Tuesday, November 23, 2021

Hong Kong independence activist jailed for secession


Tony Chung is the youngest person to be convicted under Hong Kong's national security law 
(AFP/ISAAC LAWRENCE)


Tue, November 23, 2021, 2:35 AM·2 min read

A young Hong Kong democracy activist was sentenced to three and a half years behind bars on Tuesday after pleading guilty to secession under the city's sweeping national security law.

Tony Chung, 20, is the youngest person to be convicted under the new law which has crushed dissent in Hong Kong and transformed the once outspoken international business hub.

Earlier this month he pleaded guilty to one count of secession and one count of money laundering but defiantly declared he had "nothing to be ashamed of".

Chung was previously the convenor of Student Localism, a small group he set up five years ago as a secondary school pupil to advocate Hong Kong's independence from China.

Separation from China was then a fringe minority view in Hong Kong although calls for self-rule became more vocal during huge and often violent democracy protests two years ago.

Beijing imposed the security law on Hong Kong in response to those protests and Student Localism disbanded hours before it came into effect.

Authorities accused Chung of continuing to operate the group with the help of overseas activists and soliciting donations via PayPal -- the foundation of the money laundering charge.

Prosecutors said Chung's group published more than 1,000 social media posts that included calls to "get rid of Chinese Communist colonial rule" and "build a Hong Kong republic".

Some of the posts prosecutors cited dated back to before the security law's enactment, despite Hong Kong authorities promising that the law would not be retroactive.

On Tuesday Stanley Chan, one of a group of select judges picked by the government to try national security cases, said Chung's criminal intent was "clear for all to see" on social media, in interviews, at street booths and in schools.

Chung has already spent more than a year in custody after he was arrested in October 2020.

He was nabbed by plainclothes police from a coffee shop opposite the US consulate, where he was allegedly planning to seek asylum.

The security law targets anything authorities deem subversion, terrorism or collusion with foreign forces.

Chung initially faced an additional charge of sedition and another count of money laundering but they were shelved following a plea bargain.

In a separate case last December, Chung was jailed for four months for unlawful assembly and insulting China's national flag.

Four other men have so far been convicted in separate cases under the security law -- mostly for their political views.

More than 150 people have been arrested under the legislation, with around half charged.

Bail is often denied and guilty pleas are a way to reduce both the end sentence and the legal costs of a long court battle.

hol-jta/axn
INDIA
No scientific evidence to support need for booster vaccine dose against Covid: ICMR


The booster dose issue is likely to be discussed in the next meeting of the NTAGI


Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) DG Dr Balram Bhargava. (PTI file photo)

PTI
Published : Nov 23, 2021, 1:08 am IST

New Delhi: There is no scientific evidence so far to support the need for a booster vaccine dose against COVID-19, ICMR Director-General Dr Balram Bhargava said on Monday underlining the completion of second dose for India's adult population is the priority for the government for now.

According to sources, the booster dose issue is likely to be discussed in the next meeting of the National Technical Advisory Group on Immunisation in India (NTAGI).

“Administering the second dose of COVID-19 vaccine to all adult population and ensuring that not only India but the entire world gets vaccinated is the priority of the government for now.

“More so, there is no scientific evidence so far to support the need for a booster vaccine dose against COVID-19,” Bhargava told PTI.

On the probability of administering a booster dose, Union Health Minister Mansukh Mandaviya recently said that adequate stocks are available and the aim is to complete the vaccination of the target population with two doses. After that, a decision on booster dose would be taken based on expert recommendation, he had said.

“The government cannot take a direct decision in such a matter. When the Indian Council of Medical Research and expert team will say that a booster dose should be given, we will consider it then,” he had said, adding that Prime Minister Narendra Modi has always depended on expert opinion, be it vaccine research, manufacturing or approval.

According to officials, around 82 per cent of the eligible population in India have received the first dose of the vaccine while around 43 per cent have been fully inoculated.

The total number of COVID-19 vaccine doses administered in the country has exceeded 116.87 crore, according to provisional reports till 7 am.

