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Saturday, January 17, 2026

Why The Taliban Wants To Talk With The US – Analysis

By 


Before Afghanistan in 2021, America was last defeated by a national liberation movement in Vietnam in 1975. After the fall of Saigon, the domino theory” assured Americans that Asia would quickly fall to Communism. That didn’t happen, and the ensuing violence (Vietnam’s 1979 invasion of Cambodia and China’s attack on Vietnam) didn’t affect American security. But Eurasia in 2026 is another situation entirely. While Washington waited 19 years to establish diplomatic relations with the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, it shouldn’t delay diplomatic recognition of the new regime in Afghanistan. 

There is a lot going on: Nuclear-armed India and Pakistan fought a short war in May 2025; relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan are tense over the activities of the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (Pakistani Taliban) and the Baluchistan Liberation Army; Iran has been accused of developing nuclear weapons and was recently attacked by Israel and America; the region is host to several nascent connectivity networks, and may possess abundant rare earth elements; the Central Asian republics’ economies are rapidly growing; and, everyone depends on Afghanistan for water.

Recent US-Afghanistan history is a history of misunderstandings that caused both sides to commit strategic blunders. 

After the 9/11 attacks, the Taliban erred by not rendering Osama bin Laden to the United States and then proposing that he be tried by a court in an Islamic country. The United States subsequently attacked and occupied the country for 20 years.

After the US attack and rout of the Taliban forces, Taliban leaders attempted to surrender several times, but Washington, intoxicated by a brew of post-Cold War triumphalism and post-9/11 grievance, wanted to make an example of them. America was still the “indispensable nation,” and its neoconservative curators were anxious to operationalize their sacred text, the Fiscal Year 1992 Defense Planning Guidance


The Americans failed to understand that the Taliban were Afghan nationalists inspired by Islam instead of transnational Islamists like Al Qaeda or the Islamic State. This misunderstanding was the root of the argument that Afghanistan would become a center of terrorism against the West; however, in 2024, a CIA official reported, “The dire predictions have not come to pass.” 

In the 1990s, the only major infrastructure project in the region was the UNOCAL natural gas pipelinefrom Turkmenistan to Pakistan via Afghanistan. The project collapsed as Afghanistan’s civil war made construction impossible and the Taliban’s international isolation made financing difficult. After the 1998 US embassy bombings, UNOCAL withdrew entirely as the US government claimed Usama bin Laden, who was believed to be in Afghanistan, was behind the bombings.

But in 2026, Afghanistan will be a key part of most of the regional connectivity projects. 

There is the TransAfghan Multimodal Transport Corridor, which aims to create a “southern corridor” linking Central Asia to the Arabian Sea, ultimately connecting to Jebel Ali Port in the United Arab Emirates (UAE); the Termez-Mazar-i-Sharif-Kabul-Peshawar Railway (Kabul Corridor). Uzbekistan is leading the push to revive this long-planned corridor, which would provide Central Asia with direct access to Pakistan’s seaports; and the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan–Pakistan Railway (Western Corridor), a parallel route to the Kabul Corridor, as Turkmenistan aims for more direct access to Pakistan’s ports, and Kazakhstan wants to diversify its southern transit options. 

The Iran-Afghanistan-China Strategic Railway Link is a strategic railway linking Iran to China through Afghanistan, and avoids maritime chokepoints between China and West Asia. It was added to Iran’s working agenda in 2025.

Then there is road network expansion in Afghanistan as the government aggressively pursues road upgrades to complement rail corridors and improve internal logistics. And in December 2025, Afghanistan’s Ministry of Finance announced a memorandum of understanding with DP World of the UAE to study potential investment in Afghan port infrastructure. If an agreement is finalized, DP World could help modernize ports such as Hairatan, bordering Uzbekistan, and Torkham, bordering Pakistan. 

According to the China Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) Investment Report 2025 H1, the first half of 2025 saw the highest engagement for any six-month period ever, with $66.2 billion in construction contracts and $57.1 billion in investments (greater than BRI engagement in all of 2024, which was $122 billion) BRI’s total engagement since the program’s start in 2013 now totals $1.3 trillion.

Of that spending, $39 billion went to Africa, and $25 billion went to Central Asia. That’s impressive on a per capita basis, as Africa’s population is about 1.5 billion and Central Asia’s is about 84 million.

