclear where the level for "minor offences" has been set - for example if gay couples kissing or holding hands will be tolerated.

Read more: Peter Tatchell: Time To Lower Age Of Consent

Australian-born, UK-based Mr Tatchell has campaigned for LGBT rights and other social justice issues for more than 50 years.

He has courted controversy in the past by criticising some Muslim organisations for being homophobic, although he has denied accusations of Islamophobia.

A spokesperson for the Qatar government said: "Rumours on social media that a representative from the Peter Tatchell Foundation has been arrested in Qatar are completely false and without merit.

"An individual standing in a traffic roundabout was cordially and professionally asked to move to the sidewalk, no arrests were made."

The spokesperson added that they were "disappointed" to see media reports on the subject.

They said: "We are always open to dialogue with entities that wish to discuss important topics, but spreading false information with the deliberate intention of provoking negative responses is irresponsible and unacceptable."

Mr Tatchell told LBC in response: "I was held on the kerbside against my will, I was not allowed to leave.

"I couldn't leave, I couldn't move, I had to stay there.

"They were polite, they didn’t threaten me.

"It wasn’t a harsh interrogation under heavy lights or anything."

LBC has contacted FIFA for comment on Mr Tatchell's comments.

 SAME OLD (S) TORIES

Outrage after Suella Braverman made home secretary - just six days after being sacked for breaching the ministerial code

25 October 2022, 20:25 | Updated: 25 October 2022, 20:41

Rishi Sunak has sparked outrage by hiring Suella Braverman again
Rishi Sunak has sparked outrage by hiring Suella Braverman again. Picture: Alamy

By Kit Heren

Rishi Sunak has sparked outrage by making Suella Braverman home secretary - just six days after being fired for breaking the ministerial code

Labour's shadow home secretary Yvette Cooper called Ms Braverman "careless and slapdash" as she hit out at her appointment.

Ms Braverman, a hardliner on immigration, was sacked by former Prime Minister Liz Truss on October 19 for sharing an official document on a private email account.

She was also extremely critical of Ms Truss in her letter resigning from the job, which she held for less than two months.

But new Prime Minister Rishi Sunak - who had promised "integrity... at every level" as he became Prime Minister - courted controversy by hiring her again on October 25.

Making a point of order in the Commons, Ms Cooper said: "The Home Secretary has access to the most sensitive information of all relating to our national security. We cannot have someone careless and slapdash in that job.

"And how on earth does it meet standards of integrity, professionalism, to reappoint someone who has just broken the ministerial code, just breached all standards of professional behaviour in a great office of state?

Suella Braverman leaves after a meeting with Rishi Sunak
Suella Braverman leaves after a meeting with Rishi Sunak. Picture: Getty

"It just looks as if the new Prime Minister has put party before country, and our national security and public safety are too important for this."

Right-winger Ms Braverman's stance on immigration may differ from Mr Sunak, who is in the centre of the party, and his chancellor Jeremy Hunt.

Yvette Cooper criticised the appointment of Suella Braverman
Yvette Cooper criticised the appointment of Suella Braverman. Picture: Getty

Ms Braverman said in her resignation letter to Ms Truss that she had "serious concerns about this government's commitment to honouring manifesto commitments, such as reducing overall migration numbers and stopping illegal migration, particularly the dangerous small boats crossings."

Read more: Undaunted Rishi Sunak vows to earn everyone's trust and fix Liz Truss's mistakes in his first speech as PM

She has also been a vocal supporter of the scheme to deport migrants to Rwanda, which has come in for fierce criticism from opposition parties and activists.

Diane Abbott also criticised the appointment of Suella Braverman
Diane Abbott also criticised the appointment of Suella Braverman. Picture: Getty

Labour MP and former shadow home secretary Diane Abbott said after Ms Braverman was appointed that she was a "terrible choice" for the role.

Read more: Rishi keeps Hunt as Chancellor and brings Braverman back after ousting much of Truss's team in first Cabinet reshuffle

She added: "Suella Braverman’s hatred of migrants is not just cruel & heartless. She is prepared to sink millions into the unworkable Rwanda scheme in the name of it."

Wealth taxes could raise £37bn for UK public services, campaigners say


Rupert Neate Wealth correspondent
THE GUARDIAN
Tue, 25 October 2022 

Photograph: RichardBaker/Alamy

Rishi Sunak’s new government could raise up to £37bn to help pay for public services and the energy bills support scheme if it introduced a string of “wealth taxes”, according to tax equality campaigners.

Tax Justice UK called on the government to introduce five tax reforms targeting the very wealthy, who the campaign group said had done “really well financially” during the coronavirus crisis and national lockdowns, rather than seek to save money with further cuts to public services.

“Tax is about political choices. At a time when most people are being hit hard by the cost of living crisis it would be wrong to cut public services further,” said Tom Peters, Tax Justice UK’s head of advocacy. “The wealthy have done really well financially in the last few years. The chancellor should protect public spending by taxing wealth properly.”


