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Tuesday, October 06, 2026

Brazil on the Brink: Why Lula Is Down Against Bolsonaro Jr.

There are still three weeks until the next round, and Lula could still win, but it’s gonna take a massive fight. Part of that fight is changing how the international media covers things.



Brazil’s former President (2003-2010) and then-presidential candidate for the leftist Workers Party (PT) Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva waves a national flag during a campaign rally in Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais state, Brazil on October 9, 2022.
(Photo by Douglas Magno / AFP via Getty Image)


Mike Elk
Oct 05, 2026
Payday Report

With the Brazilian presidential election headed to a runoff, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva is down 47% to 45% and faces a massive fight ahead. I wanted to give a quick analysis of what happened and where things are going next.

Lula Could Still Win if He Can Consolidate Support from Third Parties

Lula lost by only 2%, and several third-party candidates, who took a combined 8% of the vote, have publicly indicated they would not endorse Flávio Bolsonaro in the second round.

Likewise, 29 million Brazilians did not vote in this round of the runoff and may be persuaded to vote for Lula in the second round if they fear Bolsonaro.

While Brasil defeated Jair Bolsonaro narrowly in 2022, it swung right again, much like the United States. Voters are upset, and they are taking it out on the party in power.

On Tuesday, the Brazilian Senate is scheduled to vote on a measure that would shorten the Brazilian workweek from six days to five days. Bolsonaro has opposed this measure, and Lula could use the vote to mobilize workers’ support against the Bolsonaro team.

It’s a tough road ahead for Lula, but not impossible.

What Hurt Lula in the First Round?

Three primary factors hurt Lula in the first round. First, Lula’s age and the fact that the Workers’ Party (PT) has held the presidency in Brazil for 18 of the last 24 years.

The second is that the Brazilian corporate media constantly manufactured scandals against Lula.

Finally, the role that US President Donald Trump played in training and validating the right-wing in Brasil, while not decisive, provided critical support. Here’s what went wrong for Lula.
1. Lula is 80 & His Party Ruled Brasil for 18 of the Last 24 Years

Like former US President Joe Biden, one problem Lula faces right now is that he is 80 years old. He doesn’t look as sharp as he used to, while Flávio Bolsonaro is nearly half his age—45 years younger.

Additionally, Lula’s party, the Workers’ Party (PT), has held the presidency for 18 of the last 24 years. Lula and Dilma, both members of the Workers’ Party (PT), held the presidency from 2002 to 2016. Lula was reelected in 2022 for his record third term. No Brazilian has ever won a third term.

Although the PT has rarely controlled Congress, it is seen as the ruling party because it has held the presidency for 18 of the last 24 years. Voters are likely to associate any problems in the country with the PT, which has held the presidency for so long.

While Brasil defeated Jair Bolsonaro narrowly in 2022, it swung right again, much like the United States. Voters are upset, and they are taking it out on the party in power.

Even worse, Lula failed to recruit young candidates, who may have excited voters to turn out in tight races. In what should have been a competitive Senate election in Rio de Janeiro, the PT recruited 84-year-old Bendedita da Silva, who lost in a landslide to Bolsonaro allies.

Last week, Lula skipped the presidential debate; so did Bolsonaro and its unclear how much this decision might have hurt him.

Lacking excitement, nearly 29 million Brazilians did not vote despite it being obligatory in Brasil.
2. Brazilian Media Manufacturing Scandals Against Lula

The Brazilian media market is extremely consolidated, and the heads of major networks like Globo have been going after Lula hard. They have been accused of manufacturing scandals against Lula.

Last November, the financial institution Banco Master collapsed amid allegations of massive fraud. The bank was being run like a Ponzi scheme, resulting in the largest financial collapse in Brazilian history, with nearly $8 billion in investors’ funds lost.

Despite Banco Master CEO Daniel Vorcaro being a very vocal Bolsonaro supporter, the Brazilian media has repeatedly tried to link the scandal to Lula’s Workers’ Party, as Vorcaro cultivated political ties on both sides of the aisle.

Every attack on Lula by the Trump administration generated headlines in Brasil and validated the wild claims made by Bolsonaro allies of a flawed Brazilian justice system.

Lula’s son, businessman Fábio Luís da Silva, commonly known as “Lulinha,” was scrutinized over large bank accounts worth millions of dollars. For months, Lulinha has offered to open his books and has claimed that he received no special favors from Banco Master. Still, the media repeatedly raised questions about Lulinha’s alleged impropriety.

At one point, media giant TV Globo made a giant infographic web with arrows, showing a complex network linked to Lula. Other reporters widely ridiculed the conspiracy theory map, and TV Globo eventually had to apologize publicly on air.

Then, in May, The Intercept Brasil released a WhatsApp message from Flávio Bolsonaro to Vorcaro, asking him for more than $26 million to fund a strange English-language biopic named Dark Horse, about his father. In the film, Jair Bolsonaro is portrayed by right-wing American actor Jim Caviezel, who played Jesus in the controversial 2004 film The Passion of the Christ.

Polling throughout the spring and summer showed Lula leading as the scandal remained fresh in people’s minds. Then, the Brazilian corporate media went into high gear to attack Lula. They went after Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes, who led the prosecution that jailed Bolsonaro.

Moraes has accused Brazilian Supreme Court Justice André Mendonca, a Bolsonaro appointee, of failing to follow proper procedure in his handling of the Banco Master scandal, leaking information to the press on Lula’s political allies while hiding information on Bolsonaro’s allies.

Moraes asked the Brazilian Federal police to investigate Mendonça’s violation of federal investigation procedures and for selectively leaking information to the press that would make Lula allies look bad while suppressing information on Bolsonaro allies.