At the September 2025 summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Group in Tianjin, China, Chinese president Xi Jinping met one-on-one with all the leaders of the republics. In the official picture of the meeting attendees, the five republics’ presidents are standing in the front row, a clear signal of China’s intent.

China looks to be in the driver’s seat, but in June 2025, the Taliban shocked Beijing by cancelling the 25-year contract to develop oil fields in the Amu Darya River basin; China had pledged to invest $540 million in the first three years. Each side blamed the other, and Afghanistan has no formal process to resolve disputes, so a resolution may not be imminent. 

In December 2025, Amir Khan Muttaqi, Afghanistan’s foreign minister, told former US ambassador to Kabul Zalmay Khalilzad that US-Afghanistan relations are in a “new phase” and that bilateral relations can be developed through sustained dialogue. Any salesman would recognize that as a “buy signal.” 

In July 2025, Russia became the first country to recognize the Taliban government. But will this delay more American engagement with Afghanistan if President Donald Trump resists being a follower of Russia’s move?

Improved roads in faraway places don’t excite Americans much, but Americans held hostage to unfriendly governments do. In March 2025, The Wall Street Journal reported there were seven Americans“wrongfully detained” in Afghanistan. Five Americans were released in 2025, and the Taliban likely hoped for a positive response from Washington, but nothing happened. 

If President Donald Trump just pockets the winnings, that will weaken the Taliban, who want better ties with Washington; they will be less likely to accommodate the next American initiative, as the penalty may be more severe than premature retirement followed by a think tank sinecure. 

Trump would prefer to get the remaining detainees immediately, but an opportunity may come when he visits Central Asia (he has been invited several times to Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan). Tashkent has long dealt with the Taliban and can facilitate the release, but it won’t want to midwife an unfair deal with Kabul, its “forever neighbor.” And Uzbekistan has yet to work out a water-sharing agreement with Kabul over the waters of the Amu Darya, the most critical file for Tashkent.

President Bill Clinton was criticized for restarting ties with Vietnam, and Trump can expect the same for outreach to Afghanistan. In any case, hyperventilating about the Taliban hosting Al Qaeda looks unserious since an Al Qaeda alumnus (Syrian president Ahmed al-Shara) visited the Oval Office and was spritzed with cologne. 

The Taliban beat America fair and square. Now, if Trump really wants to advance US engagement in Central Asia, which includes Afghanistan, he must move beyond low-hanging fruit, like inviting Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan to the next G20 meeting, and take decisive action. Clinton weathered the storm, so will Trump.


James Durso

James Durso (@james_durso) is a regular commentator on foreign policy and national security matters. Mr. Durso served in the U.S. Navy for 20 years and has worked in Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, and Central Asia.

Thursday, January 15, 2026

Protests in Iran and Rojhilat Kurdistan: Nearly 3 thousand dead and nearly 20 thousand detained

The toll of the protests, which have entered their 19th day in Iran and Rojhilat Kurdistan, is getting heavier, nearly 3 thousand dead and nearly 20 thousand detained.



ANF
NEWS CENTER
Thursday, January 15, 2026,

The protests against the economic, social and political crises in Iran and Rojhilat, which started on December 28, 2025, continue with the support and participation of millions. The extent of the violence used by the Iranian regime forces to suppress the protests is not known due to the communication blackout in the country.

Due to the interruption in internet and telephone lines, information about the massacres and developments in the country cannot be accessed. Images of regime forces raiding homes to destroy internet providers obtained with limited means are shared on digital networks. In Iran, where TV channels cannot broadcast, official television channels continue their broadcasts as a means of pressure by the regime, aiming to increase the fear of the public by broadcasting images of statements that are not known how they were taken, and calls for the seizure of the assets of the protesters.

PEOPLE DO NOT LEAVE THE STREETS

Despite all the violence and torture used by the Iranian regime against the demonstrators, the people do not leave the streets. It is among the information received that the protests, in which slogans such as 'Death to Khamenei, Death to the dictator, Damn Khamenei' were raised, spread to 31 cities, 187 districts and 617 towns of Iran and Rojhilat Kurdistan.

Women and young people leading the protests are also targeted by Iranian regime forces. The fate of the young people and women detained in the protests supported by 55 universities is unknown.