The government has launched a month-long 'Har Ghar Dastak' campaign for house-to-house COVID-19 vaccination of those who are yet to take a dose and for people whose second dose is overdue.

According to officials, over 12 crore beneficiaries are overdue for their second dose of COVID-19 vaccine after the expiry of the prescribed interval between the two doses.

Caterpillar launches hydrogen backup power for data centres


Caterpillar has announced a three-year project collaborating with Microsoft and Ballard Power Systems to demonstrate a large-format hydrogen fuel cell power system to produce reliable and sustainable backup power for data centres.  

The original equipment manufacturer’s experts in advanced power technologies, controls and system integration are working alongside Microsoft experts in data centre design and Ballard experts in fuel cell design to demonstrate a 1.5 megawatt (MW) backup power delivery and control system that would meet or exceed the high expectations set by current diesel engine systems. 

“This hydrogen fuel cell demonstration project enables us to collaborate with industry leaders to take a large step toward commercially viable power solutions that also support our customers in making their operations more sustainable,” Caterpillar Electric Power vice president Jason Kaiser said. 

Caterpillar is the project’s prime contractor and is providing the overall system integration, power electronics, and controls that form the central structure of the power solution, fuelled by low-carbon-intensity hydrogen.  

Microsoft is hosting the demonstration project at a company data centre in Washington State, while Ballard is supplying an advanced hydrogen fuel cell module.  

“We continue to invest in research and advanced development in hydrogen fuel cells as one of the various pathways toward our commitment to be carbon negative by 2030,” Microsoft Datacentre Advanced Development distinguished engineer and vice president Christian Belady said. 

“This latest project with Caterpillar will provide valuable insights into how to leverage hydrogen fuel cells for backup power in our data centres at scale.” 

The demonstration will provide key insights into the capability of fuel cell systems to serve multi-megawatt data centres by providing uninterruptible power that supports 99.999 per cent uptime requirements. 

This project is the latest example of Caterpillar’s contribution to a safer future, with the MineStar Solutions suite allowing businesses to assess their operations, big and small, remotely and from a distance, introducing aspects of safety and productivity. 


https://www.ballard.com

From 30kW to 200kW net powerBallard’s heavy duty modules provide flexible solutions for your motive applications including buses, trucks, trains and ships. Learn more. Join CEO, Randy MacEwen and CFO, Paul Dobson on November 9, 2021 at 8:00 AM as they share Ballard's Q3 Results. Learn more. Resources for you. All News. News November 11, 2021. Ballard Power announces acquisition of Arcola ...


Ex-Unilever CEO takes swipe at Australia, says it would be ‘stupid’ not to phase out coal

PUBLISHED MON, NOV 22 2021
Anmar Frangoul

KEY POINTS

On COP26, Paul Polman tells CNBC it was “disappointing that we had to water down the wording on coal to … phase down.”

According to the International Energy Agency, coal’s share of global electricity generation in 2019 was 36.7%.





Alan Schein Photography | The Image Bank | Getty Images

The former CEO of consumer goods giant Unilever has told CNBC it was “disappointing” that the Glasgow Climate Pact’s language on coal was watered down, but expressed hope that it will be firmed up at the COP27 and COP28 summits in Egypt and the United Arab Emirates.

Speaking to CNBC’s Dan Murphy last week at the Adipec energy industry forum in Abu Dhabi, Paul Polman appeared philosophical about the deal agreed at COP26, in which India and China insisted on a last-minute change of fossil fuel language — from a “phase out” of coal to a “phase down.”

It was “disappointing that we had to water down the wording on coal to … phase down,” he said, “But I believe that the direction again once more is set and that we will accelerate.”

“If that is the compromise in the interim, hopefully in Egypt or in Abu Dhabi we’ll have phase out — there’s no other choice.”

“We have to, it would be stupid not to,” Polman went on to state, before taking aim at Australia, a country where coal still plays an important role.

“Australia has to realize that as well: 56% coal, still, in that country, is unsustainable,” he said. “One of the highest emissions per capita in the world, it’s unsustainable.”

