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Sunday, October 25, 2026

 

'We cannot protect what we cannot identify': New EU project takes Europe’s species knowledge to the UN Biodiversity Conference



Weeks after its launch, TETTRIX will present its plan for an integrated European taxonomic system at CBD COP17 in Yerevan, Armenia




Pensoft Publishers

TETTRIX Consortium at the Kick-off Meeting

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The TETTRIX Consortium at the Kick-off Meeting in Brussels, Belgium

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Credit: TETTRIX project






As governments meet in Yerevan, Armenia, for the UN Biodiversity Conference (CBD COP17) to assess progress towards the 2030 global biodiversity targets, a new EU project argues that environmental challenges are becoming knowledge challenges. Around one million animal and plant species are threatened with extinction worldwide, according to the 2019 global assessment by the Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES). Protecting them depends on knowing which species exist, where they live, and how they are changing.

TETTRIX, a four-year Horizon Europe project, coordinated by the Consortium of European Taxonomic Facilities (CETAF), aims to build a more connected, integrated and future-ready  European taxonomic ecosystem, which will generate a robust, reliable, and readily accessible data-based fabric for biodiversity conservation and ecosystem resilience, linking together science, policy and society. The project brings together 17 partners and two affiliated entities from 12 European countries. Just weeks after its Kick-off meeting in Brussels on 7–9 October 2026, the project will present its plans at COP17. 

On 27 October, CETAF will host the session “Taxonomy in Action: From TETTRIs to TETTRIX for GBF Delivery” at the Science4Biodiversity booth in the conference’s Blue Zone, where negotiations on the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework take place. Then, on 29 October from 16:30 to 17:45 (AMT) at the IUCN Pavilion, also positioned in the Blue Zone, a joint open session with other biodiversity initiatives, partnering in TETTRIX, such as Naturalis Biodiversity Center and Senckenberg Nature Research on the topic of “Natural Science Collections: ensuring data quality” will take place.

“Taxonomy is not an isolated scientific discipline but an essential infrastructure for biodiversity understanding, and scientific collections are at its center. We cannot protect what we cannot identify, understand, and monitor,” says Ana Casino, TETTRIX coordinator and CETAF Executive Director.

Taxonomy, the science of discovering, naming, identifying and classifying species, provides the foundation for understanding and monitoring biodiversity, informing policy and guiding conservation action. Every biodiversity record, monitoring scheme, and conservation decision depends on getting species identities right. 

Currently, Europe holds an extraordinary biodiversity knowledge asset: natural history collections, taxonomic experts, research infrastructures, digital repositories and centuries of historical records. Despite this wealth of resources,  biodiversity information remains fragmented and disconnected. Additionally, new databases, platforms and tools keep appearing, but they often use differing terminology and identifiers, and do not communicate with each other as efficiently to be able to accurately inform policy. In short, the taxonomic ecosystem is expanding faster than the biodiversity field can catch on. 

At the same time, technology is further transforming how taxonomy is practised. Next-generation tools like DNA barcoding, genomics, automated imaging, and artificial intelligence now allow species to be detected and identified faster than ever. However, data cannot always tell us the whole story – expertise is what makes the data claims trustworthy. Here lies a hidden bottleneck, though: Europe’s taxonomic workforce is aging, specialist knowledge is being lost, and short-term project funding makes it even harder to attract new generations to the field.

TETTRIX aims to move European taxonomy from individual advances and fragmented resources towards an integrated ecosystem. Building on the  achievements of its predecessor, TETTRIs, the project is built around four main goals:

  • Integrate: Connect taxonomic data, tools, services, infrastructures and expertise through one coherent, accessible, open and FAIR hub. 

  • Transform: Turn species level information into actionable knowledge for biodiversity, climate and health.

  • Upskill: Equip current and future taxonomists with training, digital skills and new career pathways.

  • Demonstrate: Test and validate innovative tools, workflows and capacity building initiatives through cascade-funded projects.

TETTRIX will also develop innovative tools and services, including AI-based models, to advance species identification and strengthen the connection between taxonomic knowledge and policy-making. Through initiatives such as the European Taxonomic Hub, the TETTRIX Academy and a €2.4 million cascade-funding programme, the project aims to make taxonomic knowledge more accessible, interoperable and actionable, supporting biodiversity monitoring, nature restoration and evidence-based decision-making.

“Taxonomic knowledge is the connective element between biodiversity evidence and biodiversity action and a modern taxonomic system needs people, skills, infrastructures, tools and sustainable career pathways,” adds Casino.

For future updates, follow TETTRIX on LinkedIn, Bluesky, Instagram, and Facebook, and check out our website.

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TETTRIX: TETTRIs neXt level for the taxonomy of tomorrow (TETTRIX) receives funding from the European Union’s Horizon Europe Research and Innovation Programme (Grant Agreement 101286598). Views and opinions expressed are, however, those of the author(s) only and do not necessarily reflect those of the European Union and the European Research Executive Agency (REA). The EU and REA cannot be held responsible for them.

Saturday, October 24, 2026

ILLEGAL SETTLEMENT COPS

Netanyahu vows to ‘destroy’ Hebron after 2 soldiers killed in ‘terrorist attack’

Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Friday vowed to “destroy” the Palestinian city of Hebron in the occupied West Bank after two Israeli soldiers were killed at a military checkpoint there. The two gunmen were also killed in the “terrorist attack”, the army said.