Amnesty International said in a statement that dozens of images recorded in Alborz, Gilan, Kermanshan, Razavi Khorasan and Sistan-Baluchistan were examined and as a result of the examination, it was determined that Iranian regime forces used lethal force against demonstrators. The organization also said in its statement; He stated that the Revolutionary Guards, the Iranian police force FARAJA and plainclothes agents took part in the attacks.

NEARLY 3 THOUSAND PEOPLE WERE BRUTALLY MURDERED

In Iran and Rojhilat Kurdistan, where the bodies could not even be identified for days, there is a lot of different information circulating on digital media networks about the death toll. According to the Human Rights Organization HRANA, 2,615 demonstrators were massacred in 19 days. Of these, 12 are reported to be under the age of 18. However, some sources report that the number of those killed exceeded ten thousand.

Iranian state forces are trying to contain the protests with attacks that directly target the demonstrators. Witnesses in the region say that most of the bodies were shot in the chest. In the footage, it is seen that Iranian state forces shot the demonstrators they were chasing, directly targeting their eyes and heads.

FUNERALS ARE GIVEN TO FAMILIES IN EXCHANGE FOR MONEY

In the broadcasts made on radio channels with limited means, it is reported that Iranian state forces raided hospitals and kidnapped injured demonstrators. It is reported that the demonstrators, who were kidnapped with injuries, were massacred after being detained and the bodies were given to their families in exchange for 700 million riyals. For this reason, protesters injured in the attacks do not apply to hospitals.

HRANA announced that 2,045 demonstrators were injured in the attacks during the demonstrations. However, the number and witnesses that this human rights organization has been able to verify state that this number is much higher.

In the country, where detainees are massacred and their bodies are traded, it is noted that the security forces also called many people to the security centers to testify.

Kurdish refugees in Erbil anxiously await news from families amid Iran unrest

January 14, 2026
Rudaw




ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - A Kurdish refugee family from Iran living in Erbil have said they are anxiously waiting for news from relatives inside the country after communications were severed for several consecutive days. Internet and phone services have been cut, preventing families from contacting loved ones as unrest spreads across Iran.

“I was in contact with my family, my father and mother. I asked about them to see how they are. I [talked] with friends and relatives. It was Wednesday when essential food had run out in Iran. [Cooking] oil and rice also ran out. Nothing remains now,” Bahnam Jamali, a refugee, told Rudaw on Monday.

The prolonged uncertainty has taken a heavy emotional toll on families living in exile.

“We have no rest. We only think about what is happening,” said Glara Mstafawi, Jamali’s wife.

Iran is currently facing its most significant internal security threat in years, marked by a wave of anti-government protests triggered by a historic currency crash that saw the Iranian currency hit a record low of 1.45 million rials to the US dollar.

For those who have already been separated from family members for years, the silence has been especially painful.

“The government is doing a large genocide in Iran. Unfortunately, it has been able to do so quietly. Honestly, we are constantly anxious. I was in contact with two close people in my family. They told me that if they [authorities] see anyone on the streets at night, they shoot at them with war [live] rounds. They do not care if it is a family, a child or a woman,” said Yazdan Farahmand, another Kurd from Iran living in Erbil.

The nationwide protests began on December 28 when merchants shuttered their shops at the Alaeddin Mall in Tehran’s Grand Bazaar, but has since spread to at least 156 separate demonstrations across 27 of Iran’s 31 provinces.

The US-based Human Rights Activists News Agency (HRANA) reported that as of Sunday, at least 483 protesters and 47 security personnel had been killed. However, these figures are likely underestimated, especially given the government-imposed internet blockout that has entered its sixth day on Tuesday. Some reports suggest that several thousands of people have been killed.

Meanwhile, the New York-based Center for Human Rights in Iran (CHRI) reported last week that over 2,000 people had been “arbitrarily arrested,” a figure that has since risen to over 10,000 according to activist aggregates.

Iran’s nationwide internet and communications shutdown is severely disrupting trade, cutting the country off from regional and international markets.

In the past days, authorities have blocked internet and phone services amid ongoing protests, leaving traders unable to work.

Trade between Iran and the Kurdistan Region alone is valued at about $6 billion annually, but commercial activity has now slowed to a near standstill.