“And for the prime minister to run around, Scott Morrison, to say the free market will take care of that, it’s just beyond naive.”

“And I think the rest of the world will not let that happen anymore,” Polman, who is the co-founder and co-chair of the social venture Imagine, said. “We’re all in the same boat: it’s called planet Earth.”

According to figures from the Australian government, fossil fuels accounted for 76% of total electricity generation in 2020, with coal’s share coming in at 54%, gas at 20% and oil at 2%. In 2019, coal was responsible for 56% of total electricity generation in Australia.

The Australian prime minister’s office did not respond to a request for comment from CNBC regarding Polman’s remarks.

Last Monday, Morrison was asked if he agreed that COP26 had sounded the death knell for coal, a reference to comments made by U.K. Prime Minister Boris Johnson after the summit had wrapped up.

“No,” he replied. “I don’t believe it did, and for all of those who are working in that industry in Australia, they’ll continue to be working in that industry for decades to come.”

“Because there will be a transition that will occur over a long period of time and I make no apologies for Australia standing up for our national interests, whether they be our security interests or our economic interests.”

Morrison, who was speaking to reporters back in Australia, went on to say that “we have a balanced plan to achieve net zero by 2050.”

“But we’re not going to make rural and regional Australians pay for that, we’re going to do this in a balanced way, focusing on the technological advances that we know will actually see us solve this problem.”

“We’re not going to tax Australians do to that, we’re not going to legislate them and regulate them and force them to do things,” he said.

“I think Australians have had a gutful of governments telling them what to do over the last couple of years,” he said, “and our approach going forward to secure our economic recovery is not tell businesses what to do, not tell customers what to do. Our plan is to ensure that they can take the lead, that their choices take the lead.”

According to the International Energy Agency, coal’s share of global electricity generation in 2019 was 36.7%.

While it remains an important source of electricity, coal has a substantial effect on the environment and the U.S. Energy Information Administration lists a range of emissions from coal combustion. These include carbon dioxide, sulfur dioxide, particulates and nitrogen oxides.

Elsewhere, Greenpeace has described coal as “the dirtiest, most polluting way of producing energy.”

“When burnt, it releases more carbon dioxide than oil or gas, so it’s a big problem when it comes to climate change,” the environmental group adds.

“Coal also produces toxic elements like mercury and arsenic, and small particles of soot which contribute to air pollution.”


MORE GREENWASHING
Coal could become carbon neutral with new tech


Image: South32

The Allam-Fetvedt Cycle technology could provide a net-zero avenue for coal by producing saleable hydrogen as a by-product, while capturing the emitted CO2.


A feasibility study, commissioned by Low Emission Technology Australia (LETA), found that Australia’s annual energy export revenues could increase by 71 per cent to $35 billion using the Allam Cycle.

LETA explained that the Allam Cycle is a zero emissions technology that uses CO2 instead of steam to drive a turbine, while eliminating air pollution and capturing the CO2.

LETA chief executive officer Mark McCallum said the benefits of the Allam Cycle benefitted the environmental and Australian economy.

“This feasibility study makes a compelling case for continuing to develop low emission technologies which are critical to a net-zero carbon emissions future, energy reliability and Australia’s prosperity,” McCallum said.

“This technology’s use at scale would introduce on demand and near-zero emission hydrocarbon and biomass power for Australia — complementing renewables’ increasing role in the energy mix — and can also produce clean hydrogen and ammonia.”

The technology does, however, depend on the development of carbon capture use and storage (CCUS) technology which remains a debated method of reducing carbon emissions.


The Allam Cycle has been identified by the Federal Government’s Low Emissions Technology Statement as a potential key to improving the country’s emissions reductions credentials.

Hydrogen can be produced using the Allam Cycle at or less than $2 per kilogram, with a potential export value of $35 billion, according to the study.

McCallum added that the use of this technology could bolster foreign relations.

“What our feasibility study shows, is that aside from the domestic application, the Allam Cycle can unlock lucrative new, clean industries and assist our regional trading partners — for example, Korea, Japan and Singapore — meet their own emissions reduction aspirations and energy needs,” McCallum said.