Issued on: 23/10/2026 
By: FRANCE 24
Video by: 
Kethevane GORJESTANI

Cover image: Israeli soldiers gather at the scene of a shooting attack at a junction near Hebron in the occupied West Bank on October 23, 2026. © Mahmoud Illean, AP
05:27




Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said on Friday Israel would lock down Hebron in the occupied West Bank, ​go house to house and demolish homes after the Israeli military said Palestinian attackers killed two soldiers at a military checkpoint near the city.

The Israeli military said it had killed two attackers, and another three ​soldiers had ‌been lightly wounded in the attack.

“We will act to destroy this place, ⁠to change it completely,” Netanyahu said in a statement after the attack.


A Reuters reporter documented Israeli bulldozers beginning to demolish homes in Hebron near ‌the site of the shooting. Local residents said the homes had no connection ⁠to the attackers.

The demolitions began after Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich said on social media that he had ordered the immediate demolition of Palestinian buildings near the attack site.

Netanyahu ​also said he would launch a large-scale military operation in the West Bank, ‌where Israeli forces regularly raid Palestinian cities and towns.

Israel’s far-right National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir called for the dismantling of the Palestinian Authority and for all Palestinians in the West Bank to be banned from travelling ‌by road.

The violence took place before an Israeli election next week in which Netanyahu and his right-wing coalition have campaigned for expanding Israeli ​settlements and against the formation of a Palestinian state.

Netanyahu and Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz both compared the Hebron operation to the mass demolitions Israel carried out in Palestinian refugee camps in 2025, ​expelling tens of thousands of people.

Human Rights Watch later issued a report saying the mass expulsions amounted ​to war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Israel said in response ​to the report that it needed to demolish civilian infrastructure so that it could not be exploited by militants. It did not say when ​residents could return.

The Hebron attack comes in an atmosphere of increasing tension in the West Bank as Israeli settler violence has surged in recent weeks.

In his speech following the attack, Netanyahu praised Israeli settlers in the West Bank, calling them “heroic” and saying they were “standing in the breach”.

Netanyahu has presided over a rapid expansion ⁠of settlements. UN bodies and most countries deem Israel’s settlements on land occupied in war illegal under international law regarding military occupations. ⁠Israel rejects this, viewing ​the territory as disputed rather than occupied.

(FRANCE 24 with Reuters)

 

Trump Finds Out! Washington Is the War Capital of the World


by | Oct 22, 2026 |

Part 1

In case you are ever tempted to feel sorry for Trumpy – now might be the time. We are referring, of course, to the current shrill crescendo of attacks from the mainstream media and UniParty pols upon Trump over his spat with Zelensky and his sensible decision to ixnay the barking idiocy of the Lindsay O. Graham Sanctioning Russia And Iran Act of 2026.

For crying out loud. On the (very) rare occasion when Trump gets something right – that is, on the urgent need for Washington to cut loose of the no-count cesspool of corruption in Kiev – the aforementioned chorus hoovers up the tired (and groundless) old canard about Putin allegedly having salacious pictures of the Donald with his pants off.

So we sincerely ask: Is it not possible that there is a damn good reason why Trump is stumbling around attempting to disengage from the Washington-made disaster in Ukraine?

Is it also not conceivable that the pathetic crooks in Kiev should be severed from the US arms and treasury pipeline forthwith? After all, these are the good folks who steal their allies in Europe and Washington blind and who are so desperately hanging on by a thread in their misbegotten war against Russia that they are gang-pressing 60-years olds right off the streets of their crumbling cities into paddy wagons in order to do what?

Why, to be rushed off to the human hamburger factories at the hellish front lines in eastern Ukraine after hardly a few weeks of pro forma “training”. And while that particular form of self-genocide may be their prerogative as the rulers of the so-called nation of Ukraine, Zelensky and his den of thugs should not be getting a single dime from US taxpayers. That’s because their pointless lost cause way over there is utterly, completely and terminally irrelevant to America’s homeland liberty and security way over here.

Likewise, is it not possible that the end of the Cold War in 1991, which likely never should have happened in the first pace, left in the old Soviet Union a vestigial mess of scrambled up borders, peoples, languages, cultures and misbegotten polities?

Moreover, these Soviet era arrangements had precious little historical legitimacy but, instead, had been confabulated by communist ruffians and tyrants over the prior 74 years of their horrid rule. Accordingly, they needed to be sorted out by the locals involved, not by the subsequently unemployed Cold Warriors in Washington, London, Brussels and lesser places in the West, as we will amplify further in Part 2.

So as they used to say in the smoke filled room of Washington, it’s now time to get down to the lick log on the matter. To wit, there is no point in a proxy war against Russia because this shrunken remnant of the fallen Soviet Empire is no military threat to the American Homeland whatsoever. And that’s as in none, nada, nichts and nugatory.

On the one hand, Russia’s limited arsenal of nuclear weapons is checkmated by the 70-year old truth of strategic nuclear deterrence. That is, the knowledge of its eminently “rational” leaders that a first strike against America would bring a second strike retaliation so ferocious as to end civilized life in Russia in a bloody nuclear fireball.