Moraes accused Mendonça of attempting to “steer the production of evidence toward falsely accusing Supreme Court justices of crimes, expressly naming Justices Gilmar Mendes, Dias Toffoli, Luiz Fux, Alexandre de Moraes, and Nunes Marques, as well as the prosecutor general and the director-general of the Federal Police.”
3. Trump Trained and Emboldened Bolsonaro Allies

While I don’t want to underestimate the strength of fascists within Brasil, it’s important to note that Trump and his operatives did help the Bolsonaro family pull off an impressive comeback.

In March 2025, Eduardo Bolsonaro fled to the United States rather than face prosecution in Brasil for his role in trying to orchestrate a coup, and he was granted permanent residency status in July. While in the United States, Eduardo Bolsonaro has worked closely with Trump officials, including Special Presidential Envoy for Special Missions Richard Grenell, to oust Lula from power.

“It was a privilege to speak with Ambassador Richard Grenell at President Trump’s residence at Mar-a-Lago,” Eduardo Bolsonaro wrote on Instagram following a meeting with Grenel in 2025. “The conservative movement is global—and we are just getting started.”

Eduardo Bolsonaro worked closely with top Trump aides like Brad Parscale, Trump’s director of digital strategy, to learn the social media strategy that led Trump to win reelection.

As president, Trump worked hard to attack Lula. He placed punitive tariffs on Brazil for convicting Jair Bolsonaro, Eduardo’s father, for attempting to assassinate Lula and overthrow his government in 2022. These tariffs hurt Brasil’s economy.

More importantly, Trump’s constant denunciation of the jailing of Bolsonaro validated conspiracy theories of right-wingers that the justice process was flawed. When Alexandre de Moraes, who led Bolsonaro’s conviction, was implicated in the Banco Master scandal, it only reinforced these conspiracy theories.

Ahead of the Brazilian presidential election, the Trump administration has labeled Brasil as a major distributor of cocaine and attempted to paint Lula as weak on taking on drug gangs.

In June, the Trump administration labeled two gangs as “terrorist organizations,” something which the Lula administration has repeatedly resisted because of fears of how the Trump administration could intervene in law enforcement and military matters in Brasil.

Still, every attack on Lula by the Trump administration generated headlines in Brasil and validated the wild claims made by Bolsonaro allies of a flawed Brazilian justice system.

On Friday, the Trump administration closed its embassy in Brasil and all of its consulates in a move that many saw as a scare tactic designed to interfere once again in the Brazilian presidential election.

The same day, the Brazilian federal police and intelligence service ABIN were warning of a possible US coup attempt. It was already known that Trump operatives were training operatives in Brasil, and the Brazilian federal police report described in depth how much Trump’s intervention had shifted things in Brasil.
International Media Failed to Check Brazilian Media

Finally, the international media completely ignored the Brazilian presidential election, allowing corporate media within Brazil to dominate the conversation without any accountability from the international media.

There are still three weeks until the next round, and Lula could still win, but it’s gonna take a massive fight. Part of that fight is changing how the international media covers things.

Payday Report can help play a small role in getting the US press more involved. The Washington Post once cited Payday Report in a front-page story for changing the way the pandemic strike wave was discussed, and maybe we can play a small role in getting American reporters to pay attention.

Donate to help Payday Report cover the fight ahead.

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License



Mike Elk
Mike Elk is the senior labor reporter at Payday Report and member of the Washington-Baltimore NewsGuild. He previously served as senior labor reporter at POLITICO and at In These Times Magazine.
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Lula Heads to Presidential Runoff Against Bolsonaro’s Son as Trump Accused of Election Meddling

Ahead of Sunday’s contest, Brazil’s government and Lula’s presidential campaign called for investigations into alleged Trump administration efforts to interfere in the Latin American country’s politics.



Supporters of Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva react after the first results of the presidential election in São Paulo, Brazil on October 4, 2026.
(Photo by Luis Robayo/AFP via Getty Images)

Jake Johnson
Oct 05, 2026
COMMON DREAMS

Brazil’s presidential election headed to a runoff on Sunday after neither incumbent President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva nor challenger Flávio Bolsonaro—the son of former President Jair Bolsonaro and ally of US President Donald Trump—received enough votes to win outright.

The younger Bolsonaro, whose father is serving a 27-year prison sentence under house arrest for orchestrating a coup attempt in 2022, led Lula by two percentage points in the first round, with the final tally standing at 47% to 45%. The runoff will take place on October 25.

Sunday’s results—which included major conservative wins in down-ballot contests—heightened fears of another far-right victory in Latin America, where candidates backed by Trump have swept to power in recent elections, including in Colombia, Peru, and Chile. Ahead of Sunday’s contest, Lula’s campaign, Brazil’s intelligence agency, and outside observers accused the Trump administration of meddling in the high-stakes election in an effort to oust Lula and return an ally to the nation’s presidency.

Just days before the election, Lula’s team called for an investigation after the Trump administration halted US consular services in Brazil, citing “security concerns.”

Additionally, Lula’s government is calling for a probe of “alleged efforts by the United States to interfere in the country’s domestic politics through the diversion of funds to far-right causes,” Al Jazeera reported last week.

“Attorney General Jorge Messias called for the probe on Thursday, one day after the British newspaper The Guardian published a story suggesting that the administration of United States President Donald Trump planned to award $1 million to right-wing civil groups opposing the Brazilian Supreme Court,” the outlet noted. “Messias stated in a social media post that foreign meddling ‘cannot be tolerated’ and that the report represented ‘an important alert for Brazilian sovereignty.’”