“Now that we know there is a strong business case for the Allam Cycle as a producer of hydrogen, hydrogen as ammonia, or electricity on its own, potentially there could be a baseline plant-scaled facility operational this decade.”

AUSTRALIA
Column-Woodside's giant Scarborough LNG project may be the last of its type: Russell

Clyde Russell
Mon, November 22, 2021,

 The shadow of a man is cast onto a poster displaying the logo for Australia's Woodside Petroleum



By Clyde Russell

LAUNCESTON, Australia (Reuters) - For the first time in a decade a massive new liquefied natural gas (LNG) project has been approved for construction in Australia, but the Scarborough venture's structure and market realities indicate it may well be the last of its kind.

Woodside Petroleum and BHP Group gave final backing on Monday to the $12 billion plan to develop the Scarborough natural gas field off Western Australia and expand the onshore Pluto LNG plant to process the fuel.

The deal also sees Woodside merge with BHP's petroleum arm, with BHP shareholders to be issued new Woodside shares and ending up with about 48% of the expanded share capital.

Scarborough field lies about 375 kilometres (233 miles) off the coast of Western Australia state and holds about 11.1 trillion cubic feet of dry gas.

Woodside expects to produce about 8 million tonnes of LNG per annum at the to-be-built second train at its Pluto liquefaction plant, and is targeting first cargo in 2026.

The company also said that the all-in cost of the LNG to be produced is around $5.80 per million British thermal units (mmBtu), which is well below the current spot price of $36.70, but also considerably higher than the $1.85 the super-chilled fuel sank to in May last year during the height of the coronavirus pandemic.

The Scarborough and Pluto second train developments are also the first major LNG project to reach a final investment decision in Australia in about a decade, and comes after the industry spent around $200 billion to expand capacity to around 80 million tonnes, making the country the world's biggest LNG exporter.

At first glance the deal seems positive for both Woodside and BHP.

It transforms Woodside into a top-10 global independent oil and gas company and allows BHP, the world's biggest listed miner, an opportunity to profitably exit an area of business no longer viewed as core and frees it to concentrate on producing metals viewed as essential to the energy transition.

However, it also means that Woodside will face increasing environmental opposition to its business, especially in the wake of the COP26 climate summit and mounting calls for an end to new oil, gas and coal projects.

Woodside argues that Scarborough contains "only around 0.1% carbon dioxide, and Scarborough gas processed through the efficient and expanded Pluto LNG facility supports the decarbonisation goals of our customers in Asia."

It's highly unlikely that environmental and climate groups will share this view, and already they are lining up to fight against the new development.

The Conservation Council of Western Australia is bringing a case challenging the state's approval, without a full environmental review, to allow Woodside to process gas at the Pluto LNG plant from an expanded number of fields.

FINANCING

While there is likely to be ongoing and highly visible opposition to Scarborough, there are also other concerns more behind the scenes.

As part of the deal, Woodside entered into an agreement to sell 49% of the planned second LNG train at the Pluto processing plant to private equity group Global Infrastructure Partners (GIP).

The terms of deal effectively commit GIP to providing financing, but virtually all of the risk lies with Woodside with regards to potential cost overruns, regulatory hurdles and changes to emissions liabilities.

While GIP has a solid track record of investment in major projects around the globe, the involvement of private equity in a major LNG project in Australia breaks the usual pattern of partnering with global oil companies, major trading houses or utility customers in Asia.

The deal with GIP doesn't look advantageous to Woodside, implying that it was unable to find any takers among more traditional partners.

This could be a sign that LNG projects are getting harder to finance and that already the major buyers in Japan and South Korea are thinking of ways to meet their net-zero emissions targets by transitioning away from LNG.

The Scarborough LNG will also be hitting the market just around the same time as major expansions from Qatar and Russia also come to market, potentially creating an overhang of LNG at a time when major buyers are likely to be increasingly transitioning to renewable alternatives.

Effectively, Woodside is taking a bet that LNG will last in Asia's energy mix for far longer than it should if net-zero emissions goals are to be achieved.