Trade in Kurdistan Region paralyzed amid Iran blackout

The internet shutdown is also severely disrupting trade between Iran and the Kurdistan Region, where roughly 30 percent of imported goods originate from Iran.

Kayfi Khoshnaw, spokesperson for the Erbil Exchange Market, said money transfers have nearly collapsed.

“[The rate of our remittances with Iran] has decreased by 90 percent. People do not dare to transfer money to their account numbers [in Iran] because they receive no [reply] or confirmation... You don’t know whether the money has reached your bank account or not,” he said.

Importers say shipments are stalled and untraceable. “We currently have three shipments in Iran, and we have no information on where they have reached or the status of their processing,” said Soran Ali, an importing company owner. “Our shipments were supposed to arrive two to three days ago.”





Others reported similar losses.

“Our goods are purchased from five Iranian factories… We currently have six trucks at the border, and we don't even know which border they are at,” said Rizgar Osman, another importer, adding that each truck is worth about $20,000.

At Sulaimani’s main fruit and vegetable market, traders say the blackout has caused chaos.

“At this moment, when communication is cut, a lot of problems have been created for us,” said Atta Mohammed, a member of the Sulaimani Vegetable Market Syndicate. “We do not know the prices of our goods… This is a major obstacle for us.”

Human rights groups say the shutdown is also preventing information from reaching the outside world.

“The Internet is not [available] there… The people of Kurdistan are being killed, and the Islamic Republic is suppressing them in an extremely brutal manner,” said Zhila Mostajer, co-founder of the Hengaw Organization for Human Rights, warning that violence is unfolding largely unseen.

Horvan Rafaat and Payam Sarbast contributed to this report from Erbil, and Alla Shally reported from Germany.






Friday, January 02, 2026

Iran’s Protests: Drivers, Actors, Consequences, and External Dimensions

Protests in Iran are no longer episodic political turbulence — they represent a persistent structural crisis within the Islamic Republic. Since 2017, waves of unrest have periodically erupted: economic protests (2017–2019), the brutally repressed November 2019 uprising, the 2022 Mahsa Amini/“Woman, Life, Freedom” movement, labor and pension protests, and recurrent localized unrest over water shortages, ethnic marginalization, and social control. Each round reveals deepening societal discontent, widening social participation, and increasing delegitimization of the regime.

Reasons Behind the Protests

Socio-Economic Collapse

The economic foundation of the Islamic Republic is deteriorating. Key drivers include:High inflation and devaluation of the rial; Youth unemployment and shrinking middle class; Western sanctions impacting oil revenue, banking and technology access; Endemic corruption among political elites and IRGC-affiliated business networks; Unequal distribution of resources, particularly affecting peripheral regions.

For millions of Iranians, daily survival has replaced political loyalty. Economic injustice is now a structural rather than cyclical phenomenon.

Political Repression and Absence of Reform

Iran operates under an entrenched authoritarian structure:

Power monopolized by the Supreme Leader and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC); Elections tightly controlled by the Guardian Council; Elimination of reformist/revisionist elites from decision-making; Systematic censorship and persecution of journalists, activists, and political opponents.

Citizens increasingly perceive that reform from within is impossible, forcing society toward direct confrontation.

Social and Cultural Grievances

Unlike earlier unrest primarily driven by economics, recent protests challenge identity and social order:

Compulsory hijab and gender control policies became a flashpoint; Desire for civil liberties, dignity, and personal autonomy; Youth rejection of ideological governance; Frustration with moral policing and intrusion into private life.

The slogan “Woman, Life, Freedom” transformed protests from single-issue mobilization into a civil rights uprising.

 Governance Failure and Crisis Mismanagement

Iran faces recurring crises of:

Water shortages (Khuzestan, Isfahan, Sistan-Baluchistan); Environmental degradation

Mishandling of disasters (e.g., COVID-19 response);

Inadequate investment in infrastructure and public services;

Each crisis erodes state credibility and fuels localized protest movements that later converge into broader anti-regime sentiment.

Key Actors

Youth and Middle Class

Iran’s demographic reality is critical:

Majority of population under 35;

Digitally connected, globally aware;

Societal aspirations incompatible with theocratic governance;

They drive protest organization, narrative, and social mobilization.

Women

Women are the symbolic and operational center of protest activity:

Leading demonstrations Defying hijab regulations; Becoming visible public dissidents despite severe risks;

Women’s resistance transformed protests from economic pressure to civilizational rejection of patriarchal theocracy.

