Showing posts sorted by relevance for query FRANTZ FANON. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query FRANTZ FANON. Sort by date Show all posts

Sunday, July 20, 2025

Revolutionary Thinker Franz Fanon at 100


“In an era of new global brutality, his reflections against colonialism and racism, and in defence of the universal, remain intellectually vital in a world ravaged by imperialist logics.”

By Hélène Bidard, Party of the European Left

The Party of the European Left pays tribute to Frantz Fanon, psychiatrist, revolutionary thinker, and freedom fighter. The theorist of human liberation was born one hundred years ago, on July 20, 1925, in Fort-de-France. He embraced the cause of Algerian independence and global emancipation. In an era of new global brutality, his reflections against colonialism and racism, and in defence of the universal, remain intellectually vital in a world ravaged by imperialist logics.

Across the vast expanse of a transatlantic geography, his journey was a “call to live,” as Aimé Césaire said of him. At the twilight of colonisation, Fanon’s thought—rooted in struggle—grasped a historical rupture. It remains a call to fight for the creation of a world free from domination, liberated from colonialism, and rid of the discourses and acts meant to reify human beings.

An anti-Nazi fighter at 18, then a medical student in Lyon, Fanon became a psychiatrist in Blida, Algeria. There, he practiced a form of clinical work inspired by institutional psychiatry. For him, colonization generates mental disorders in both the colonized and the colonizers. It alienates bodies and corrodes minds. His work charts lines of escape from that “zone of non-being” to which the colonized are consigned; these routes pass through a resolute will to be human—only human. This desire to rise into humanity underpins both his political project and his clinical practice. How can one not still feel the grip of this today, when in Gaza, war criminals call Palestinians “human animals” to justify genocidal machinery?

In Black Skin, White Masks, Fanon rejects all fixed identities: “The Negro is not. No more than the White.” He denounces the racial categories imposed by colonialism to divide humanity and defends a decolonial, radical, embodied humanism: “I am a man, and it is the whole past of the world that I must reclaim.”

In Algeria Unveiled, he shows how the colonial regime manipulates women’s bodies to fracture colonized society under the guise of emancipation. But unveiling can also become a revolutionary tactic. To those who dream of a return to religion, he replies: “My path stands in opposition to yours.” Emancipation cannot be nostalgia; it is invention.

In The Wretched of the Earth, Fanon opposes a strictly economistic reading of oppression. He writes: “In the colonies, the economic infrastructure is also a superstructure. Cause and consequence are one: one is rich because one is white, and one is white because one is rich.” Rejecting dogmatic frameworks, he weaves together Marxism, existentialism, and lived experience to think through liberation.

He had already denounced what we now call a permanent state of war: military domination, terror, censorship, exile, sanctions, and all the brutalities of the world.

Fanon said it clearly: “No peace without liberation.”

Frantz Fanon died at 36, but his humanist and combative body of work endures. It compels us. It continues to call us—to the decolonisation of thought and structures, to self-reflection and reflection on the world, and to the struggle.


l\9QQ, are part of the ceremony of a polite, English refusal. There has been no substantial work on Fanon in the his- ... Frantz Fanon. I 33 dementia, to feeble- ...

OTHER WORKS BY FRANTZ FANON. PUBLISHED BY GROVE PRESS: Black Skin, White ... had harvested were eager to understand how it worked. They very quickly ...

his major works and many are viewed as peripheral to Fanon's three books and the collection of his political writings that has been available to English.

To find out more about our authors and books visit www.bloomsbury.com and sign up for our newsletters. Page 6. Plates ix. Illustrations xi. Frantz Fanon: Works ...

In this way, and not through books, business deals, or international assemblies is the present unity of humanity being forged and constructed. Frantz Fanon ...

Jun 4, 2019 ... Fanon, Frantz, 1925-1961, Colonies. Publisher: New York : Monthly Review Press. Collection: trent_university; internetarchivebooks; inlibrary ...


Saturday, April 18, 2026

The Paris movement that planted the seeds of Algerian independence, a century on

In 1926, migrant workers in Paris formed a small political group named North African Star, the first movement to call for Algerian independence and freedom from French rule – decades before decolonisation became a reality.


