By:Azad Berweriye
TiL
Date: March 2, 2025
A dead Kurdish man protecting his child during the poison gas attack by Saddam Hussein’s forces in 1988 in Halabja, Iraqi Kurdistan.
Photo: Archive/no credit
Azad Berwerîye | Exclusive to The Insight International
The Kurdish nation is no stranger to tragedy. Even now, while the protestors at Tishreen Dam suffer casualties in the name of Rojava’s defense and the Kurds suffer from cultural repression beneath the boots of the governments oppressing them, suffering is a daily routine for Kurdish existence.
The Kurds have always endured and continue to endure mistreatment at the hands of powers that view them as obstacles to their goals of domination, seeing their lives and identity as disposable and insignificant as ants.
While the Kurds have received more coverage regarding their struggle for survival, the extent to which they endured massacres is still in need of more attention, with little mention in international media.
It makes the Kurdish saying, “The Kurds have no friends but the mountains,” ring valid in the hearts of most Kurds, suffering in isolation while the rest of the world does little to listen to their plight.
No other massacre demonstrates this more poignantly than the Halabja Massacre, which occurred on March 16, 1988. In this massacre, Saddam Hussein ordered the use of chemical weapons in the town of Halabja, with his army launching poison gas against the city.
The attack is the largest use of chemical weapons toward civilians in modern history, resulting in 5,000 casualties in the region. Due to these attacks, Halabja and surrounding areas still suffer from polluted water and soil. There is also a higher risk of cancer and infertility in the region
Azad Berwerîye | Exclusive to The Insight International
The Kurdish nation is no stranger to tragedy. Even now, while the protestors at Tishreen Dam suffer casualties in the name of Rojava’s defense and the Kurds suffer from cultural repression beneath the boots of the governments oppressing them, suffering is a daily routine for Kurdish existence.
The Kurds have always endured and continue to endure mistreatment at the hands of powers that view them as obstacles to their goals of domination, seeing their lives and identity as disposable and insignificant as ants.
While the Kurds have received more coverage regarding their struggle for survival, the extent to which they endured massacres is still in need of more attention, with little mention in international media.
It makes the Kurdish saying, “The Kurds have no friends but the mountains,” ring valid in the hearts of most Kurds, suffering in isolation while the rest of the world does little to listen to their plight.
No other massacre demonstrates this more poignantly than the Halabja Massacre, which occurred on March 16, 1988. In this massacre, Saddam Hussein ordered the use of chemical weapons in the town of Halabja, with his army launching poison gas against the city.
The attack is the largest use of chemical weapons toward civilians in modern history, resulting in 5,000 casualties in the region. Due to these attacks, Halabja and surrounding areas still suffer from polluted water and soil. There is also a higher risk of cancer and infertility in the region
.
Dead bodies in the aftermath of the Chemical attack in Halabja, Iraqi Kurdistan, March 16, 1988. Photo: SM/Archive
The attack was one of many in Saddam’s Anfal campaign. Following the Ba’ath regime’s killing of 8,000 Kurds from the Barzanis in 1983, the Anfal campaign against the Kurds began in February 1988. It ended in September of that same year, destroying over 3,000 Kurdish villages and resulting in around 150,000-180,000 people dead.
Many of them were in mass graves, and there are still reports of people missing from the results of the genocide. The basis for these attacks was that, during the Persian Gulf War, the Kurds allied themselves with Iran to gain autonomy from the Ba’ath regime, which had previously limited their jurisdiction.
Since Iran was Iraq’s enemy during the war, on top of the Ba’ath regime’s Arabization policies, the government used the war as an excuse to carry out mass killings against the Kurds, calling them collaborators with the enemy. Even the name of the campaign, “the Spoils” in Arabic, named after the eighth sura of the Koran, showcases the intent of the regime to reduce the Kurds to nothing more than people to exploit for their political gain.
The residents of Halabja would bear the arguably biggest brunt of these attacks. The Iraqi military launched chemicals consisting of mustard gas, Sarin, and Tabun, resulting in the deaths of many Halabja residents.
Women, children, and older people consisted of 75% of the victims of the attacks. The attacks led to the destruction of several residential areas and many fleeing outside the city to Iran and adjacent regions. Most of them never came back.