Ethnic and Regional Communities

Regions historically marginalized are protest hotspots:

Kurds (Mahsa Amini’s origin amplifies their activism)

Baluch in Sistan-Baluchistan; Arabs in Khuzestan; Azeris in the northwest.

These communities combine economic, ethnic, and political grievances, challenging Tehran’s Persian-centric governance model.

Labor, Teachers, and Pensioners

A powerful emerging actor group:

Organized labor strikes in oil and petrochemical sectors

Teachers’ nationwide protests for unpaid wages and rights

Pensioners protesting government mismanagement and poverty

Labor protests weaken the regime’s capacity to suppress by creating economic disruption.

The Regime Itself

Key pillars include:

IRGC: military enforcement, economic power, political control

Basij paramilitary: street repression Security services: surveillance, arrests, intimidation; State media apparatus: narrative construction

Their cohesion remains the regime’s survival guarantee — but cracks periodically appear.

Consequences

Increasing Delegitimization of the Regime

Each protest wave:

further erodes legitimacy,

expands public acceptance of defiance,

normalizes anti-regime discourse.

A psychological barrier has been broken: fear is no longer absolute.

Radicalization of Public Demands

Earlier protests called for reform. Now:

calls for regime change are explicit

slogans target the Supreme Leader personally

trust in reformists has collapsed

This shifts protests from reactive expressions to revolutionary opposition.

Militarization of Governance

As dissatisfaction grows, the regime increasingly relies on coercion:

broadened surveillance network; harsher policing; use of lethal force; sentencing of protesters to death.

Iran transitions further from hybrid authoritarianism toward militarized dictatorship.

Economic Decline and Capital Flight

Political instability worsens:

investment withdrawals; increased sanctions risk; brain drain as educated youth emigrate; The regime trades stability for control — and loses both.

Regional Security Implications

Iran’s internal instability impacts its external behavior:

Regime may escalate regional military activities to project strength; Use proxy warfare to distract domestic opinion; Increase reliance on Russia and China for economic lifelines and security partnerships.

Domestic unrest thus connects directly to Middle East geopolitics.

Foreign Influence: Reality vs Narrative

Regime Narrative: “Foreign Plot”

Tehran consistently blames:

United States, Israel, Gulf states, Western intelligence

for “engineering unrest” to destabilize Iran. This narrative:

justifies repression, rallies loyalists, delegitimizes legitimate grievances

However, there is no credible evidence that protests are externally orchestrated. They are indigenous, organic, and driven by real domestic conditions.

Real External Dynamics

Foreign factors influence protests indirectly, not as organizers:

Western sanctions worsen economic hardship — but the root cause is governance failure and IRGC economic monopolization.

Diaspora support networks amplify Iranian voices internationally, provide media exposure, and logistical coordination.

International human rights pressure increases reputational costs for Tehran.

Transnational digital networks allow mobilization, documentation, and organization.

Meanwhile, Russia and China support the regime diplomatically and economically — preferring an authoritarian ally to a democratic transition.

Iran’s protest movements reflect a deep societal rejection of authoritarian governance, social repression, and economic injustice. They are systemic, not episodic; political, not merely economic; and national, not foreign-engineered.

Although the regime maintains control through repression, Iran’s trajectory is unstable. Every cycle of unrest:

expands opposition participation,

delegitimizes power structures,

hardens confrontation lines between society and state.

The Islamic Republic faces a long-term legitimacy crisis with no credible path to reform. The question is no longer whether unrest will recur — but how far society is willing to push, and how far the regime is prepared to go to preserve power.

Best-Case Scenario — Managed Transition & Gradual Liberalization

Probability: Low, Timeframe: Medium–Long Term

Description

Sustained social pressure forces the Iranian leadership to pursue controlled reform rather than full repression. Elite factions recognize the unsustainability of the status quo; limited concessions evolve into structured internal change, preventing violent collapse.