Mark Weisbrot, co-director of the US-based Center for Economic and Policy Research, called the Trump administration’s interference “another US regime change operation,” pointing to the aggressive tariffs Trump imposed on Brazilian goods last year and the US State Department’s attempt to send two top officials to “cast doubt on the fairness and integrity of the country’s electoral system,” as The Washington Post reported earlier this year.

Trump, who hosted Flávio Bolsonaro at the White House in May, said last week that he was following the Brazilian election “very closely” and described the contest as “very important.” A key Trump ally in the region, Argentine President Javier Milei—whose austerity agenda has fueled an increase in poverty in his country—traveled to Brazil in July to support Bolsonaro’s campaign against Lula.

Flávio Bolsonaro, a sitting senator, wasn’t the only member of the Bolsonaro family seeking greater political power in Sunday’s elections. Jair Bolsonaro’s wife, Michelle, and his second son, Carlos, both won seats in Brazil’s Senate.

The Guardian reported that “of the 54 senators elected, 34 were from the right or far-right.”

Following the results, Lula told supporters in Sāo Paulo on Sunday that “we have just had a lesson in Brazilian democracy.”

“The result is often unexpected. We can never get everything we wanted. I confess to you that I was convinced I was going to win the election in the first round,” said Lula. “But we have a second round.”

“From tomorrow we will launch a new campaign,” Lula added, “a campaign with only two candidates [where] we will be able to show the difference between our proposals for Brazil.”

Lula Campaign Asks to Probe Sudden US Shutdown of Consular Services as ‘Interference in Brazilian Elections’

“Often at the request of the Bolsonaro family, the US has engaged in a pressure campaign to weaken the Lula government,” explained one analyst.



Brazil’s President and presidential candidate Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (C) addresses supporters during a campaign rally on the eve of the general election, in Sao Paulo, Brazil on October 3, 2026.
(Photo by Luis Robayo/AFP via Getty Images)

Stephen Prager
Oct 03, 2026
COMMON DREAMS

Just two days before Brazil’s closely watched presidential election, the campaign of its left-wing president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, has asked the nation’s top election court to examine the sudden shutdown of US consular services as part of a broader investigation into alleged election “interference” by the Trump administration.

On Friday night, the US suspended in-person consular services at its embassy and consulates across Brazil on Friday and advised Americans to avoid US diplomatic facilities, citing unspecified “security concerns.”

In a petition filed to Brazil’s Superior Electoral Court, Lula’s campaign said taking such an action just days before Brazilians vote “projects instability over the electoral environment,” something it said was part of a larger “infrastructure of external intervention in the Brazilian electoral process.”

In recent days, Brazil’s intelligence agency said it confirmed the existence of interference by the US in Brazil’s election to support Sen. Flavio Bolsonaro, the son of former far-right President Jair Bolsonaro—who is currently serving a 27-year prison sentence under house arrest for orchestrating a coup attempt in 2022.

“Although Trump has not formally endorsed him, Bolsonaro is undoubtedly Washington’s preferred candidate,” explained Nick Cleveland-Stout, a research associate at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft, on Friday. “Often at the request of the Bolsonaro family, the US has engaged in a pressure campaign to weaken the Lula government, sparking fears of further interference.”



Trump responded with hostility to the prosecution of the disgraced ex-president—imposing tariffs of up to 50% on Brazilian imports in retaliation, sanctioning the Supreme Court justice overseeing the case, and threatening to use American “military might” against Brazil.

He’s also designated two Brazilian crime groups as “narcoterrorist” organizations, invoking a similar pretext Trump used to justify his invasion of Venezuela to kidnap its leader Nicolás Maduro in January.

As the election has approached, Trump has appeared to put his thumb on the scale in an effort to stop Lula from achieving what would be an unprecedented fourth term.

In July, the US consulate in São Paulo invited right-wing pro-Bolsonaro social media influencers to a closed-door roundtable meeting to discuss “freedom of expression and the digital environment.”

The Guardian reported on Thursday that the State Department was also diverting $1 million from its human rights fund to oppose “judicial overreach and censorship” by Brazil’s Supreme Court, an apparent reference to the court’s actions against Bolsonaro and his allies.

The Brazilian government has denied visas to two State Department officials whom it said were seeking to discuss “election integrity,” which it perceived as an effort to “undermine the electoral system.”

Trump and his allies have previously spread baseless conspiracy theories to cast doubt upon Lula’s victory in 2022, which helped to fuel the failed coup. They’ve done the same with the victories of other left-wing candidates in Latin American elections—including Bolivia’s Evo Morales in 2019 and Guatemala’s Bernardo Arévalo in 2023.

Lula’s campaign said the sudden US suspension of consular services was “yet another extremely serious development in the interference in Brazilian elections by the US government,” alleging that it was “coordinated, by all indications, directly by the brothers Flávio and Eduardo Bolsonaro.”

The filing noted that even “the legislative branch of the foreign state itself… recognizes the pattern of external pressure.” It pointed to a letter sent earlier this week by Democratic US Sens. Jeanne Shaheen (NH), Peter Welch (Vt.), and Tim Kaine (Va.) to Secretary of State Marco Rubio, which said that “the administration’s most recent actions point toward an effort to interfere with, and potentially undermine, Brazil’s general election in October.”


A man wearing a mask depicting US President Donald Trump attends a rally of Brazilian right-wing presidential candidate Flavio Bolsonaro in Goiania, Brazil, on September 27, 2026. (Photo by Sergio Lima/AFP via Getty Images)

The first round of Brazil’s election will begin on Sunday. Should neither candidate receive 50% of the vote, a runoff between the top two candidates will be held on October 25. Several major polls show Lula with a narrow first-round lead entering Sunday, although others have the race effectively tied or Bolsonaro slightly ahead.

But Lula has also seized upon Trump’s meddling to portray Bolsonaro as a tool of foreign powers, drawing on a history of US-backed coups and election interference that have undermined Brazilian democracy.