The attack was one of many in Saddam’s Anfal campaign. Following the Ba’ath regime’s killing of 8,000 Kurds from the Barzanis in 1983, the Anfal campaign against the Kurds began in February 1988. It ended in September of that same year, destroying over 3,000 Kurdish villages and resulting in around 150,000-180,000 people dead.
Many of them were in mass graves, and there are still reports of people missing from the results of the genocide. The basis for these attacks was that, during the Persian Gulf War, the Kurds allied themselves with Iran to gain autonomy from the Ba’ath regime, which had previously limited their jurisdiction.
Since Iran was Iraq’s enemy during the war, on top of the Ba’ath regime’s Arabization policies, the government used the war as an excuse to carry out mass killings against the Kurds, calling them collaborators with the enemy. Even the name of the campaign, “the Spoils” in Arabic, named after the eighth sura of the Koran, showcases the intent of the regime to reduce the Kurds to nothing more than people to exploit for their political gain.
The residents of Halabja would bear the arguably biggest brunt of these attacks. The Iraqi military launched chemicals consisting of mustard gas, Sarin, and Tabun, resulting in the deaths of many Halabja residents.
Women, children, and older people consisted of 75% of the victims of the attacks. The attacks led to the destruction of several residential areas and many fleeing outside the city to Iran and adjacent regions. Most of them never came back.
Dead bodies after the Chemical attack in Halabja, Iraqi Kurdistan, March 16, 1988. Photo: SM/Archive/via Ekurd.net
Despite Southern Kurdistan achieving semi-autonomy under the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), recognition of and justice for the horrors the victims faced in Halabja is limited. For instance, while the High Tribunal and Supreme Court of Iraq acknowledged the Anfal campaign as a genocide after Saddam Hussein’s execution, they have not given the same recognition to the Halabja massacre.
Saddam did receive his death sentence based on the Anfal campaign as his crime, but the Iraqi government did not list the Halabja massacre as one of his crimes. Even in Europe, where politicians like Bernard Kouchner from France raised attention to the killings at the time, not all countries have acknowledged what happened at Halabja.
Despite Southern Kurdistan achieving semi-autonomy under the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), recognition of and justice for the horrors the victims faced in Halabja is limited. For instance, while the High Tribunal and Supreme Court of Iraq acknowledged the Anfal campaign as a genocide after Saddam Hussein’s execution, they have not given the same recognition to the Halabja massacre.
Saddam did receive his death sentence based on the Anfal campaign as his crime, but the Iraqi government did not list the Halabja massacre as one of his crimes. Even in Europe, where politicians like Bernard Kouchner from France raised attention to the killings at the time, not all countries have acknowledged what happened at Halabja.
Chemical attack on Kurdish civilians in Halabja, Iraqi Kurdistan 1988. Photo: Archive
It adds insult to injury, knowing that even international attention towards the event at the time was negligible. Due to the West’s backing of Saddam Hussein’s war against Iran at the time, they voiced no criticisms of Saddam’s actions to maintain relations with them against what they perceived to be an enemy to the West.
The Halabja victims were and continue to be without a voice or any kind of acknowledgment, their struggles unending, and any cries for justice only reaching the void.
The Halabja massacre is not the only tragedy that the Kurds have suffered to this extent. Similar massacres against Kurds have happened in the past and continue to the present day. They’re almost too similar to the devastation of the Halabja massacre and the lack of recognition these massacres have received. It’s too reflective of the overall issues the Kurds face as a people today
It adds insult to injury, knowing that even international attention towards the event at the time was negligible. Due to the West’s backing of Saddam Hussein’s war against Iran at the time, they voiced no criticisms of Saddam’s actions to maintain relations with them against what they perceived to be an enemy to the West.
The Halabja victims were and continue to be without a voice or any kind of acknowledgment, their struggles unending, and any cries for justice only reaching the void.
The Halabja massacre is not the only tragedy that the Kurds have suffered to this extent. Similar massacres against Kurds have happened in the past and continue to the present day. They’re almost too similar to the devastation of the Halabja massacre and the lack of recognition these massacres have received. It’s too reflective of the overall issues the Kurds face as a people today
.
Turkish Dersim genocide against Kurds. Photo: Courtesy/wikipedia
One particular massacre that showcases this struggle is the Dersim Massacre, which the Turkish state carried out against the Kurdish Alevis in Dersim. After the establishment of the Turkish Republic around the early 20th century, Turkey adopted a Turkification policy towards different ethnicities, suppressing their language and culture.