Issued on: 17/04/2026 - 

Algeria’s national flag, featuring a red star, originated with the North African Star movement. AFP - FAYEZ NURELDINE

At the time the group came together, Algeria was part of France, while Morocco and Tunisia were French protectorates. Political and trade union activity was banned in the colonies, forcing activists to mobilise in mainland France instead.

North African Star was created by workers, mainly from Algeria, who had migrated to France, beginning as a mutual aid association defending social rights before gradually becoming political.

Abdelkader Hadj Ali led the organisation, alongside Messali Hadj, who would later become its central figure. Its structure followed labour movement models, with committees and cells, and it maintained close ties with Communist circles active in anti-colonial struggles.

The French Communist Party had created the Union Intercoloniale, a network bringing together activists from the colonies to demand political and social equality. Among them was Nguyen Ai Quoc – later known as Ho Chi Minh.

North African Star grew out of this environment.

“The idea was to say: since every path is closed to us in our country, we will form a first core in mainland France,” historian Alain Ruscio told RFI.

Under France’s admittedly limited democratic freedoms, trade union activity could not be fully banned – allowing North African workers to band together.

The rise of Messali Hadj

By 1927, the movement had adopted a clear political aim. Its programme, presented in Brussels, called for a struggle “all the way to independence”.

Relations with the Communist Party, however, soon became strained.

“They were in the same bed, but did not have the same dreams,” Ruscio said, with the Communists seeing colonial workers as a potential militant force.

French authorities too quickly saw the group as a threat. It was dissolved in 1929 for posing a danger to the state, and its members closely monitored.

Hadj, who had become the movement’s leading figure, spent 22 years under house arrest or in prison.

Born in 1898 in Tlemcen, he had served in the French army during the First World War and joined the Communist Party in his twenties, while remaining a practising Muslim.

“In Algeria, the idea that religious faith and Communist commitment were compatible was deeply rooted,” Ruscio said. Cell meetings would pause for prayer before resuming.

Hadj stood apart from other Algerian political currents, which focused on gaining equal rights within the French system. His aim was independence, led by Algerians themselves.

His influence first grew among migrants in France before reaching Algeria. In 1936, speaking in Algiers, he urged supporters to mobilise and make their voices heard across the Mediterranean.

Algerian Messali Hadj, leader of the MNA (Algerian National Movement) held under house arrest, gives a press conference 4 May 1962, in the courtyard of the Toutevoie castle in Gouvieux, near Chantilly, north of Paris. AFP

Building resistance in Paris


France's Popular Front government again dissolved North African Star on 26 January, 1937. Around 5,000 members were affected and several leaders, including Hadj, were arrested.

The Communist Party supported the decision, marking a clear break with the movement.

During the Second World War, Nazi Germany sought to court nationalist movements in the colonies, but Hadj refused any agreement with the Axis powers.

Although the organisation initially aimed to unite North Africa, it remained largely Algerian in character.

After its dissolution, it reformed under new names, including the Algerian People’s Party and later the Movement for the Triumph of Democratic Liberties.

But divisions emerged over armed struggle. Hadj rejected that path and warned it would lead to heavy losses and ultimately delay independence, Ruscio said.

When younger militants pushed towards armed action, Hadj warned them they were heading towards “a massacre, a bloodbath” and risked repeating the violence of May 1945 in eastern Algeria.

French authorities chose to violently repress the demonstration on 8 May 1945 in Setif, Algeria. © INA

Rival groups later took up arms, including the FLN, the National Liberation Front, leading to violent clashes. Nearly 4,000 deaths were recorded among Algerians in France during the war of independence.

A century after its creation, North African Star has largely faded from public memory – although its legacy remains visible in Algeria’s national flag, which originated with the movement.

This story was adapted from the original version in French by Anne Bernas.