“Flávio Bolsonaro is Trump’s candidate and what Trump wants is to colonize Brazil, take our riches, steal our future and leave us in the dust,” said a campaign ad that began airing last week.



The Trump administration, for its part, has continued to double down on public overtures toward imperialist ambition. On Thursday, an official US State Department social media account reposted a video created in August glorifying the 19th-century Monroe Doctrine and declaring that “American dominance in the Western Hemisphere will never be questioned again.”

Dov H. Levin, a political scientist at the University of Hong Kong who recently published research on the effects of foreign election interference, told the Brazilian newspaper Folha de S. Paulo that, if too overt, Trump’s intervention could backfire.

“There are cases of failure,” he said, “and cases where the reaction provoked by the intervention harms precisely the side it intended to help.”
GOOD RIDDANCE
Jim Bakker, who built ‘PTL Club’ televangelism empire, has died at 86

JIM SALTER and HALLIE GOLDEN
Updated Mon, October 5, 2026


FILE - Television evangelist Jim Bakker poses in front of the Water Park in Columbia, SC, one of the attractions at his Heritage USA, March 19, 1987. (AP Photo/Lou Krasky, File) (AP Photo/Lou Krasky)

File - Jim and Tammy Bakker enjoy a night on the town night of Oct. 24, 1987 as they arrive at the Beverly Theatre to see the show "The Gospel Truth." (AP Photo/Douglas C. Pizac, File) (AP Photo/DOUGLAS C. PIZACH)

FILE -FILE - Televangelist Jim Bakker, founder of the former Heritage USA resort, delivers his sermon during the MorningStar Fellowship Church New Year's Conference, in Fort Mill, S.C.,Dec. 30, 2005. (AP Photo/Charlotte Observer, Jeff Siner, File) (Jeff Siner/CHARLOTTE OBSERVER via AP)

FILE -FILE - U.S. marshals escort former PTL leader Jim Bakker, center, from his attorney's office to a waiting car Thursday afternoon Aug. 31, 1989 in Charlotte, N.C. (AP Photo/Chuck Burton, File) (AP Photo/Chuck Burton)


FILE -FILE - Jim And Tammy Faye Bakker talk to their television audience, Aug. 20, 1986 at their PTL Ministry in Fort Mill, S.C. (AP Photo/Lou Krasky, File) (AP Photo/Lou Krasky)


Jim Bakker, who along with his first wife Tammy Faye built an evangelical empire around the hugely successful "The PTL Club" TV show, only to lose it all over a sex scandal and financial crimes, has died. He was 86.

Bakker died Monday, his second wife, Lori Bakker, said in a statement. His cause of death was not immediately clear.

"He was a pioneer of Christian television, but to me, he was my husband, my best friend, and the man I was honored to walk beside through so many seasons of life and ministry," she said.


The pair lived near the Missouri entertainment town of Branson and filmed their TV show "The Jim Bakker Show" there since it launched in 2003. Bakker suffered a stroke in 2020.

But it was another evangelical program that made Jim and his first wife Tammy Faye Bakker cultural icons — so much so that they were often skewered in the 1980s and 1990s by late-night comedians and parodied on "Saturday Night Live." A theatrical movie on their lives, "The Eyes of Tammy Faye," was released in September 2021.

At its peak in the mid-1980s, the Bakkers' ministry included not only the TV show drawing up to 13 million nightly viewers but also the Christian-based Heritage USA theme park and hotel in Fort Mill, South Carolina.

Bakker got his start as a traveling preacher

Bakker was born in Muskegon, Michigan, and attended North Central Bible College in Minneapolis, where he met Tammy Faye. They married in 1961 and dropped out of college to start their own traveling ministry — he preached, she sang and played the accordion as they crossed the country visiting churches and tent revivals.

They caught the attention of televangelist Pat Robertson, and in 1965 launched a children's show on Robertson's Christian Broadcasting Network. By 1966, he was hosting "The 700 Club," a Christian talk show.

Bakker left CBN in 1972 and two years later formed the PTL Satellite Network. "The PTL Club" — PTL stands for "Praise the Lord" — became its signature show.

When it hit its heyday in the 1980s, "The PTL Club" was drawing millions of viewers — and bringing in millions of dollars annually from followers.

The show featured chats with guests and Christian entertainers. Bakker offered upbeat sermons and Tammy Faye — charismatic and always wearing her trademark heavy mascara — sang. Most episodes were taped at their sprawling complex just south of Charlotte, North Carolina.

The couple was so famous that they were often parodied by TV comedians for their lavish lifestyle and Tammy Faye's abundant makeup.

Sex scandal and financial crimes damage his empire


In March 1987, their empire began to crack when Bakker admitted to a sexual encounter with church clerk Jessica Hahn. Bakker was forced to resign from his own empire, turning over operations to pastor and broadcaster Jerry Falwell.

Tammy Faye stuck by Bakker, often with tears running down her mascara, even as many saw his downfall as a fitting symbol of the greed and hypocrisy of the 1980s.

Things only got worse.

In 1988, Bakker was indicted for mail fraud, wire fraud and conspiracy after an investigation of PTL's finances. He was convicted and sentenced to 45 years in federal prison, though the sentence was later reduced to eight years

At a news conference after Bakker was found guilty, Tammy Faye stood in front of the microphones and sang the hymn, "On Christ the Solid Rock I Stand."

Their marriage crumbled and Tammy Faye divorced Bakker in 1992, just short of their 31st anniversary, while he was still in prison. She later married Roe Messner, a building contractor whose projects included the Heritage USA theme park. Messner was convicted of bankruptcy fraud in 1995 and spent about two years in prison.