The campaign group, which is calling for a “fairer tax system that actively redistributes wealth to tackle inequality”, suggests five “wealth tax reforms” that it said could bring in an additional £37bn in tax income. It said:

Equalising capital gains tax with income tax could raise up to £14bn a year. At present many well-paid people collect their salaries via sole trader or business partnership companies, and can pay capital gains tax at a rate of 20% rather than income tax, which is as high as 45% for earnings over £150,000. CGT also applies to income from renting out a second home, and dividend income on stocks and shares.

The campaigners said this would simplify the tax system and “treat all forms of income in the same way”. “There is no obvious reason why someone going to work should pay more tax on their wages than someone living from the rent of a second home, for example.”

Applying national insurance to investment income could raise £8.6bn.

Closing loopholes on inheritance tax could raise £1.4bn.

Scrapping the non-dom regime and taxing their offshore income could generate £3.2bn.

And introducing a 1% tax on super-rich people’s assets over £10m could raise an additional £10bn.

Tax Justice UK said “a small wealth tax applied to those at the very top” could raise nearly £10bn and would “help to rectify some of the issues with our existing wealth taxes, which are often avoided by the very richest”.

The UK Wealth Tax Commission last year recommended that a one-off 1% wealth tax on households with more than £1m, perhaps payable in instalments over five years, would generate £260bn – more than enough to cover a year’s funding of the NHS and social care spending.

Arun Advani, an assistant professor at the University of Warwick’s economics department and a member of the Wealth Tax Commission, said: “We think there are 22,000 people with wealth above £10m in the UK. So you might want to start with them or even further up. If you started there, it would only be the top 0.05% of the population.”
Will Rishi Sunak reintroduce austerity?

Tax rises and public sector funding cuts widely expected as new PM seeks to balance books

Joe Sommerlad

Rishi Sunak has succeeded Liz Truss as the UK’s latest prime minister, entering Downing Street on Tuesday with a grave warning that Britain is in the midst of a “profound economic crisis”.

Speaking outside No 10, he said that there are “difficult decisions to come” in a clear indication that tax rises and public sector spending cuts are on their way in chancellor Jeremy Hunt’s medium-term fiscal plan, which is due to be delivered on Monday 31 October.

Mr Hunt, who was only brought in on 14 October by Ms Truss to replace the unceremoniously sacked Kwasi Kwarteng, needs to find up to £40bn to fill a giant black hole in the national finances created by the Covid-19 pandemic and, in part, by the “mini-Budget” unveiled during the comically short-lived Truss-Kwarteng alliance, which so spooked global markets and has wrought such chaos over the last month.

Mr Sunak made clear in his address that he is ready to impose austerity measures to balance the books, declaring: “The government I lead will not leave the next generation, your children and grandchildren, with a debt to settle that we were too weak to pay ourselves.”

He promised to honour Conservative pledges to deliver “a stronger NHS, better schools, safer streets, control of our borders” and to play an active role in “protecting our environment, supporting our armed forces, levelling up and building an economy that embraces the opportunities of Brexit, where businesses invest, innovate, and create jobs”.

Acknowledging the national uncertainty over the rising cost of living, Mr Sunak said: “I fully appreciate how hard things are. And I understand too that I have work to do to restore trust after all that has happened. All I can say is that I am not daunted.”

The markets have responded warmly to Mr Sunak’s anointing as Britain’s new PM so far but whether the public will trust him to fix an economy that he himself has been in charge of for two-and-a-half as Boris Johnson’s chancellor – admittedly during the exceptional and exceptionally trying circumstances of lockdown – remains to be seen.

Whether a super-rich Brexiteer, an expensively educated former banker and hedge fund manager at that, can truly understand the problems of impoverished people forced to choose between heating and eating this winter is another pointed question he will have to answer, although he has pledged “compassionate” governance.

Righting the economy will clearly need to be Mr Sunak’s top priority in No 10, with many fearing a return to the discredited austerity programme of the George Osborne years.

Scotland’s first minister Nicola Sturgeon, for one, has already called out what she fears will be a “horror show” of cuts being imposed on her nation by yet another Conservative leader in London with no mandate from the electorate.

Tony Danker, director-general of the Confederation of British Industry, has likewise warned Mr Sunak he must avoid a “doom loop” of tax rises and austerity cuts to the public sector.

“Let’s remember, the 2010s began with some austerity and were then ensued with very low growth, zero productivity and low investment, right? It wasn’t a successful strategy for growth,” he told BBC Radio 4’s Today programme on Tuesday.

On Mr Hunt’s upcoming Halloween statement, Mr Danker added: “If all there is is tax rises and spending cuts and there’s nothing in there about growth, the country could end up in a similar doom loop where all you have to do is keep coming back every year to find more tax rises and more spending cuts because you’ve got no growth.”