At the same time, they also have virtually zero sealift and airlift capacity to launch a conventional invasion of the New Jersey shores or to disembark troops on the banks of the Potomac. So the long and short of it is this: Russia with a GDP of $2.2 trillion is not remotely a military threat whatsoever to America’s $32 trillion GDP and its overwhelming capabilities for nuclear deterrence and conventional defense.

So why are we even in the Ukraine theater on the doorstep of a country which has no intention, capability or prospect of harming the US homeland militarily?

Alas, the answer is that during the 80 years after the end of WWII, Washington DC has become the War Capital of the World. Accordingly, it world historic scale war machine needs to be exercised in the pursuit of forever wars; its vast assemblage of arms merchants need continuous orders for weaponry and ammo; and its house-trained politicians and national security apparatchiks need scary-narratives about threats and bad people abroad in order to justify the hideously unnecessary taxes they impose on the American public to fund a Brobdingnagian Warfare State at a level of $1.5 trillion per year – when even $500 billion would be more than adequate.

We will elaborate on all these points further in Part 2, but first let us run aground the specious Russophobic threat inflation which hangs over Washington thicker than a California forest fire. To wit, the one and only possible military threat from Russia lies in its 1,796 deployed nuclear warheads, but here’s why Moscow will never use them to launch a first attack on the American homeland.

Its called the terrible logic of strategic nuclear deterrence. It is the knowledge of Russian leaders that in the event that they should ever launch a nuclear first strike against America, current U.S. strategic nuclear deterrence doctrine calls for a retaliatory second strike capable of imposing civilization-ending mayhem on their own territories, cities and peoples.

Open-source assessments from the Federation of American Scientists put the currently deployed U.S. strategic arsenal at roughly 1,770 warheads. These include 400 Minuteman III ICBMs (each typically carrying a single 300–335 kiloton warhead), approximately 970 warheads on Trident II D5 submarine-launched ballistic missiles, and roughly 300 associated with bombers (B-52s armed with air-launched cruise missiles and B-2s carrying gravity bombs).

A full-on second strike would almost certainly begin with counter-force targeting of Russian nuclear forces, command nodes, and related military infrastructure, then escalate to what lies at the heart of nuclear deterrence: Namely, counter-city strikes on economic and urban targets.

Simulations such as Princeton’s Science & Global Security “Plan A,” which models an escalatory exchange using realistic force postures, project that the city-targeting phase alone could employ five to ten warheads against each of Russia’s 30 most populated cities and economic centers. Russia’s largest urban areas – Moscow (over 13 million), St. Petersburg (roughly 5.7 million), Novosibirsk, Yekaterinburg, Kazan, and others – would rank among the highest-priority targets.

If just half of the above described US nuclear arsenal (900 warheads) were unleashed in the counter-city phase of the second strike, and if based on proportionate distribution of the triad force, the result would be 200,000 kilotons of explosive release. That compares to the Little Boy release on Hiroshima in August 1945, which carried just 15 kilotons, yet turned the this great Japanese city into the wasteland photographed below in August 1945.

That’s right. Any Russian leader launching a first nuclear strike on America would be guaranteeing the annihilation of his country in a fiery apocalypse equal to 13,000 Hiroshima’s.

It hardly seems necessary to total the casualties, but were 900 US warheads to be dropped on the major Russian cities in retailiation for a first strike, the immediate number of dead would be in the range of 40 million, and total dead and injured would likely reach 90 million.

For crying out loud. That’s 65% of the entire Russian population—men, women and children.

Moreover, on the ground the physical and functional destruction would be near-total in targeted cities. Blast and thermal effects would flatten large portions of the built environment, rendering central districts uninhabitable for months or years due to rubble, residual radiation, and the absence of shelter.

Electrical grids would fail regionally or nationally as generation plants, high-voltage transformers, and transmission lines were destroyed or disabled. Transportation networks – rail hubs, airports, major highways, and ports – would be severed, isolating surviving populations. Internet and telecommunications infrastructure, dependent on power, fiber optic nodes, and data centers concentrated in urban areas, would go dark.

Likewise, water treatment, fuel distribution, and medical systems would collapse. The result would be the functional erasure of Russia’s largest cities as organized urban centers and the crippling of the national economy: industrial output, logistics, and administrative capacity would be reduced to a fraction of pre-attack levels.

So here’s the thing. Nuclear deterrence has worked for a reason from the very dawn of the nuclear age after 1949 when the Soviet Union first got the bomb as well. Russian leaders – even Stalin, Brezhnev and now Putin – have fully understood that nuclear war is not an option. Full stop.

That fact is, Russia is not going to start a nuclear war, and given the decrepit state of its conventional forces, as we will essay in Part 2, they very idea of an attempted Russian invasion of the USA across the great ocean moats amounts to risible joke.

So why, again, are we at war in Ukraine and why, again, are the pols and journos on the banks of the Potomac cackling at the Donald for stumbling toward a halt to the madness there?

The great dissident Randolph Bourne gave the answer in a famous 1918 essay as he looked into the jaws of the similar madness then extant along the trenches of WWI. Update his felicitous phrase to today’s reality, and he would surely be saying to the mumblers now braying at the Donald:

“War is indeed the health of the War Capital of the World”.


Part 2

Sometimes an especially stubborn mule needs to have a 2X4 administered squarely between the eyes. Repeatedly.