Tammy Faye died of colon cancer in 2007.


Bakker was released on parole in 1994. He married his second wife, Lori, in 1998. The couple launched "The Jim Bakker Show" on the PTL Satellite Network five years later.

In June 2021, Bakker and his Morningside Church Productions Inc. settled a lawsuit accusing him of falsely claiming the health supplement Silver Solution could cure COVID-19. The settlement called for $156,000 in refunds to people who paid money or gave contributions to obtain the product in the early days of the pandemic.

The lawsuit said Bakker and a guest made the cure claim during 11 episodes in February and March of 2020.

Bakker and Tammy Faye had two children. He and his second wife adopted five children in 2002.

___

Salter, a former Associated Press journalist, was the main author of this obituary.

Comment summary

Comments include criticism of Jim Bakker as a fraudulent televangelist who exploited followers and embodied religious hypocrisy, with some linking him to the rise of conservative Christian politics and support for President Trump. Other comments point to his scandals, prison time, and lasting negative legacy.



Monday, October 05, 2026

Italy’s Ustica enigma: Can French files solve mystery crash blamed on stray missile?


France’s decision to share defence documents with the Italian judiciary has raised hopes of a breakthrough in investigations into the 1980 crash of a passenger jet near the island of Ustica, which a former Italian president claimed was mistakenly shot down by a French fighter jet. Sceptics caution that the files are unlikely to shed light on one of Italy’s most enduring mysteries, let alone reveal a culprit.


Issued on: 03/10/2026 - 
FRANCE24
By: Benjamin DODMAN

The reconstructed wreckage of Itavia Flight 870, which crashed near the island of Ustica in June 1980. © Emiliano Grillotti, AP


A rocky outpost of Italy in the Tyrrhenian Sea, the island of Ustica owes its name to the smouldering volcanic lava that gave its striking rock formations their dark hue.

For many Italians, however, the picturesque island is synonymous with a notorious plane crash that claimed 81 lives, and the intricate cover-up that buried its causes in a thick fog of lies, decoys and mysterious deaths.

The fate of Itavia Flight 870, which plunged into waters off Ustica on June 27, 1980, remains a subject of fierce debate after countless expert reports and judicial enquiries spanning several decades. The most widely accepted theory suggests the plane was caught up in an aerial dogfight and mistakenly shot down by a fighter jet, which a former Italian president has claimed was French.

News this week that French authorities would hand over defence documents to Italian investigators has been greeted as a potential gamechanger in Italy, where prosecutors and plaintiffs have long accused France and other Western allies of withholding evidence.

The 11th-hour twist led prosecutors on Wednesday to abort plans to shelve the latest investigation into the crash, throwing a lifeline to families of the victims who have relentlessly lobbied Italian governments and the judiciary to pursue the case.
Cover-up

The DC-9 plane operated by the now-defunct Itavia carrier was in the final stretch of its journey from Bologna to Palermo on a clear summer evening when it suddenly broke up and crashed into the sea, killing all 77 passengers and 4 crew members, all of them Italian.

The incident is known in Italy as the strage di Ustica, a term commonly used to refer to the deadly terrorist attacks that rattled the country in those years, many of which also remain shrouded in mystery.

WATCH MORE  Victims of Italy’s deadly ‘Years of Lead’ demand justice

“At first, it was labelled an ‘accident’ or a ‘tragedy’. But as efforts to cover up the incident became apparent over time, people started calling it a ‘strage’ (massacre),” said historian Cora Ranci, who has written a book about the Ustica affair and the many smokescreens she says have hampered investigations.

Like other unsolved civilian massacres, she added, the Ustica affair “has contributed to the erosion of trust between citizens and institutions in Italy, fuelling the sense that those in power are bound by a code of silence and that their actions are shrouded in secrecy”.

The reconstructed wreckage and other recovered items lie in a hangar near Rome in December 2003. © Emiliano Grillotti, AP

Following the crash, officials hastily concluded that it had been caused by mechanical failure, precipitating the demise of the already struggling carrier Itavia. Judicial inquiries resumed only years later under pressure from victims’ families, spurred by an investigative journalist convinced that the plane had been shot down.

Progress was slow, hampered by the fact that tracking data and radar scans had been wiped clean at all but one of the various Italian bases within range of the incident, leaving investigators with little hard evidence to work on. Four air force generals were eventually tried on charges of treason and withholding evidence, though none were convicted.

The untimely deaths of at least 15 military personnel and others connected to the case – through transport accidents, shootings, stabbings and suicides by hanging – furthered muddied the waters, compounding the sense of a conspiracy to hide the truth.

In 2013, Italy’s highest court ruled that the plane had been brought down in an aerial battle, either by a missile or through a near-collision, without identifying a culprit. It ordered the state to compensate families of the victims, adding that cover-ups in the investigations were considered “definitively ascertained”. The ruling was in line with the conclusions of an earlier, decade-long inquiry, which determined that the intended target of the operation was a smaller aircraft travelling in the DC-9’s slipstream to evade radar detection.

“We’ve known for years that the passenger plane was downed in a combat operation,” said former senator Daria Bonfietti, the head of the association of families of the victims that lobbied the authorities to recover the wreckage and reopen investigations decades ago. But, she added, “we still don’t know who did it.”


The Libya link


Despite the court rulings, some remain deeply sceptical of the missile scenario, leaning instead towards the theory of a bomb exploding on board the plane. They point to the numerous terrorist attacks that shook the country in those years, including the strage di Bologna, a train station bombing that killed 85 people and injured score more just weeks after the Ustica crash.

Potential culprits cited by proponents of the bomb theory – which has never been upheld in court – include far-right activists, Palestinian militant groups and Muammar Gaddafi’s Libya.