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Thursday, May 02, 2024


FRANTZ FANON’S INSIGHTFUL ANALYSIS: 5 TRANSFORMATIVE LESSONS FROM ‘THE WRETCHED OF THE EARTH’

IKRAAM SHARIF (AUTHOR), CHARLIE SØRENSEN (EDITOR)
November 22, 2023

Frantz Fanon examines the effects of colonialism in his book ‘The Wretched of the Earth’ (TWOFE) by reviewing the decolonisation process and global advancements in freedom. This book also emphasises how colonialism reduced the human dignity of those violently colonised and the clear need for a robust response to remove colonialism as well as its overall effect on the psyche of the people.

Frantz Fanon was a well-known author and scholar. He was born in 1925 and raised in Martinique’s French territory. Thus, his firsthand experiences with racism, colonialism, and the regal control of global powers directly influenced his commitment to the topic.

This book review discusses the varied concepts of colonialism, violence and psychology and the book’s relevance to society to summarise the book’s impact.


“In the colonies the truth stood naked, but the citizens of the mother country preferred it with clothes on: the native had to love them, something in the way mothers are loved.”J.P Sartre & F. Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth.
The Dynamics of Violence and Decolonisation in Fanon’s Perspective

In the first chapter, ‘Concerning Violence’, we are introduced to the first concept – violence. Frantz Fanon emphasises how decolonisation is inherently violent. Colonialism is fierce from the start and never stops being violent. He notes that “their [the colonies] first encounter was marked by violence and their existence together […] was carried on by dint of a great array of bayonets and canon” (Fanon, 1963, p.36). Violence is the only way for it to end.



He emphasises the value of self-respect and self-discovery, one of his defences against violence. This focus deserves praise since it is global and addresses all colonised people. According to Frantz Fanon, excessive violence enables the colonised to realise that he is not who the coloniser has made him believe he is via belittling, vilifying, and punishing him.

To “[drive] into the locals’ heads the concept that if the settlers were to depart, they would at once fall back into barbarism, degradation, and bestiality,” the coloniser not only “distorts, disfigures, and destroys” pre-colonial history but also psychologically degrades the native (Fanon, 1963, p.210). Here, Fanon creates a striking portrait of the colonised people’s lack of regard for themselves before the liberation that violence grants them. He emphasises that the colonised should not look up to or idolise the settlers.
Fanon’s Exploration of Colonialism’s Psychological Impact

The native is free from “his inferiority complex and his despair and inaction; it makes him fearless and restores his self-respect,” according to Fanon, who describes violence as a “cleaning force” (Fanon, 1963, pg. 94). Once more, Frantz Fanon uses emotive language that tremendously appeals to colonised readers. To portray something as unpleasant and destructive as violence in a good light is an intriguing idea.

A revolution’s use of violence can bring people together and spark a national movement where they can vent the repressed wrath caused by colonialism. Sonnleitner notes in ‘Of Logic and Liberation: Frantz Fanon on Terrorism’ that it is “personally therapeutic” (Sonnleitner, 1987, p.291). Using the adjective “therapeutic” to describe something violent and oppressive, such as colonialism, can arguably be disrespectful to the colonised.

However, whether you agree with Fanon’s moral argument when colonised people have been denied a means of expressing their sentiments for so long, his claim that violence fosters self-respect can be valid.

Fanon claims violence must be acknowledged. As we have seen, he contends that using violence brings about self-respect, self-discovery, and independence. Yet, he goes on to devote chapter five, ‘Colonial World and Mental Disorders’, to the mental illnesses and disorders that are direct results of violence in colonial times.

As readers, we are simultaneously being considered to understand that Fanon is arguing the justification of violence to gain self-respect and how it can damage the psyche of the native people – so which one is it? Does violence damage the mind of the colonised, or does it leave the colonised the ability to fight for freedom and against oppression?
Reconciling Violence with Mental Health in Colonial Contexts

Fanon claims violence must be acknowledged. As we have seen, he contends that using violence brings about self-respect, self-discovery, and independence. Yet, he goes on to devote chapter five, ‘Colonial World and Mental Disorders’, to the mental illnesses and disorders that are direct results of violence in colonial times.