The same can be said about the politicians, commentators, think tanks and lobbyists for the merchants of war who practice their malefic arts amidst the fog of propaganda, lies, venality and humbug which literally suffuses the air – indoors and outdoors alike – over the War Capital of the World on the Potomac.

So here’s today’s 2X4. There is no justification whatsoever for the proxy war on Russia now being conducted with US dollars and weapons on the killing fields of Ukraine. As we saw in Part 1, a Russian nuclear attack against the US is so utterly implausible that even a semi-educated mule would understand: No Kremlin leader is ever going to light a match that would bring down 13,000 Hiroshima’s on the Russian Motherland and kill or injure 90 million citizens or nearly 65% of its population. Full stop.

As it happens, moreover, the entire US triad nuclear deterrent costs only about $75 billion a year to assure the nuclear peace via MAD, and does not require a single foreign base, alliance or sign-off from anyone outside of Washington DC. So virtually all of the rest of the nation’s $1 trillion DOD budget and $1.5 trillion Warfare State overall amounts to a self-licking ice cream cone.

That is to say, the massive $1.5 trillion annual Warfare State assault on US taxpayers essentially fuels its own perpetuation via endless inflation of foreign threats, continuous provocation of alleged foreign foes and busy-body interventionist machinations from one end of the planet to the other. The Empire, in effect spends hundreds of billions of the American taxpayers’ dollars each and every year to keep their own elected politicians in thrall to the lies and propaganda which stand at the heart of the Washington domiciled national security apparatus.

Self-perpetuation of the Warfare State, in fact, is the only possible explanation for the idiocy of Washington’s meddling on Russia’s border lands. After all, there is no Russian military threat to the security and liberty of the American Homeland that requires Washington to give a good goddamn about doings over there 5,000 miles from the Potomac River.

Indeed, once you set aside the completely checkmated threat of nuclear attack owing to the shield of MAD, the very idea of a Russian conventional attack and invasion of US territory is so implausible and literally impossible as to belong in the screwball section of the deep outfield bleachers.

For want of doubt, however, we document the implausibility of a Russian conventional attack in detail below. But the spoiler alert is this: Once the 2X4 has awakened the mule to the implausibility of a Russian military threat to the American Homeland – nuclear and conventional alike – the only reason for Empire and war in distant lands like the eastern regions of Ukraine reduces to, ironically, eleemosynary.

Of course, the Warfare State narrative gussies up this planetary gendarme and good shepherd role under the high-minded catchments of “collective security” and the “rule of law”. In the current case, the latter pertains to Moscow’s alleged violation of Ukrainian sovereignty when it invaded in February 2022.

Alas, if there are no military threats to America’s homeland in the world today—and the same stipulation noted above for Russia applies to the alleged menace of Red China, as well – then by definition there is no need for alliances, collective security or enforcement of the so-called “rule of law”. All of these are pretexts for foreign interventions and military adventures, not rudiments of true Homeland Security.

Nevertheless, upholding the rule of law and alleged sovereignty of borders is exactly the canard used to justify Washington’s decades long meddling in Ukraine. The latter, of course, culminated in the February 2014 coup de etat that Washington organized, funded, supported and instantly recognized upon the overthrow of Ukraine’s duly elected president – who happened to be a Russian-speaker and a son of the eastern Russian provinces of Ukraine that would never have provoked war with Moscow.

Even aside from the barking hypocrisy of using the “rule of law” justification for a regime change intervention that Washington foisted upon the hapless population of Ukraine in the first place, the whole narrative is too rich for words.

For crying out loud. Washington has been the regime change champion of the world since 1947, and without peer.

In any event, once the nuclear threat is set aside under the shield of MAD, the notion of a conventional Russian invasion of the United States collapses under the relentless facts of geography and comparative military force structure.

To begin, when it comes to conventional military attack on the homeland territory of the USA, the Atlantic and Pacific oceans are not minor obstacles. To the contrary, they are multi-thousand-mile barriers – the great nature-given moats that has been at the heart of America’s security and safety for 250 years.

Crossing them with an invasionary armada requires the ability to move and protect large numbers of troops, heavy equipment, fuel, munitions, and air cover–including a massive staging capability at home, robust logistical sinews and unfailing re-supply lines circling the earth. Russia possesses almost none of these necessary tools.

The disparity begins with scale. Open assessments place the overall Russian Navy at roughly 1.4 million tonnes of displacement. The U.S. Navy measures nearly six times larger. Its 8.0 milliontonnes of displacement is driven by large carriers, amphibious ships, destroyers, and submarines.

By contrast, Russia’s surface force is a modest collection of aging cruisers, destroyers, and frigates, many of Soviet-era design and dispersed across separated fleets. Its single aircraft carrier, the Admiral Kuznetsov, has not completed an operational deployment since 2016–2017 and remains non-operational after a failed multi-year overhaul. Russia has no other carrier in service.Accordingly, fixed-wing naval aviation is effectively dormant.

Against this stands the U.S. undersea fleet. The Navy operates approximately 50 attack submarines: roughly 20–22 remaining Los Angeles-class boats, three Seawolf-class (Seawolf, Connecticut, and Jimmy Carter), and about 25–26 Virginia-class boats, with more under construction.