This policy was ruthless towards Kurds and Alevis, who staged revolts against the government to achieve cultural rights, the Turkish state killing many of them and their leaders in the process. This pattern of revolt and suppression ultimately led to the Turkish military carrying out the Dersim Massacre between 1937-1938, where they bombarded the town.
The result was the death of around 30,000 Alevis, with a potential count of closer to 70,000. The Turkish State described this event as a “pacification” and “a mission of civilization” until Recep Tayyip Erdogan apologized for the massacre in 2009.
One particular massacre that showcases this struggle is the Dersim Massacre, which the Turkish state carried out against the Kurdish Alevis in Dersim. After the establishment of the Turkish Republic around the early 20th century, Turkey adopted a Turkification policy towards different ethnicities, suppressing their language and culture.
This policy was ruthless towards Kurds and Alevis, who staged revolts against the government to achieve cultural rights, the Turkish state killing many of them and their leaders in the process. This pattern of revolt and suppression ultimately led to the Turkish military carrying out the Dersim Massacre between 1937-1938, where they bombarded the town.
The result was the death of around 30,000 Alevis, with a potential count of closer to 70,000. The Turkish State described this event as a “pacification” and “a mission of civilization” until Recep Tayyip Erdogan apologized for the massacre in 2009.
Over 14,000 thousand Kurds were killed in the Dersim massacre. Photo: Haberpan
Despite this acknowledgment, the Alevis still suffer from persecution under the Turkish government with its policies against Kurdish culture and language, on top of policies particular to Alevis. On top of the criminalization of Kurdish identity, the Turkish state uses religious education (RE) courses to enforce Sunnification in Turkey’s borders.
The government enforces a pro-Sunni Turkish identity in the schools, excluding the Alevis and Kurdish culture. Alevi students often endure mistreatment from students and teachers because of this. On top of the massacres against them in Dersim and similar policies in the 60s, such as the Turkish state building mosques in Alevi villages to enforce Sunni Islam onto them, these educational policies only finish what the Turkish state had already started with the Dersim Massacre, a policy whose aims were the ethnocide of the Kurds and Alevis
Despite this acknowledgment, the Alevis still suffer from persecution under the Turkish government with its policies against Kurdish culture and language, on top of policies particular to Alevis. On top of the criminalization of Kurdish identity, the Turkish state uses religious education (RE) courses to enforce Sunnification in Turkey’s borders.
The government enforces a pro-Sunni Turkish identity in the schools, excluding the Alevis and Kurdish culture. Alevi students often endure mistreatment from students and teachers because of this. On top of the massacres against them in Dersim and similar policies in the 60s, such as the Turkish state building mosques in Alevi villages to enforce Sunni Islam onto them, these educational policies only finish what the Turkish state had already started with the Dersim Massacre, a policy whose aims were the ethnocide of the Kurds and Alevis
.
Pro-Turkey Syrian Islamic mercenary fighters execute 9 civilians Kurds including senior Syrian Kurdish political leader Hevrin Khalaf in Syrian Kurdistan, October 12, 2019. Photo: SM
Rojava also knows full well the intensity of suffering from massacres against them from oppressors. When Turkey captured the city in its “Operation Olive Branch,” carried out by its proxies, the Syrian National Army (SNA) in January 2018, they subjected the city to drastic displacement changes and tightened control.
For instance, after the invasion, Turkey resettled Sunni Arab refugees into Kurdish homes after the Kurds fled the invasion and continued similar trends into 2019 with their military actions between Tel Abyad and Ras al-Ain. Due to these resettlements, the Kurdish population dropped from 80-90% before the invasion to around 25% as of 2022.
The SNA has also arbitrarily arrested/kidnapped 8,696 people, with a third of the people’s whereabouts unknown. The city became a haven of thugs and corruption, in contrast to the democratic society that existed before the Turkish invasion.
Rojava also knows full well the intensity of suffering from massacres against them from oppressors. When Turkey captured the city in its “Operation Olive Branch,” carried out by its proxies, the Syrian National Army (SNA) in January 2018, they subjected the city to drastic displacement changes and tightened control.
For instance, after the invasion, Turkey resettled Sunni Arab refugees into Kurdish homes after the Kurds fled the invasion and continued similar trends into 2019 with their military actions between Tel Abyad and Ras al-Ain. Due to these resettlements, the Kurdish population dropped from 80-90% before the invasion to around 25% as of 2022.