As readers, we are simultaneously being considered to understand that Fanon is arguing the justification of violence to gain self-respect and how it can damage the psyche of the native people – so which one is it? Does violence damage the mind of the colonised, or does it leave the colonised the ability to fight for freedom and against oppression?
Frantz Fanon’s Legacy and the Continued Relevance of ‘The Wretched of the Earth’

Fanon maintains that the atmosphere of a “Manichaean world” (Fanon, 1963, pg. 41) is a primary reason for the general decline in mental health throughout the colonial era. This analogy is for the colonial world, which is morally distinct and geographically separated into two zones.

The author describes this dichotomy when he writes about how the settler’s realm is physically advanced, secure, and clean, and it is abundant with all the resources required for a sustainable way of life; “a well-fed town, an easy-going town; its belly is always full of good things” whilst the town of the colonised is “a place of ill fame, peopled by men of evil repute … hungry town, starved of bread, of meat, of shoes, of coal, of light” (Fanon, 1963, pp.38–39).

The juxtaposing language used to explain the opposite nature demonstrates how the settlers could prosper in the land that belonged to someone else – the natives. Essentially, “Manicheism […] dehumanises the native [and] it turns him into an animal” (Fanon, 1963, p.42). Thus demonstrating that colonisation has dehumanising effects on the people and the nation and causes negative emotions such as bitterness and resentment.

As a psychiatrist, Frantz Fanon holds the same position that the brutality of colonialism has contributed to an increase in mental illnesses and disorders. In chapter five, Fanon meticulously identifies the subtle differences among the many instances of mental illness brought on by colonial violence.

Fanon is aware of a direct relationship between the two concepts, which tends to have a long-lasting effect even after decolonisation. Therefore, Fanon’s claim that violence is a “cleansing force” (Fanon, 1963, pg. 94) is weak because he has already explained in detail how targeted acts of violence and an overall climate of physical insecurity cause a wide range of mental disorders, such as depression, PTSD, hallucinations, and many others.
The Algerian War: A Deep Dive into Colonialism’s Psychological and Physical Traumas

In his book, Fanon explores the Algerian War and how colonialism is a “fertile purveyor for psychiatric hospitals” (Fanon, 1963, p.249). As the war for freedom progressed, there was significant damage to the people that left them institutionalised in hospitals. He writes case studies on person B, an Algerian man who had “insomnia and persistent headaches” (Fanon, 1963, p.254) and how B’s wife had been “dishonoured” by a French officer who told B to forget about her (Fanon, 1963, p.255).

This is another illustration of the heinous atrocities of colonialism. The fact that B’s wife is raped to get close to B underlines the utter dominance of the French colonists over the Algerian people. However, it is interesting to note that in all his cases, Fanon focuses on the impact of the physical violence of colonialism and does not include how sexual violence was used in the Algerian war.


This point is not to diminish the physical violence of colonialism. But if violence is to be considered, all types of violence must be included – especially sexual violence. Branche explores in ‘Sexual Violence in the Algerian War’ (2009) how sexual violence was prevalent in the Algerian War and how “rapes happened, and repeatedly happened” (Branche, 2009, p.248).

She explores how the systematic use of sexual abuse was a technique of cruelty and humiliation (for both men and women) committed by the French army. It was a brutal, dehumanising, and consistent torture, and although death was typically the outcome, it was not the intended outcome.

Colonialism directly links to other types of violence different from physical violence. Branche examines this when Fanon does not discuss it in his book, though it is crucial to understanding colonialism and violence.

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

Branche, R., 2009. Sexual Violence in the Algerian War. In: D. Herzog, ed. Brutality and Desire: War and Sexuality in Europe’s Twentieth Century, Genders, and Sexualities in History. [online] London: Palgrave Macmillan UK. pp.247–260. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230234291_10.

Burke, E., 1976. Frantz Fanon’s ‘The Wretched of the Earth’. Daedalus, 105(1), pp.127–135.

Fanon, F., 1963. The Wretched of the Earth. New York: Grove Press.

Ighilahriz, L (2001) Algérienne (gathered by Anne Nivat), Paris: Fayard/Calmann-Levy.

Sonnleitner, M.W., 1987. Of Logic and Liberation: Frantz Fanon on Terrorism. Journal of Black Studies, 17(3), pp.287–304.