These nuclear-powered attack submarines are optimized for anti-surface warfare, intelligence collection, and land attack. A Russian surface group attempting to transit the Strait of Gibraltar or the GIUK gap (Greenland–Iceland–United Kingdom) would enter waters where these submarines, supported by maritime patrol aircraft and allied forces, hold decisive advantages.

Aging Russian destroyers and cruisers, lacking modern layered air defense and continuous organic air cover, would face torpedoes and anti-ship missiles launched from positions they cannot reliably detect or engage. In practical terms, Davy Jones’ Locker waits outside Gibraltar and the GIUK gap for any such Russian formation—the seafloor ready to claim a force that cannot protect itself or sustain its passage.

Even if a Russian surface force somehow survived the transit, it would confront U.S. carrier strike groups organized precisely for control of the open ocean.

Consider the USS Gerald R. Ford (CVN-78), lead ship of its class, as a representative example. The Ford is a nuclear-powered carrier of approximately 100,000 tons with a flight deck of roughly five acres, capable of embarking an air wing of about 70–75 aircraft.

A typical loadout includes multiple squadrons of F/A-18E/F Super Hornets for strike and air superiority, EA-18G Growlers for electronic attack, E-2D Advanced Hawkeyes for airborne early warning and command, and MH-60 helicopters for anti-submarine warfare and other roles. These aircraft deliver precision-guided munitions, anti-radiation missiles, and air-to-air weapons while providing continuous surveillance and electronic warfare.

Moreover, the aircraft carrier obviously does not sail by its lonesome. A Carrier Strike Group built around the Ford typically includes several Arleigh Burke-class guided-missile destroyers (for example, ships such as Bainbridge, Mahan, and Winston S. Churchill in recent deployments). Each destroyer carries up to 96 vertical launch system cells that can be loaded with Tomahawk cruise missiles (ranges exceeding 1,000 miles), Standard Missiles (SM-2/SM-6) for air and missile defense, and other weapons.

The group’s integrated air and missile defense, Aegis combat system, and electronic warfare suite create layered protection against air and missile threats. An attack submarine often operates in company, adding undersea strike and reconnaissance. Logistics ships sustain the formation for months. Collectively, one such group brings sustained carrier aviation, long-range cruise-missile firepower, dense air defense, and extensive electronic and intelligence collection – capabilities that no Russian surface formation could event remotely match or effectively counter.

These asymmetries compound. Without operational carriers, without sufficient aerial tankers (Russia fields only about 15–20 Il-78 refueling aircraft versus the U.S. inventory of roughly 500–600 aerial tankers), and without large-scale amphibious and sealift capacity, Russia just plain cannot generate or protect an invasion force across the ocean.

No sane, or even partially sane, Russian military leaders, therefore, would send an attack armada across the ocean moats toward America. It would be a suicide mission like no other in the annals of naval warfare because Russia’s limited blue-water surface ships would be engaged and attrited long before reaching the approaches to North America.

Russia does have a formidable submarines force which can threaten individual vessels. But self-evidently, you couldn’t move a million man invasionary army accross 5,000 to 10,000 miles of blue water and then sustain and re-supply it via a handful of submarines. Yet that’s what would be needed to seize and hold territory on the North American continent. Indeed, any Russian formation that cleared European waters would still face the same fate: Davy Jones’ Locker lying in wait on the approaches to the American shore.

In short, Russia retains substantial conventional forces optimized for operations near its own borders. Those assets matter in regional contingencies. They do not remotely translate, however, into the ability to project and sustain combat power across open ocean against the United States.

The combination of the two great ocean moats; the overwhelming numbers and lethality of the U.S. attack submarine fleet; the overwhelming carrier strike group firepower (as illustrated by the Ford and its escorts); and the sheer disparity in naval tonnage renders a conventional invasionary operation not just utterly implausible.

It actually means that the very idea of it is a risible joke.

So the question recurs. If the shield of MAD secures the American homeland against nuclear attack and the great ocean moats and US naval capabilities block any route to conventional military invasion, where’s the Russian military threat?

There isn’t one, of course!

What’s left of the whole insane operation since February 2022 – which has cost Uncle Sam $130 billion which he doesn’t have – is thus the biggest Washington lie of all. Namely, that Washington philanthropically came to the aid of the innocent nation of Ukraine, which had suffered an unprovoked invasion by a wanna be world conqueror domiciled in the Kremlin.

Alas, every single bit of that predicate is untrue. As we will amplify in Part 3, it’s just another manufactured “narrative” that is the stock and trade of the insidious forces ensconced within the War Capital of the World on the Potomac.

David Stockman was a two-term Congressman from Michigan. He was also the Director of the Office of Management and Budget under President Ronald Reagan. After leaving the White House, Stockman had a 20-year career on Wall Street. He’s the author of three books, The Triumph of Politics: Why the Reagan Revolution Failed, The Great Deformation: The Corruption of Capitalism in America, TRUMPED! A Nation on the Brink of Ruin… And How to Bring It Back, and the recently released Great Money Bubble: Protect Yourself From The Coming Inflation Storm. He also is founder of David Stockman’s Contra Corner and David Stockman’s Bubble Finance Trader.