(Editing by Muralikumar Anantharaman)

Ontario ignoring public's rights to environmental consultation, public info: audit

Report found Ministry of Environment has not met

 obligations to educate residents about environmental

 rights

A new report from Bonnie Lysyk, auditor general of Ontario, says the province's Environment Ministry has failed to show leadership on the Environmental Bill of Rights and some other ministries don't have formal procedures for following it. (Frank Gunn/Canadian Press)

The Ontario government has ignored the public's right to consultation on environmentally significant decisions, according to a new set of environmental audits that highlight transparency issues.

The auditor general's annual report on the environment found the Ministry of the Environment and several others "deliberately avoided" consulting the public on such decisions, though they are legally obligated to do so.

Four ministries made environmentally significant decisions over the last year without the required consultation, including Natural Resources and Municipal Affairs, and seven ministries took too long to provide notice of environmentally significant decisions in third of cases reviewed by the auditor general's office.

Even when information is made public, ministries didn't always provide all the information people need to give informed feedback, the audit found.

Under the Environmental Bill of Rights, Ontarians have an enshrined right to public information and consultation on decisions that may impact the environment, similar to French-language and employment rights.

But the audit said the Environment Ministry has failed to show leadership on that law, and some other ministries don't have formal procedures for following it.

The audit found some changes were made by ministries that don't have to follow Environmental Bill of Rights and in other cases environmentally significant changes were made to laws that aren't covered by it.

As an example, the audit pointed to changes made to the Conservation Authorities Act that happened without consultation because they were included in a budget bill.

In another case, the public wasn't consulted on the amalgamation of several tribunals that deal with mining, planning and environmental protection because the Ministry of the Attorney General, which isn't prescribed under the Environmental Bill of Rights, made the changes.

The report also flagged the increase in the municipal affairs minister's powers to issue Minister's Zoning Orders — which can bypass consultations for development projects — as a violation of the Environmental Bill of Rights.

It also found the Environment Ministry has not met its obligations to educate residents about their environmental rights.

Lack of transparency was also highlighted in other environmental audits, one of which found the province is not providing timely, comprehensive reports on the state of the environment or progress on its environmental goals.

Another audit flagged a lack of timely and comprehensive disclosure about the quantity and harm of hazardous spills. That audit also recommended the Environment Ministry strengthen its compliance and enforcement protocols on polluters.

The audit on spills found that over 73,000 hazardous spills were reported in the province over the last decade, but the ministry only attempted to recover response costs three times, and in those cases the government only pursued half of the costs.

A probe of 30 spills where the government didn't pursue costs estimated the response cost to taxpayers at $4.5 million.

Another audit found the government has not taken enough action on diverting business and industrial waste, which threatens to keep the province from meeting its targets in that area. It leaves questions about "where to put all this waste and how to pay for it," according to auditor general Bonnie Lysyk.

That audit found 15 per cent of waste from businesses and institutions is diverted, compared with 50 per cent of residential waste, because many businesses and institutions are not required to recycle.

The Environment Ministry was dinged in another audit for failing to protect species at risk by essentially approving all permit applications that would harm species at risk. That audit found such permits have increased by 6,000 per cent since 2009.

Ontario ‘automatically’ okays permits that harm at-risk species


QUEEN'S PARK REPORTE
Ontario Auditor-General Bonnie Lysyk.

Ontario’s Ministry of the Environment automatically approves permits for developments expected to harm at-risk species, the province’s Auditor-General says in a series of reports that also chastise the government for failing to recoup millions in costs for investigating toxic spills, and for breaking its own law on public consultations.

In an annual batch of environmental reports tabled on Monday, Auditor-General Bonnie Lysyk said the province is failing to protect wildlife from developers and resource industries. The Environment Ministry, she added, is “essentially facilitating development rather than protecting species at risk.”

Since 2009, the first full year Ontario’s Endangered Species Act was in force, the annual number of approvals for projects that harm species at risk has risen from 13 to more than 800, the audit says. While the projects are approved with conditions, the government has never completely turned down a permit because of the harm it would do to an at-risk species. The number of species at risk has increased 22 per cent over the same time period.