The SNA has also arbitrarily arrested/kidnapped 8,696 people, with a third of the people’s whereabouts unknown. The city became a haven of thugs and corruption, in contrast to the democratic society that existed before the Turkish invasion.
Pro-Turkey Syrian mercenary FSA Islamic fighter are looting in the Kurdish city of Afrin in Syrian Kurdistan (Rojava), March 18, 2018. Photo: AFP
It is atrocities like this that make it crucial always to remember the Halabja massacre. The Halabja massacre reflects not only the tragedy of the people who had to endure this massacre but also the struggles of other Kurds throughout Kurdistan.
The lack of justice against the perpetrators of the Halabja massacre is the same as the lack of accountability towards Turkey for its mistreatment of Kurdish Alevis after the Dersim massacre. The cries of Halabja’s victims echo the moans of former Afrin residents to return to their homes in freedom and for their perpetrators to bear the weight of their atrocities. Any atrocity against a group of Kurds is a wound on the whole of Kurdistan, despite whatever borders exist between the four parts of Kurdistan.
It is atrocities like this that make it crucial always to remember the Halabja massacre. The Halabja massacre reflects not only the tragedy of the people who had to endure this massacre but also the struggles of other Kurds throughout Kurdistan.
The lack of justice against the perpetrators of the Halabja massacre is the same as the lack of accountability towards Turkey for its mistreatment of Kurdish Alevis after the Dersim massacre. The cries of Halabja’s victims echo the moans of former Afrin residents to return to their homes in freedom and for their perpetrators to bear the weight of their atrocities. Any atrocity against a group of Kurds is a wound on the whole of Kurdistan, despite whatever borders exist between the four parts of Kurdistan.
People walk through debris in the center of the Kurdish town of Afrin in Syrian Kurdistan (Rojava), on March 18, 2018 Turkish troops supporting pro-Turkey Syrian mercenary FSA fighters drove the Kurdish YPG forces out of Afrin, over hundred thousand Kurds leave the Afrin Canton. March 24, 2018. Photo: Reuters
As Rojava’s fate is uncertain with the new HTS administration in Syria and the results of the peace talks between Ocalan and Turkey still unknown, it is crucial now more than ever to remember these massacres.
Doing so reminds us of why the Kurdish movement exists today and how their existence is at stake without it. They are reminders of how the division of the Kurds by the governments ruling them has hurt them and how important it is for the Kurds to stick together united to protect each other from similar events.
As the Halabja massacre nears its 37th anniversary on March 16, 2025, we grieve the loss of life from this attack. We remember that the injustice of the victims of this attack, and others like it, still exists. We remember that injustice for massacres doesn’t stop with autonomy or that memory of the event is unlimited from just a single acknowledgment. We remember that fighting against injustice is a constant battle.
We remember the Halabja Massacre to continue that fight.
BibliographyAftergood, S. (1998, November 8). Chemical Weapons Programs: History. Chemical Weapons Programs – Iraq Special Weapons Facilities. https://nuke.fas.org/guide/iraq/cw/program.htm
Cetin, U., & Jenkins, C. (2025). The Sunnification and Turkification of Alevi Kurds in Turkey: The Use of Education as a Colonising Practice. In D. Anand & N. Kaul (Eds.), Contemporary Colonialities: Kurds and Kashmiris (pp. 59–80). University of Westminster Press. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.16997/book70.7
Human Rights Watch. (n.d.). Introduction : GENOCIDE IN IRAQ: The Anfal Campaign Against the Kurds (Human Rights Watch Report, 1993). Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/reports/1993/iraqanfal/ANFALINT.htm
IC, R. (2023, January 20). Explainer: Afrin, 5 years under Turkish occupation. Rojava Information Center. https://rojavainformationcenter.org/2023/01/explainer-afrin-5-years-under-turkish-occupation/
Karim, H. F., & Baser, B. (2023). Collective Memory in Post-Genocide Societies: Rethinking Enduring Trauma and Resilience in Halabja. Review of Middle East Studies, 56(1), 56–72. https://www.jstor.org/stable/27240924
Lukas, H. (2011, July 27). Dersim Massacre, 1937-1938. SciencesPo. https://www.sciencespo.fr/mass-violence-war-massacre-resistance/en/document/dersim-massacre-1937-1938.html
Mlodoch, K. (2012). “We Want to be Remembered as Strong Women, Not as Shepherds”: Women Anfal Survivors in Kurdistan-Iraq Struggling for Agency and Acknowledgement. Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies, 8(1), 63–91. https://doi.org/10.2979/jmiddeastwomstud.8.1.63
Sadiq, I., Baser, B., & McLoughlin, S. (2023). Revisiting Legacies of Anfal and Reconsidering Genocide in the Middle East Today: Collective Memory, Victimhood, Resilience, and Enduring Trauma. Review of Middle East Studies, 56(1), 4–8. https://www.jstor.org/stable/27240919
Zayadin, H. (2024, February 29). “Everything is by the Power of the Weapon.” Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/report/2024/02/29/everything-power-weapon/abuses-and-impunity-turkish-occupied-northern-syria
Caleb Fox (Azad Berwari) is a Kurdish speaker and the author of the cultural blog Dengê Çiyayên: Voice of the Mountains, where he explores Kurdish culture, language, and heritage.
The opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author.
Copyright © 2025 The Insight International. All rights reserved
As Rojava’s fate is uncertain with the new HTS administration in Syria and the results of the peace talks between Ocalan and Turkey still unknown, it is crucial now more than ever to remember these massacres.
Doing so reminds us of why the Kurdish movement exists today and how their existence is at stake without it. They are reminders of how the division of the Kurds by the governments ruling them has hurt them and how important it is for the Kurds to stick together united to protect each other from similar events.
As the Halabja massacre nears its 37th anniversary on March 16, 2025, we grieve the loss of life from this attack. We remember that the injustice of the victims of this attack, and others like it, still exists. We remember that injustice for massacres doesn’t stop with autonomy or that memory of the event is unlimited from just a single acknowledgment. We remember that fighting against injustice is a constant battle.
We remember the Halabja Massacre to continue that fight.
BibliographyAftergood, S. (1998, November 8). Chemical Weapons Programs: History. Chemical Weapons Programs – Iraq Special Weapons Facilities. https://nuke.fas.org/guide/iraq/cw/program.htm
Cetin, U., & Jenkins, C. (2025). The Sunnification and Turkification of Alevi Kurds in Turkey: The Use of Education as a Colonising Practice. In D. Anand & N. Kaul (Eds.), Contemporary Colonialities: Kurds and Kashmiris (pp. 59–80). University of Westminster Press. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.16997/book70.7
Human Rights Watch. (n.d.). Introduction : GENOCIDE IN IRAQ: The Anfal Campaign Against the Kurds (Human Rights Watch Report, 1993). Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/reports/1993/iraqanfal/ANFALINT.htm
IC, R. (2023, January 20). Explainer: Afrin, 5 years under Turkish occupation. Rojava Information Center. https://rojavainformationcenter.org/2023/01/explainer-afrin-5-years-under-turkish-occupation/
Karim, H. F., & Baser, B. (2023). Collective Memory in Post-Genocide Societies: Rethinking Enduring Trauma and Resilience in Halabja. Review of Middle East Studies, 56(1), 56–72. https://www.jstor.org/stable/27240924
Lukas, H. (2011, July 27). Dersim Massacre, 1937-1938. SciencesPo. https://www.sciencespo.fr/mass-violence-war-massacre-resistance/en/document/dersim-massacre-1937-1938.html
Mlodoch, K. (2012). “We Want to be Remembered as Strong Women, Not as Shepherds”: Women Anfal Survivors in Kurdistan-Iraq Struggling for Agency and Acknowledgement. Journal of Middle East Women’s Studies, 8(1), 63–91. https://doi.org/10.2979/jmiddeastwomstud.8.1.63
Sadiq, I., Baser, B., & McLoughlin, S. (2023). Revisiting Legacies of Anfal and Reconsidering Genocide in the Middle East Today: Collective Memory, Victimhood, Resilience, and Enduring Trauma. Review of Middle East Studies, 56(1), 4–8. https://www.jstor.org/stable/27240919
Zayadin, H. (2024, February 29). “Everything is by the Power of the Weapon.” Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/report/2024/02/29/everything-power-weapon/abuses-and-impunity-turkish-occupied-northern-syria
Caleb Fox (Azad Berwari) is a Kurdish speaker and the author of the cultural blog Dengê Çiyayên: Voice of the Mountains, where he explores Kurdish culture, language, and heritage.
The opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author.
Copyright © 2025 The Insight International. All rights reserved
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