‘With the International Solidarity Convoy to Ukraine, we are rebuilding internationalism’


International Solidarity Convoy to Ukraine

Veteran Catalan trade union activist Alfons Bech was imprisoned during the 1939–75 Franco dictatorship in Spain. During the civil war in Yugoslavia in the 1990s, he was involved in organising aid convoys to Bosnia and afterwards in cooperating with trade unions in Bosnia, Macedonia, Kosovo and Serbia.

Bech is now the International Network for Solidarity with Ukraine (INSU) trade union coordinator and a member of the Coordination Group of the International Solidarity Convoy to Ukraine, organising its Southern Route from Barcelona to Kyiv. He spoke to Dick Nichols for LINKS International Journal of Socialist Renewal about the goals and organisation of the Convoy.

Where did the idea of the International Solidarity Convoy to Ukraine come from?

It emerged on the second anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion (February 22, 2024), when the European Network for Solidarity with Ukraine (ENSU, now INSU) proposed organising a large international delegation of trade unions and trade unionists to an event in Kyiv that the Federation of Trade Unions of Ukraine (FPU) and the Confederation of Free Trade Unions of Ukraine (KVPU) prepared with the support of the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC).

We in Catalonia wanted as many European trade unions as possible to send delegations to make their solidarity visible.

What happened?

Trade unions participated in very large numbers, but online. Only one delegation went to Kyiv, representing the Catalan affiliate of the all-Spanish General Union of Workers (UGT).

The UGT delegation was very shocked by what they saw, but very pleased to have been there in person. They saw the devastation Russia had caused in Bucha and in the neighbourhoods of Kyiv, took part in the distribution of some material aid, and got to know a little about Ukrainian culture.

From this, a sort of twinning has developed between the UGT and Ukrainian trade unions, which has been key to our understanding of this war and to the aid effort for Ukraine in Catalonia.

Many aid convoys have already gone to Ukraine, including from the trade union movement. What makes this one different?

This Convoy is building on what has already been done at the grassroots level in terms of aid to Ukraine. 

The Ukraine Solidarity Campaign (USC) in England and Wales has run many convoys to Ukraine and trade unions in many European countries have themselves been running convoys, often supported by local Ukraine solidarity committees.

There have also been the workers’ aid convoys organised by the International Labour Network for Solidarity and Struggle, with participation from different European countries and Brazil. Norwegian and Swedish trade unions maintain shipments of vehicles and materials every month.

In Catalonia, Sister Lucia Caram of the Convent of Santa Clara Foundation has already organised 45 convoys. There has been, and continues to be, a great deal of solidarity with Ukraine in Catalonia. So, we start from this reality and the accumulation of valuable experience it represents.

Nonetheless, this Convoy takes place at a crucial moment for Ukraine and Europe. We are entering the fifth year of a brutal war, and it is not clear how much further attacks the country’s already heavily damaged infrastructure can withstand.

The experience of the past four years shows Ukrainian workers will continue to suffer greatly from always having to repair infrastructure under enemy fire. Russia, conscious of this situation, is preparing to attack even more forcefully what is essential to the survival of the population: energy, cities, hospitals, schools, the bridges of Kyiv, the water supply and the sewerage system

It is a genocidal plan. But it is not being implemented because Russia is doing well in the war or economically;  on the contrary, it is a case of “killing while dying.” [Vladimir] Putin’s regime faces many difficulties, and these are translating into savage attacks on Ukraine’s civilian population and more repression within Russia itself.

In this situation of extreme need, we of course know that any help the Convoy can provide, while useful, will be a drop in the ocean.

That is one potent reason why the Convoy must have an extra, political, dimension, as a public and visible show of support from the working people of the rest of Europe to their sisters and brothers in Ukraine. It repeats the cry of the Spanish Civil War, ¡No Pasaran! (They shall not pass) against today’s enemies of human and democratic rights and their chief guarantor, the majority of working people.

We, in Catalonia, cannot bear to see in Ukraine a repeat of the Spanish Republic’s fate, which was abandoned in the face of international fascism. That treachery by great “civilised” powers intent on appeasing [Adolf] Hitler and [Benito] Mussolini cost the peoples of the Spanish state forty years of fascism.

So, the stakes could not be higher…

It is why we in INSU see the need for the sort of sharp expansion of solidarity action that the Convoy represents — it is not enough for us to just carry on doing what we have been doing up to now.

What the Convoy offers is not only humanitarian or material aid, important though it is this be as large as possible. It is also an instrument for showing that boosted solidarity with Ukraine starts from the bottom up. We know much more can be done than is being done, and that the time to do it now.

This is not just a message about getting more and bigger donations, but of raising awareness about what the overall effort of solidarity with Ukraine must involve. One critically important example: it is urgent Ukraine receive the €210 billion in frozen Russian assets held by Western financial institutions, such as Euroclear, to fund its defence effort.

I am against the increase in military budgets by Western European governments that will come at the expense of the social budget. But the people of Europe must be aware that, while most of their governments are looking for ways to cut social spending and increase military spending, these same governments are also reluctant to declare the kind of financial war on the Kremlin that would be involved in releasing these assets to Ukraine. The Convoy will be a platform for this and other important messages.

Many networks, committees and individuals have been doing very valuable work helping Ukraine. But there are still many social movement activists, trade unionists or people just concerned about what is happening in Ukraine who would like to help but do not know how. Supporters of Ukraine must keep trying to find projects that allow them to do so.