The late Libyan strongman is also at the heart of the missile hypothesis, which gained further traction in 2007 when former Italian president Francesco Cossiga claimed that the passenger jet had been shot down by French military planes who were after Gaddafi.

Cossiga, who was prime minister in June 1980, cited Italian intelligence but offered no evidence to back up the allegation. He claimed Italian sources had tipped off Gaddafi, ensuring that he was not on board the smaller plane allegedly tailing the Itavia flight.

Now at Bologna's Ustica Memorial Museum, the wreckage is part of an art installation designed by French artist Christian Boltanski, featuring a lamp for each of the 81 victims. © Davide Alberani, Wikimedia Creative Commons

Proponents of the Libyan link say it is substantiated by the recovery, three weeks after the Ustica disaster, of the wreckage of a Libyan MiG fighter on a mountain in Calabria, which may have been chased and downed on the same night as the DC-9.

“We know from declassified documents that Italy at the time was covertly allowing Libyan aircraft to fly though its airspace to Yugoslavia for purposes of training and maintenance,” said Ranci, adding that it was common practice for those jets to evade detection by tailing commercial flights. On top of creating dangers for civilian planes, this tacit agreement infuriated the Americans and even more so the French, who were fighting a proxy war with Gaddafi’s Libya in Chad.

The Ustica crash came months after France’s embassy in Tripoli was ransacked and after a botched Libyan attempt to shoot down a French surveillance aircraft over the Mediterranean, which sent tensions spiralling.

Bonfietti, whose elder brother was on board the Itavia flight, said successive judicial inquiries had established that multiple military aircraft were operating over the Tyrrhenian on the day of the crash, including US, French and other NATO aircraft. “Now we need those countries to tell us what they were up to and why they kept quiet about it,” she said.


“If Gaddafi was indeed their target, it’s obvious that whoever carried out the operation could not openly claim it – not in a Cold War context,” Bonfietti added. “Instead, they decided to cover up what happened and pretend the plane experienced a mechanical failure.”
Locating the Foch

Allegations of French involvement resurfaced in 2023 when former Italian prime minister Giuliano Amato urged France to come clean on the mysterious plane crash, asking President Emmanuel Macron to look into the matter.

“If he shows that the allegation is unfounded, so much the better. If it is true, he should apologise,” Amato, who served as deputy PM at the time of the incident, told a news conference, suggesting it would be easier for someone Macron’s age to overcome old taboos.

Bonfietti said she had personally asked Italy’s current Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni to raise the issue with Macron when they met for a summit in June. According to Italian media reports, it was those talks that helped pave the way for the release of French documents.


Italy's Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni raised the Ustica issue with French President Emmanuel Macron during a bilateral summit in Antibes in June. © AFP

The former senator said she hoped the new files would help expose what she described as France’s “past lies”, including about the whereabouts of a French aircraft carrier that Cossiga claimed was involved in the Ustica incident. Italian prosecutors say testimony from witnesses contradicts French claims that the Foch carrier was docked at Navy headquarters in Toulon on June 27 and that the Solenzara base in Corsica had closed and ceased all radar recordings hours before the Ustica crash.

“If the Foch was instead in the Tyrrhenian, as witness accounts suggest, it would have been in a position to detect and record what happened,” said Ranci, adding that the same applied to a US Navy carrier stationed in the Tyrrhenian – which US officials claimed had switched its radar off that night – and an AWACS mobile radar station believed to have been flying overhead.

Contacted by FRANCE 24, France’s defence ministry said it had “always responded to requests from the Italian judicial authorities” in connection with the case. It said it “recently confirmed (to Italian authorities) that a batch of documents could be used in legal proceedings”, adding that these documents “had been brought to the attention of the Italian authorities several years ago”.

The ministry did not say whether classified documents previously withheld would this time be handed over.

Analysts have voiced scepticism that the French documents would lead to any breakthrough, stressing that the decision to make them available to Italian prosecutors in no way constitutes an admission of guilt. According to Professor Gregory Alegi, a professor at LUISS University in Rome and a prominent critic of the missile hypothesis, France’s willingness to share more information “suggests they know they have nothing to fear”.

Some families of victims have expressed hopes that French cooperation might open new lines of investigation, urging prosecutors to also pursue the terrorism lead. All agree the French move will at least ensure the inquiry is not shelved.

“It’s quite possible the French sent us nothing new – their shopping list or something – but the important thing is they sent us documents and so investigations go on,” said Bonfietti. “We owe it to our loved ones to keep fighting for the truth.”

Saturday, October 03, 2026

 

TikTok misinformation content on acetaminophen and autism surged after presidential announcement



A majority of misinformation was created by influencers rather than medical professionals




American Academy of Pediatrics






SAN DIEGO —— Misinformation linking acetaminophen use during pregnancy to autism in children rose on TikTok after an announcement from the Food and Drug Administration, according to research presented during the American Academy of Pediatrics 2026 National Conference & Exhibition Oct. 2-6, 2026, at the San Diego Convention Center.

The FDA announced a label change for acetaminophen products such as Tylenol on September 22, 2025, prompting a wave of confusion and concern that brought users to the internet in search of accurate information. On TikTok, however, they were more likely to encounter misinformation from influencers without medical expertise.

The abstract, titled, “Acetaminophen Use During Pregnancy and Autism on TikTok: Disproportionate Exposure to Misinformation in a Content Analysis,” analyzed 53 TikTok videos posted immediately after the announcement between September 2025 and November 2025, and found that about 53% contained evidence-consistent information, while about 28% contained outright misinformation.

“Despite being a smaller portion of the overall available subject content, the misinformation videos accounted for over half of the total views of all the content we examined,” Shivani Srivastava, Medical Student at Rutgers School of Medicine said.