“We believe that the public would expect a ministry named the Ministry of the Environment to take the lead and be pro-active in ensuring that Ontario’s environment is protected for future generations,” Ms. Lysyk told reporters. “However, our work indicated that there are many areas where this is not the case.”

The auditor’s report shows that the number of “approvals to impact” at-risk species had risen rapidly under the previous Liberal government, hitting 802 in 2017. In 2019, under the current government, 972 such permits were issued. Another 827 were issued last year.

The audit also says the ministry’s species-at-risk advisory committee “is now dominated by industry representatives.”

Environment Minister David Piccini defended his government’s record. He told reporters that Ontario is the only province in Canada that is “anywhere close” to meeting its 2030 emissions reduction targets. But Ms. Lysyk has previously warned that the province is unlikely to hit those targets. In a follow-up report issued Monday, she said Ontario’s own estimates show that, under its current commitments, its 2030 greenhouse gas emissions would fall by just 3.4 megatonnes below the province’s business-as-usual forecast – well shy of its 17.6-megatonne goal.

Ontario’s Progressive Conservative government introduced changes to the Endangered Species Act in 2019. One of the new provisions allowed developers to contribute cash to protect habitat across the province, rather than mitigating environmental damage caused by their own building projects. Environmentalist critics labelled the idea “pay-to-slay.”

On the issue of protections for at-risk species, Mr. Piccini said the new, developer-funded government system to pay for habitat and mitigation projects is not yet fully up and running and therefore cannot be judged.

“Through this fund, we’re going to see incredibly impactful actions to preserve species at risk,” Mr. Piccini said. He added that development permits are subject to “robust oversight” and conditions to protect species.

Opposition leaders seized on Monday’s reports, calling them more evidence that Premier Doug Ford’s government doesn’t care about the environment. When Mr. Ford came into office in 2018 he cancelled green-energy projects and railed against the federal government’s carbon pricing scheme. While he has in recent months called for Ontario’s auto sector to become a leader in manufacturing electric cars, he has also once again drawn the ire of environmentalists by promising to build two new highways in the Greater Toronto Area. An election is set for June.

Another of Ms. Lysyk’s new reports says various government ministries, including the Ministry of Environment, “deliberately avoided consulting the public on environmentally significant decisions” over the past year by failing to post decisions online for citizen feedback. This, the report says, defied the province’s Environmental Bill of Rights. The findings echoed a recent Ontario Divisional Court ruling on a challenge launched by environmental groups. The court declared the government’s moves unlawful.

The government policy changes on which consultation wasn’t done included amendments to the Environmental Assessment Act, a move to weaken the powers of local conservation authorities and a boost to the authority of unappealable ministerial zoning orders (MZOs), which the government frequently uses to fast-track approvals of development projects.

Another of Ms. Lysyk’s reports says that the province sought to recover its costs for investigating and monitoring the cleanup of only three hazardous spills between 2011 and 2020, out of 73,000 spills that occurred during that time. Even then, it only sought half of the total $1.3-million it spent.

Looking at a sample of 30 other spills, the report says the province spent $4.5-million on staff time and laboratory tests, but failed to recover the money from polluters. (In most cases, polluters must bear the costs of the actual cleanups themselves.)

On recycling, another report warns that Ontario could run out of landfill room in as little as 11 years because it hasn’t done enough to boost the diversion of industrial, commercial and institutional waste. While about 50 per cent of residential waste is diverted, only 15 per cent of industrial and business waste is kept from winding up in landfills, the report says.


Ford government ‘deliberately’ avoided

 public consultations on environment,

 auditor concludes

By Kristin Rushowy

Queen's Park Bureau
Mon., Nov. 22, 2021

Minister’s zoning orders should be subject to public scrutiny, Ontario’s auditor general says in a new report that also lambastes the provincial government for not being more transparent with the public on environmental issues.

“Ministries are not notifying and consulting Ontarians about all of the environmentally significant decisions that they should be,” Bonnie Lysyk said in the report released Monday.