For example, in Catalonia, the local affiliate committee of INSU has managed to bring three important and very different organisations into the Convoy organising core. There is a major trade union confederation (the UGT); a pacifist, non-violent action association (NOVACT, International Institute for Nonviolent Action), which is also carrying out work in Ukraine; and a humanitarian NGO that has been working in Ukraine since before the 2014 Maidan mass protest (Help to Ukraine).

The Convoy is therefore not the work of a single network, but of a conglomerate of associations and networks, as can be seen on its website.

What organisations are supporting the Convoy? And just how international is it?

As of early October, a growing number of trade union organisations, social movements and elected representatives from 20 countries have officially supported the Convoy.

Trade union support includes the FPU, the Swiss Trade Union Federation, the Brazilian Trade Union and Popular Centre Conlutas, the General Labour Federation of Belgium, the Belgian Confederation of Christian Trade Unions, the UGT of Catalonia, the Irish Nurses and Midwives Organisation, the University and College Union of the United Kingdom and the Theatre and Performing Arts Trade Union of Norway.

It is also supported by more than 20 political organisations and parties spanning Europe, the Americas, Asia and Oceania, and more than 40 MPs and public representatives, including 18 Members of the European Parliament, as well as national MPs and regional and local councillors.

More than 50 solidarity associations, NGOs and independent media outlets have also expressed support. All of this can be found on the Convoy’s website, which we update weekly as the number of organisations and volunteers grows.

In Catalonia, Convoy partners have also been seeking institutional backing. For example, they have submitted a proposal to the Parliament of Catalonia for a formal declaration of support, which will go to a parliamentary session in mid-October. Likewise, they have sent motions to several councils in the Barcelona metropolitan area with the same aim. Some cities have already approved them.

This initiative has allowed supporters of the Convoy to hold events with the backing of local authorities, raise funds and publicise the Convoy before new audiences. It is also a step towards encouraging municipalities to undertake longer-term projects with Ukrainian counterparts, applying the city-to-city approach that was developed during the Bosnian War between the Barcelona City Council and that of Sarajevo (a relationship that continues to this day).

This is another necessary dimension of solidarity: establishing long-term relationships and connections between trade unions, NGOs, feminist and LGTBI associations, and municipalities in Ukraine and the rest of Europe. It is practical, human internationalism that becomes political because it has a long-term perspective, is committed to a just peace for Ukraine and will, we hope, allow civil society involvement in future reconstruction work.

Can you explain how the Convoy will work? For example, it has launched its own fund appeal.

The initiators of the Convoy took the view that the project itself would open new possibilities for fundraising that would not “crowd out” fundraising already under way, some of it by INSU affiliates.

That certainly appears to be the case, because the fundraisers of INSU affiliates in Belgium, Italy and Scotland are already approaching their targets while the central fund appeal “Generators and Stoves to Ukraine” is now (as of October 19) approaching 30% of its €100,000 target after a bit more than a month of serious effort. This shows the initiative is reaching a broader audience of people who want to do something for Ukraine.

After all, contributing to the fund appeal is the least that anyone can do. If people cannot do anything else, please make a donation.

What experience do the people on the Convoy have of conditions in Ukraine?

It is varied. Some, like our Italian colleagues from Sinistra per l'Ucraina (Left for Ukraine) and the English and Welsh colleagues from USC have been taking aid to Ukraine for many years, but for many participants, it will be their first time.

I have been to Ukraine three times during the war myself, but not on a convoy. As you can imagine, the Convoy will be organised with the greatest possible emphasis on security, and with clear rules of behaviour and training provided by Convoy supporters with experience of Ukrainian conditions, including Ukrainian supporters themselves.

What is the Convoy planning to take to Ukraine?

The main “cargo” will be generators, wood-burning stoves, medical supplies, electrical equipment that cannot be sourced in Ukraine and vehicles. We will provide humanitarian aid, supplying whatever we can of the requests received from Ukrainian organisations.

What stops will the Convoy be making along the way?

We will be holding events in various capitals and key cities where there are European and international institutions, to have them listen to this initiative that comes from the grassroots.

The Convoy will set off along three routes crossing Europe — a Nordic, a Central and a Southern route, with this last having two branches (one starting from Barcelona, the other from southern Italy). This approach allows us to organise events in Geneva, home to the ILO [International Labor Organization] and the United Nations; in Strasbourg, home to the European Parliament; and in Brussels, Berlin, Warsaw, Krakow and other cities before entering Ukraine.

The full Convoy itinerary before entering Ukraine will be publicised once finalised.

How are organisations or other initiatives that are already involved in solidarity with Ukraine, and have organised other aid deliveries, responding to the Convoy?

Most of the committees and organisations in INSU in Europe are involved, associating their own ongoing projects to one degree or another with the Convoy.

However, a very interesting feature is that the Convoy has sparked the enthusiasm of organisations and activists with whom INSU had little or no contact until now. This is happening both in Europe and in Ukraine itself, as well as on other continents such as North and South America and Australia.

It confirms that if one works with an open and general idea of solidarity, a very broad united front can be formed to help Ukraine, its working people and their social and democratic organisations. This sort of unity is essential, and its visibility in turn strengthens the base of social support for the Ukrainian people’s resistance.

While the Call for Support of the Convoy sets out clear and concrete points, there are organisations supporting the Convoy from very different ideological standpoints — from conservative Labourism through to anarchism. How will the Convoy Coordination Group reconcile such differences?