“Our results indicate that TikTok’s algorithm amplified low-quality, conspiracy-framed videos containing misinformation on a very sensitive health topic and allowed for misinformation videos to spread far wider than evidence-based videos that explained the lack of causal evidence between prenatal acetaminophen exposure and autism.”

A single misinformation video reached 10.3 million views, representing a third (36.6%) of all exposure across content analyzed. Additionally, nearly 3/4 of the videos containing misinformation were created by influencers as opposed to medical professionals.

Researchers state that as more people turn to social media, and especially TikTok, for medical advice, it becomes increasingly important for pediatricians to proactively address misinformation with patients and their families.

“After seeing pregnant patients in our own clinics question whether it was safe to take Tylenol during pregnancy, we wanted to understand what information they were being exposed to online,” Srivastava said. “Our findings reveal how important it is for medical institutions to be part of the conversations on social media by sharing accurate, engaging content that reaches patients where they are.”

 

Media Relations Contact: Lavene Gass, lag311@njms.rutgers.edu

 

Study author Katherine Poole is scheduled to present the research, which is below, from 10:20 to 10:30 a.m. PDT on Sunday, Oct. 4 at the Marriott.

 

In addition, Ms. Poole will be among highlighted abstract authors who will give brief presentations and be available for interviews during a “Soundbite Session” from noon- 1 pm PDT Sunday, Oct. 4, in the conference center Press Room, 14A.

 

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The American Academy of Pediatrics is an organization of 67,000 primary care pediatricians, pediatric medical subspecialists and pediatric surgical specialists dedicated to the health, safety and well-being of infants, children, adolescents and young adults. For more information, visit www.aap.org. Reporters can access the meeting program and other relevant meeting information through the AAP meeting website at http://www.aapexperience.org/

 

Program Name: Call for Abstracts

Submission Type: Council on Adolescents and Young Adults

Abstract Title: Acetaminophen Use During Pregnancy and Autism on TikTok: Disproportionate Exposure to Misinformation in a Content Analysis

Katherine Poole

Hoboken, NJ, United States


 

TikTok is a primary source of health information for adolescents and young adults, a population at particular risk when algorithmic amplification accelerates the spread of medical misinformation. In September 2025, public attention to a proposed association between prenatal acetaminophen exposure and autism spectrum disorder (ASD), despite the absence of causal evidence, triggered a rapid surge of TikTok content on the topic. Misinformation in this environment poses direct risk to prenatal health decision-making among young people of reproductive age.

 

We conducted a cross-sectional content analysis of 53 TikTok videos posted between September and November 2025, identified using the search terms "tylenol autism," "acetaminophen autism," "paracetamol autism," and #tylenol (IRB approval: Pro2026000574). Two reviewers independently coded videos for misinformation status, creator type, educational quality using the validated Global Quality Scale (GQS), thematic framing, and engagement metrics. Inter-rater reliability for misinformation classification was substantial (Cohen's kappa = 0.86). Group differences were assessed using Fisher's exact test and Kruskal-Wallis tests. Independent predictors of misinformation were assessed using Firth penalized logistic regression. All analyses were performed in R version 4.5.3.

 

Of 53 videos, 52.8% were evidence-consistent, 28.3% contained misinformation, and 18.9% were mixed or uncertain. Health professionals produced exclusively evidence-consistent content, while influencers accounted for 73.3% of all misinformation videos (p < 0.001). Misinformation videos were of significantly lower educational quality than evidence-consistent videos (mean GQS 1.73 vs. 4.18, p < 0.001) and were more likely to include conspiracy framing (46.7%) and pharmaceutical distrust (53.3%, p < 0.001). Despite comprising only 28.3% of videos, misinformation accounted for 52.4% of total views across 28.13 million total views. A single misinformation video reached 10.3 million views, representing 36.6% of all exposure across analyzed videos. In logistic regression, lower educational quality and conspiracy framing were each independently associated with misinformation (p < 0.001 and p = 0.012, respectively), while creator type was not independently significant after adjustment.

 

TikTok's recommendation algorithm disproportionately amplified low-quality, conspiracy-framed content during this health controversy, giving misinformation far greater reach than evidence-based videos. Pediatricians should proactively address this content in clinical conversations with patients of reproductive age. Broader solutions will require platform-level content moderation and coordinated public health responses to counter misinformation on platforms widely used by adolescents and young adults.

 

Figure 1. Educational quality and exposure of TikTok videos discussing acetaminophen use during pregnancy and autism spectrum disorder risk (N = 53).

 

Each bubble represents one video. The x-axis shows Global Quality Scale (GQS) score and the y-axis shows total view count (log scale). Bubble size reflects share count, while shape indicates creator type and color indicates content classification. The y-axis is log-scaled to account for the wide range of view counts.

Figure 2. Predictors of misinformation in TikTok videos discussing acetaminophen use during pregnancy and autism spectrum disorder risk (N = 53), estimated using Firth penalized logistic regression.

 

Diamonds represent odds ratios and horizontal lines represent 95% confidence intervals. Red indicates statistical significance (p < 0.05) and blue indicates non-significance (p ≥ 0.05). The dashed vertical line marks the null (OR = 1).

 

 

Social media analysis finds health institutions delayed or did not respond to false claims inking autism to acetaminophen use during pregnancy



Audit of Instagram posts shows American Academy of Pediatrics was the exception in responding to misinformation




American Academy of Pediatrics






SAN DIEGO — Most public health institutions failed to respond in a timely way to misinformation on social media that falsely claimed that acetaminophen during pregnancy is linked to autism, according to research presented during the American Academy of Pediatrics 2026 National Conference & Exhibition.