Rishi Sunak
(Simon Walker/10 Downing Street)

Also issuing a stark assessment of what might result was City economist Thomas Pugh of RSM, who cautioned on Monday that the new PM’s fiscal responsibility pledge could only mean more austerity, which, combined with the cost of living crisis, threatened to lead to a longer recession than has already been forecast, even if it does succeed in bringing inflation down from its present 40-year high and reduce the need for further Bank of England action on interest rates.

“For now, financial markets will be watching the new PM very closely and will be wanting to see evidence that he intends to stick to the message of fiscal discipline that he set out in the previous leadership campaign,” Mr Pugh said.

“Any signs of straying off the path of fiscal discipline are likely to spook financial markets and result in another drop in the pound and surge in gilt yields.”

It is too soon to say precisely what steps Mr Sunak will take in office on matters like national insurance or the future of the energy price cap freeze.

But, even after Mr Hunt rolled back almost all of the tax-slashing initiatives in the Truss-Kwarteng mini-Budget, that ominous hole at the heart of Britain’s finances continues to loom large.

Trimming back government expenditure is likely to be a key early emphasis but risks setting up possible running battles with Tory MPs reluctant to face further budget cuts in their departments.

Defence spending could be a target, the former chancellor having appeared to prefer keeping it at 2 per cent of GDP until 2030 as a leadership candidate, rather than raising it to 3 per cent as Ms Truss intended, a move that would save a projected £157bn in the interim.

Jeremy Hunt
(Aaron Chown/PA)

That could ultimately have an adverse impact on Britain’s popular but costly and ongoing commitment to supporting Ukraine, however.

He might also be inclined to scale back major infrastructure projects, although broken promises on hospitals and railway lines – with the NHS under duress and train strikes never far away – are unlikely to yield popular and stable government.

As Mr Danker suggests, reining in spending alone will not be enough to return Britain to rude economic health so Mr Sunak will also be required to echo Ms Truss’s call for “growth, growth, growth” even if he goes about encouraging it in a completely different manner (as he would be well advised to).

This could take the form of backing controversial policies he has previously appeared lukewarm on like fracking (popular with the right of his party), scaling back environmental reforms or relaxing planning rules, regardless of their long-term consequences.

Whatever happens next, The Independent’s Sean O’Grady is surely right to caution that the new PM does not truly represent a break with the past or a meaningful fresh start.

“The cuts Sunak and Jeremy Hunt are about to inflict on the nation didn’t just come from global trends, but from the self-inflicted harm of Brexit,” he argues.

“They also derive from the mistakes made by Tory governments for more than a decade: from Osborne slashing infrastructure spending, to the waste and fraud during Covid (on Sunak’s watch), to the disastrous Truss mini-Budget.”
James Webb Space Telescope captures dazzling 'galaxy merger' 270 million light-years away
Two galaxies plunge into one another in the latest image from the James Webb Space Telescope. (Supplied: ESA, NASA, CSA)

The James Webb Space Telescope has captured a pair of entwining galaxies plunging headfirst into one another in a process known as a galaxy merger, in a new picture released by NASA.

Key points:The image captures the collision between two galaxies some 270 million light-years away
Their merger ignites frenzied star formation known as a starburst
NASA says the James Webb telescope will help astronomers to unravel the complex interactions in galactic ecosystems

The interacting galaxy system, formally known as IC 1623, lies about 270 million light-years from Earth in the constellation Cetus.

Its merger ignites a frenzy of star formation known as a starburst, which creates new stars at a rate "more than 20 times that of the Milky Way galaxy", according to NASA.

This ongoing — and extreme — starburst state means the merger is releasing intense infrared emissions.

In fact, NASA says the merging galaxies "may well be in the process of forming a supermassive black hole".

And because this merging galaxy system happens to be particularly bright at infrared wavelengths, it makes it a suitable target for James Webb to capture — and for astronomers to study.

The telescope's trailblazing infrared sensitivity technology — the Mid-InfraRed Instrument (MIRI), the Near-InfraRed Spectograph (NIRISpec) and the Near-InfraRed Camera (NIRCam) — were used by a team to capture the merging galaxies at an impressive resolution at significant wavelengths.

Prior to the James Webb telescope, a thick band of dust had blocked these valuable insights from view.

The image of the galaxies, captured across the infrared portions of the electromagnetic spectrum, will aid the research greatly, NASA says.

"They [astronomers] provided an abundance of data that will allow the astronomical community at large to fully explore how Webb’s unprecedented capabilities will help to unravel the complex interactions in galactic ecosystems," the space agency said.

"[It will] help the astronomical community fully explore how Webb’s unprecedented capabilities will help to unravel the complex interactions in galactic ecosystems."

Last week, NASA released photos of the spectacular and highly detailed landscape of the iconic Pillars of Creation.