“Some ministries have deliberately avoided consulting the public about some proposals,” she wrote, adding that “even when this avoidance is legally valid, such actions to prevent the public from participating are inconsistent with the purpose and spirit” of the Environmental Bill of Rights Act.

And even when ministries do hold public consultations under the act, “they are not always providing Ontarians with clear, accurate and complete information about their proposals and decisions, including the environmental implications, and they are not always providing notice in a timely manner,” the report said. “Both are needed for meaningful consultation and transparency.”

The Star has written extensively on the Ford government’s frequent use of minister’s zoning orders — which are known as “MZOs” —to expedite developments in a manner that cannot be appealed.

Lysyk also said Municipal Affairs and Housing Minister Steve Clark violated the Environmental Bill of Rights Act “when he failed to consult on amendments to the planning act that enhanced powers regarding minister’s zoning orders.”

In response to the report by Lysyk and Tyler Schulz, commissioner of the environment in the auditor general’s office, the municipal affairs ministry said “the minister has publicly stated that he expects that before a municipality requests an MZO they do their due diligence which includes consultation in their communities, connecting with conservation authorities and engaging with potentially affected Indigenous communities.

“The minister has also publicly stated that he expects that municipal requirements for a zoning order include a supporting council resolution. As council meetings are generally open to the public, this expectation is meant to ensure public awareness of a request being made for the minister to consider making a zoning order.”

But Lysyk said that “proposals for minister’s zoning orders under the Planning Act have the potential to have significant effect on the environment. Revoking the exempting for minister’s zoning orders under the (Environmental Bill of Rights Act) would give Ontarians the right to be consulted about environmentally significant proposals.”

The report points to Pickering’s Lower Duffins Creek, a sensitive wetland that the minister later removed from his zoning order, something Lysyk said could have been avoided with proper public consultation.

In 2020, the government issued an MZO for a warehouse and other buildings at the site, which initially included the environmentally sensitive area.

Lysyk also had harsh words for the Ministry of the Environment and its handling of issues such as hazardous spills and policies for endangered species.

“The public would expect a ministry named the Ministry of the Environment to take the lead and be proactive in ensuring that Ontario’s environment is protected for future generations,” she said at Queen’s Park.

However, she added, “our work indicated there are many areas where this is not the case.”

Green Party Leader Mike Schreiner said “the lack of accountability on climate and environment from this government is simply astounding. It puts people at risk.”

Environment, Conservation and Parks Minister David Piccini told reporters at Queen’s Park that the government has “robust oversight for species at risk.” He said criticism that an oversight committee is dominated by non-experts and lobbyists ignores the talent, and that “we embrace diversity of opinion.”

He also noted the government has created Ontario’s first climate change impact assessment.

NDP climate crisis critic Peter Tabuns, however, said the government is “rubber stamping requests for MZOs” and “going ahead with unneeded highways.”

“Instead of making big polluters pay for 78,000 toxic spills they are responsible for, Doug Ford is forcing Ontario families to pay millions in cleanup costs, letting big industry off the hook,” Tabuns said.
S&P says jump-starting the hydrogen economy will require ‘colour blindness’

November 22, 2021 | Emma Davies

Whether it’s green, blue, or turquoise hydrogen, S&P Global says that the simultaneous development of various hydrogen production methods will be building blocks necessary for scaling up the clean hydrogen economy.

The research group reported that stakeholders across the US hydrogen economy in a Centre for Strategic and International Studies panel discussion flagged the need for ‘colour blindness.’

Each colour category is associated with the production method’s carbon emission levels.

Green hydrogen refers to zero carbon hydrogen produced using renewable energy and electrolysis – which is currently a high-cost production option.

Blue hydrogen uses natural gas paired with carbon capture technologies to produce low-carbon hydrogen.

And dirtier methods are often described as grey hydrogen, which is produced with natural gas without carbon capture, and brown or black hydrogen, which is produced using coal – and is the most carbon intensive.

Then there’s pink hydrogen which is generated with nuclear energy and turquoise hydrogen which uses a methane feedstock.