Key Drivers

Sustained but disciplined nationwide protest waves;

Economic deterioration threatening regime survival more than reforms would;

Elite fractures within IRGC, political circles, and clerical establishment;

International diplomatic pressure + selective incentives for reform;

Succession uncertainty after Ali Khamenei accelerates political recalculation;

Indicators

Release of prisoners, reduction in hijab enforcement

Controlled political openings (municipal elections, limited media space)

Internal anti-corruption campaigns targeting regime insiders

Dialogue efforts with key social sectors (women, labor, teachers)

Economic stabilization steps with Western or regional partners

Domestic Consequences

De-escalation of violence

Gradual restoration of limited public trust

Economic stabilization efforts begin

Reduced likelihood of state collapse

Regional & International Implications

Lower risk of regional adventurism

Reduced proxy aggression to distract public

Potential diplomatic thaw with the West

Opportunity for structured engagement

Most Likely Scenario — Cyclical Protests, Hard Repression, No Structural Change

Probability: High
Timeframe: Short–Medium Term

Description

Iran enters a chronic protest-repression loop. The regime suppresses each wave harshly but without solving root causes. Society becomes increasingly hostile, regime increasingly securitized, and instability becomes routine.

Key Drivers

Continued economic decline & inflation

Social anger over hijab enforcement and daily repression

Environmental crises (water shortages, desertification)

Regime strategic doctrine prioritizing control over reform

Strong IRGC cohesion and loyalty

Indicators

Periodic nationwide protests every 6–18 months

High levels of arrests, executions, and intimidation

Strengthening of surveillance state

Tactical concessions without systemic reform

Intensified propaganda blaming “foreign enemies”

Domestic Consequences

Deepening legitimacy crisis; Brain drain and emigration of educated youth; Rising poverty and social fragmentation; Long-term weakening of state capacity

Regional & International Implications

  • Regime uses external crises to divert attention (Iraq, Syria, Israel, Gulf)
  • Continued proxy aggression
  • Russia–China alignment strengthens as lifelines
  • Persistent sanctions environment

Worst-Case Scenario — Violent Internal Breakdown or Militarized Regime Entrenchment

Probability: Moderate but Rising
Timeframe: Medium Term

Description

A trigger event (leadership crisis, disputed succession after Khamenei, mass killings, economic collapse) leads to uncontrolled escalation. Either Iran slides toward internal conflict or the IRGC converts the state into an overt military dictatorship.

Two sub-variants may occur:

Variant A: Internal Fragmentation / Unrest Escalates into Armed Resistance

Elite breakdown and regime infighting; Ethnic regions (Kurdish, Baluch, Khuzestan) become flashpoints; Possibility of localized armed resistance; Central authority weakens

Variant B: Total Militarization of the State

IRGC fully consolidates political control; National governance = security dictatorship ; Extreme repression replacing even symbolic political institutions

Key Drivers

  • Succession crisis after Khamenei
  • IRGC internal fractures or ambitious power grabs
  • Mass protest casualties causing national revolt
  • Economic shock (oil export collapse, financial system failure)
  • External shock (major regional war or internal insurgency)

Indicators

Clashes inside regime factions; Widespread defections or full militarization orders; Communications shutdown nationwide; Emergency laws eliminating remaining civil rights.

Domestic Consequences

Severe instability, humanitarian risk; Potential internal displacement; Collapse of public services; Possible partial state failure.

Regional & International Implications

  • Major escalation across Middle East
  • Proxy groups become more aggressive or autonomous
  • Nuclear risk increases — regime accelerates program as survival guarantee
  • External powers (Russia, China) may intervene politically
  • Western nations prepare containment strategies

Strategic Assessment

Iran is locked in a structural legitimacy crisis. Reform potential exists but is unlikely because the regime fears that even moderate concessions could unravel its power foundation. Therefore:

Most likely outcome: sustained repression + cyclical unrest;

Greatest strategic risk: succession crisis turning instability systemic;

Most stabilizing path: controlled reform — least probable without elite fracture.

Gulf and Israel Strategic Considerations

1. Gulf Monarchies: Between Opportunity and Fear of Collapse

For Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and other Gulf states, unrest in Iran is a strategic paradox:
they welcome pressure on a rival, but fear uncontrolled collapse on the opposite shore of the Gulf.

Strategic Opportunities

Weaker regional rival:
A regime consumed by domestic crises has fewer resources for:

expeditionary operations in Syria, Iraq, Yemen;

proxy-building in Bahrain, Saudi Eastern Province, or Kuwait;

missile and drone threats against Gulf infrastructure.