In part by anticipating them. At the outset, those of us involved in developing the Convoy’s Call for Support decided on a document that would articulate the core positions uniting supporters of Ukraine’s national and social rights.

This came down to three objectives: deliver the aid requested by Ukrainian beneficiaries; build lasting links between progressive organisations from across Europe and Ukraine; and defend the principles of democracy, human rights and international law.

This, of course, means that the Convoy is silent on very important issues thrown up by Russia’s full-scale invasion, such as the need or otherwise of NATO and the nature of the Zelensky government.

Debate on such issues is unavoidable, ongoing and necessary. As the Convoy’s media statement on its political basis explains: “As a broad solidarity initiative the Convoy, while welcoming the necessary discussion on such questions, does not adopt a stance on them, but confines its public statements to the principles on which it has been launched.”

The Convoy is already a meeting point for many different people and ways of thinking. For example, not everyone wants to “do politics.” Many activists are there to bring humanitarian aid; for them the convoy is an opportunity to do something they consider useful and essential.

But that does not prevent those of us who believe that, in addition to bringing this humanitarian aid, the Convoy must try to help strengthen Ukraine’s trade unions and civil society organisations. For some, this is as important for preparing the just reconstruction of Ukraine as securing aid and company and government financial support.

For example, Ukrainian trade unions have been calling on European trade unions to support a reconstruction of Ukraine with full rights of association, negotiation and social dialogue, where working people have a voice and vote in decisions, so as to protect themselves from the greed of oligarchs.

In the proposal for a Declaration by the Parliament of Catalonia that I mentioned, Convoy organisers incorporated some points requested by the FPU and KVPU regarding this concept of a just reconstruction. Hopefully, the declaration will be approved by a large majority of Catalan political forces.

In Ukraine, trade unions are not content with the neoliberal policies being implemented or with labour reforms that will diminish rights. There is also broad popular discontent with corruption, even on the streets amid the war. What impact, if any, do you expect the Convoy to have?

The Convoy, while supporting Ukraine’s rights and its resistance in general, also looks to help strengthen trade unions and civil society organisations inside Ukraine and make them more visible in the rest of Europe. The goal is to have Ukrainian workers enjoy the same conditions and opportunities that we have won.

That is why we stand with workers’ unions, student unions, nurses’ unions, and railway unions when the Ukrainian government attacks their rights.

The process Ukraine is undertaking to join the European Union should serve to raise the bar on guarantees for labour rights, human rights, and opportunities for progress for the entire population. It cannot be that working families who had to flee because of the war, choose not to return to Ukraine because there is no affordable housing, or because there are only low-paid jobs, or because schools are so damaged that children and young people cannot study.

Families should have a choice whether the men leave to join their wives and children abroad or whether all return because there are decent living conditions. Demographic collapse after the war would be a disaster of great magnitude for Ukraine.

That is one important reason why we hope the arrival of the Convoy will have an impact within Ukraine, for everyone, including local oligarchs and Western investors — it will demonstrate that there is support from workers in the rest of Europe for Ukrainian workers and trade unions. That all are united in the perspective of a just peace and a reconstruction with rights and guarantees.

With the agreement of the Ukrainian trade unions and organisations, we would like to hold a unity event in Kyiv on this vitally important theme.

Can solidarity with Palestine, which has enormous support in much of Europe, go with solidarity with Ukraine?

The Convoy does not require participants to take a position on Palestine, but my personal response is: “Yes, it should.” Both peoples are victims of ruthless attacks by aggressive colonialist powers that want to lay hold of their wealth and, moreover, root out their very culture.

The key difference is that Ukraine has a real state while Palestine does not. That is why Ukraine can defend itself much better than the Palestinians. But the underlying problem, which is the right to self-determination of nations, is identical.

Some on the left make a banner of Palestine’s freedom and reject Ukraine’s freedom. Their viewpoint is tainted because they only want to see one dangerous imperialism. They are so short-sighted that when [Donald] Trump rolls out the red carpet for Putin and connives with him to ensure that Ukraine cannot fully defend itself, they just do not want to see the ongoing cynical collaboration between imperialists in front of their eyes.

This section of the left would embrace a deal between powerful actors against Ukraine’s sovereignty, territory and resources in the name of “peace”. But an imperialist peace, agreed from above between mafiosi who ignore the invaded nation, can never be just.

As the Ukrainians say: “Nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine.” To defend Palestine but to turn that solidarity against Ukraine, as some do, is to fall into the trap set by Putin. By being passive or indifferent about either oppressed nation, you effectively offer support to their oppressor.

That is why we in INSU go to demonstrations for both Ukraine and Palestine with a banner that says: “From Ukraine to Palestine, occupation is a crime.”

What final message would you give to anyone reading this interview? Why should they support this Convoy?

This Convoy is an opportunity for everyone who wants to do something to end a horrendously cruel invasion on just terms. For everyone who has no trouble recognising that this aggression was started by Putin, not NATO, and who want to do something to support Ukrainians’ just resistance. For everyone who does not want to be on the wrong side of history or have their conscience scarred by the thought of having done nothing until the war was over.

Readers of LINKS can contribute to the International Solidarity Convoy to Ukraine Fund Appeal here.