Researchers reviewed public social media (Instagram) posts from 65 accounts including top children’s hospitals, medical societies, and state health departments, auditing accounts to assess their response to popular misinformation on this topic from September through November, 2025. They identified the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) as the fastest and most active account to respond during this time, according to authors.

“As social media grows in popularity as a source of medical information, it is imperative to understand the ways trusted sources communicate this information,” said author Jessica Visone, a medical student at Rutgers New Jersey Medical School. She will present the abstract, “Administrative Gaps in Digital Patient Engagement: An Audit of Institutional Responsiveness to the 2025 Acetaminophen-Autism Controversy,” during the Oct. 2-6 conference in San Diego.

“We need to ensure the right information is reaching the appropriate audiences to promote health and well-being for all. At a time of increased misinformation, there is nothing more powerful than the truth when it comes to population health.”

The research audits the timeliness and quality of digital communications from pediatric organizations following messaging from the White House on September 22, 2025, linking acetaminophen use to autism. 

The analysis found only 14 of 65 institutions (21.5%) of the accounts posted anything relevant to correct false claims concerning the purported cause of autism. None of the state health departments addressed the topic and children’s hospitals took as long as 51 days to address the topic, according to research. The AAP responded on Day 1 and posted 10 relevant posts over the time period.

Of the 26 relevant posts analyzed, all used plain-language formatting and myth-busting framing, but the average reading level was well above the average 8th-grade reading level in the U.S., according to the research. No multilingual content was identified across any institution.

“Overall, through this audit of major pediatric health institutions, we found a limited and delayed response to an active health controversy,” Visone said. “Major health organizations have a responsibility to communicate with the populations they serve during times of increased health misinformation.”

The full team who contributed to this research included Kathryn Whitehill, MD, and medical students: Shivani Srivastava and Katherine Poole. 

Media Relations Contact:

Lavene Gass, lag311@njms.rutgers.edu

Contact: Jessica Visone

Email: jnv38@njms.rutgers.edu

 

Ms. Visone is scheduled to present a poster, described in the abstract below, between 11 am – 1 pm PT Saturday, Oct. 3 for the Section on Administration and Practice Management, H3062.

In addition, Ms. Visone, second-year medical student, will be among highlighted abstract authors who will give brief presentations and be available for interviews during a “Soundbite Session” from noon- 1 pm PT Sunday, Oct. 4, in the conference center Press Room, 14A.

 

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The American Academy of Pediatrics is an organization of 67,000 primary care pediatricians, pediatric medical subspecialists and pediatric surgical specialists dedicated to the health, safety and well-being of infants, children, adolescents and young adults. For more information, visit www.aap.org. Reporters can access the meeting program and other relevant meeting information through the AAP meeting website at http://www.aapexperience.org/

 

ABSTRACT

Submission Type: Section on Administration and Practice Management 

Abstract Title: Administrative Gaps in Digital Patient Engagement: An Audit of Institutional Responsiveness to the 2025 Acetaminophen-Autism Controversy 

Jessica Visone 


In September 2025, claims linking prenatal acetaminophen use to autism spectrum disorder spread rapidly across social media, despite the lack of causal evidence. Pediatric families rely on trusted institutions, such as hospitals, state departments, and national organizations for accurate health information, yet little is known about how quickly and effectively these institutions respond during active health information controversies. This study audits the timeliness and quality of digital communications from pediatric organizations following messaging from the White House on September 22, 2025 linking acetaminophen use to autism, using guidance from the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) as a benchmark. 

We conducted a cross-sectional audit of public Instagram accounts between September 22 and November 15, 2025, from 65 health organizations, including the top children's hospitals for pediatric and adolescent behavioral health, professional medical societies, and state health departments serving the largest pediatric populations. We measured time to first relevant post, proportion of controversy-related content, and communication quality. Quality was assessed using Flesch-Kincaid grade level, SMOG index, multilingual availability, and accessibility features. All analyses were conducted in R version 4.5.3. 

Only 14 of 65 institutions (21.5%) posted content addressing the controversy. The AAP responded on Day 1 and published 10 relevant posts across the study period. No state health departments posted any relevant content. Among institutions that did post, hospital responses lagged up to 51 days behind the AAP. Non-responding institutions were not inactive: some published over 100 posts on unrelated topics during the same period, suggesting silence reflected administrative choice rather than limited capacity. Of the 26 relevant posts analyzed, 85% used plain-language formatting and myth-busting framing, but the average reading level was Flesch-Kincaid grade 11.4, well above the average 8th-grade reading level in the US. No multilingual content was identified across any institution. 

The AAP demonstrated that rapid, high-quality digital communication is achievable during a fast-moving health controversy. Most pediatric hospitals and all state health departments in this sample failed to match that standard, leaving families without institutional guidance during an active misinformation event. These findings point to a gap in administrative infrastructure and policy, not just content. Pediatric health systems should develop standardized rapid-response protocols that include pre-approved messaging templates written at or below an 8th-grade reading level, multilingual content, and clear internal processes for activating effective and accessible communication during emerging controversies. This study offers a practical framework for evaluating and strengthening that capacity to improve accessibility of health information for pediatric families, especially during periods of widespread misinformation. 

Figure 1. Timeline of Institutional Responses to the Acetaminophen–Autism Controversy. 

 

Horizontal bars represent the number of days from September 22, 2025, to each institution’s first relevant Instagram post, indicated by the point. Point size indicates the total number of relevant posts published by each institution during the study period. State health departments are not depicted due to lack of posts during study period. 

Figure 2. Prevalence of Content Quality and Accessibility Features in Relevant Instagram Posts (n = 26).  

 

Percentages indicate the proportion of posts incorporating specific digital communication features, grouped by format, content framing, emotional tone, and accessibility.