Narrative advantage:
Gulf leaderships can:

highlight their relative stability and prosperity;

use Iran’s repression as a counter-narrative to Tehran’s “Islamic governance model”;

appeal to Western partners as responsible, “order-preserving” actors.

Diplomatic leverage:
A pressured Iran is:

Strategic Risks

Refugees and cross-border instability:
Large-scale unrest or partial state failure in Iran could trigger:

refugee flows across the Gulf;

arms and criminal networks spilling into Gulf states;

smuggling and piracy upticks in the Persian Gulf and Gulf of Oman.

Escapist external aggression:
A cornered regime may:

escalate against Saudi and Emirati targets (energy infrastructure, tankers, ports);

use proxies (Houthis, Iraqi militias) to signal it still controls escalation ladders.

Sectarian mobilization:
Tehran could lean more heavily on sectarian narratives, trying to stir Shi’a communities in the Gulf as leverage, forcing Gulf regimes to harden internal security measures.

Likely Gulf Policy Line

Officially:

Avoid public calls for regime change, emphasize “non-interference”;

Signal preference for a contained, weakened but intact Iran rather than sudden collapse.

Practically:

Tighten maritime and energy infrastructure security;

Expand intelligence on IRGC, proxies, and possible spillover networks;

Quietly coordinate with the U.S. and, in some cases, Israel on early-warning and deterrence.

Israel: Structural Adversary Watching for Openings

For Israel, internal unrest in Iran is directly linked to the core strategic threat:
the IRGC’s regional power projection and nuclear program.

. Strategic Opportunities

Operational distraction of the IRGC:
When security forces are consumed by internal control:

resources for Hezbollah, Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, Iraqi and Syrian militias are stretched;

command attention is focused inward, creating vulnerabilities in external networks.

Intelligence gains:
Periods of turmoil can:

generate more information flows (defections, leaks, exiled activists);

expose fissures inside the IRGC, political elite, or clerical establishment;

provide openings for cyber, psychological, and influence operations.

Erosion of ideological legitimacy:
Visible domestic resistance undermines the regime’s claim to represent “the oppressed” in the Islamic world, weakening its soft power among Arab populations and undermining its narrative around the Palestinian question.

Strategic Risks

Nuclear program under “siege mentality”:
The leadership may double down on the nuclear file as:

a survival guarantee;

a bargaining chip in any future internal or external crisis.

Dangerous external diversion:
To shift attention away from domestic unrest, Iran could:

open a more intense front via Hezbollah (northern Israel),

enable multi-front escalation (Gaza, West Bank, Syria, Lebanon) to rally domestic support and portray itself as “under attack.”

Post-collapse uncertainty:
Total regime collapse without a clear successor raises:

questions about command and control of the nuclear and missile program;

potential for localized warlordism or IRGC fragmentation;

risk of non-state actors gaining access to advanced weapons.

Likely Israeli Policy Line

Strategic posture:

Welcome sustained internal pressure on the regime;

Avoid public embrace of protests that could feed Tehran’s “foreign plot”narrative;

Maintain focus on capabilities, not rhetoric: nuclear, missile, and proxy threats.

Practical measures:

Intensify monitoring of nuclear sites and missile infrastructure for any “cover of chaos” acceleration;

Strengthen missile and air-defense readiness;

Deepen intelligence and covert capabilities aimed at:

IRGC logistics and command;

cyber and influence operations;

potential internal allies or informational channels.

Coordination with partners:

Work more closely with the U.S. and selected Gulf states on: shared early-warning; sanctions enforcement on IRGC-linked entities; contingency planning for worst-case scenarios (nuclear breakout under internal chaos).

Converging Gulf–Israel Interests

Despite different public narratives, the strategic overlap is clear:

Neither the Gulf nor Israel wants:

a fully victorious, emboldened Islamic Republic;

nor a completely failed Iranian state with uncontrolled weapons programs.

Both prefer:

weakened but contained Iran, constrained by internal pressure yet still addressable in regional diplomacy.

Strong external security architecture — U.S. and, increasingly, minilateral Gulf–Israel coordination — to hedge against both escalation and collapse.

This overlap quietly drives:

growing intelligence contacts; defense-industrial and missile-defense discussions; shared interest in preventing Iran’s domestic crisis from turning into a regional strategic shock.