Simultaneous development the way forward

All these methods should be simultaneously developed if the hydrogen economy is going to scale up enough to decarbonise hard-to-abate sectors, according to California Fuel Cell Partnership executive director Bill Elrick.

“I don’t like the color scale because hydrogen doesn’t really have a color – you’re really trying to get at a carbon number,” he said.

Toyota Tsusho America senior manager Toru Sugiura said an exclusive focus on high-cost green hydrogen won’t generate the demand necessary for the fuel to popularise.

“The carbon emission component is important, but I think first, in order to make hydrogen as a common fuel, I think it’s very important that we start using hydrogen whatever the colour,” he said.

Sugiura also said it would be important to initially use various low-carbon hydrogen types “just to change the market.”

“Then gradually we can think about carbon levels and green levels,” he said.

“The important thing is to try not to move from 100 to zero carbon emissions.

“Gradually moving towards zero emissions is important to starting up.”

US already legislating hydrogen production tax credits

S&P flagged that the US is already on the way to blending the colours a bit.

California Senate Bill 439 was introduced earlier this year and would expand the definition of green hydrogen to include more clean production pathways beyond electrolysis to include the conversion of biomasses and other renewable gasses and liquids to hydrogen.

And Biden’s Build Back Better Act would award hydrogen production tax credit amounts according to carbon intensity levels – rather than method.

“The credit would offer $3/kg of hydrogen produced with 95% fewer emissions than that produced by steam methane reforming, or grey hydrogen, and between 60 cents/kg and $1.02/kg for hydrogen produced with between 40% and 95% fewer emissions than grey hydrogen,” S&P said.
Steelmakers embrace 'green steel' as carbon taxes set to rise


Ross Marowits, The Canadian Press

 University of Toronto making symbolic move in fighting climate change by divesting its fossil fuel investments

University of Toronto is committing to divest from investments in fossil fuel companies in its $4.0-billion endowment fund. U of T president, Meric Gertler tells BNN Bloomberg that this decision was made to lead other institutions to follow suit and reduce the carbon footprint in their portfolios.


TORONTO -- The steel industry is at a crossroads, with government policies like carbon pricing designed to combat climate change hitting manufacturers' bottom lines and international pledges likely to seek further concessions from companies that burn fossil fuels.

And the chief executive of Algoma Steel is hoping the company's costly investment to make "green steel" will help to insulate it from the kinds of sector-wide downturns that previously threw it into bankruptcies.

"I would never say never, but we are certainly doing everything in our power to certainly minimize, if not eliminate that risk," says chief executive Michael McQuade, who has plans to reduce the company's carbon emissions by about 70 per cent..

Canada's steel industry is currently in a position of strength as the economy recovers from a COVID-19 pandemic that diminished demand and having emerged in 2019 from a period of punishing tariffs imposed by the Trump administration.

The $15 billion industry produces about 13 million tonnes of primary steel, steel pipe and tube products in more than 30 facilities in five provinces.

Profits are soaring as production destined primarily for sale in Canada and the U.S. fetches elevated prices amid strong demand from an uptick in oil drilling and infrastructure spending. That has not always been the case as rivals have previously flooded the market when transportation costs were lower, sending the commodity price of the metal lower.

Algoma is taking advantage of the current situation to pursue initiatives it says will position it as a low-cost producer in the future.

Just three months after again becoming a public company and three years after emerging from court protection from creditors, the largest employer in Sault Ste. Marie, Ont., announced a $703-million plan to go electric by converting its greenhouse-gas spewing blast furnace to an electric arc furnace.

The move, supported by $420-million from the federal government and US$306 million from its merger with Legato, would reduce the 120-year-old company's carbon emissions by about 70 per cent.

The new furnace would primarily convert scrap metal into molten steel using Ontario's electricity grid, which is largely sourced from non-fossil fuel sources.

McQuade said the electric arc furnace is a proven technology that would allow Algoma to adjust output to market demand, something that is not easily achievable with traditional blast furnaces that heat iron ore with coking coal at high temperatures. Its annual capacity would also increase more than 50 per cent to 3.7 million tonnes from its current capacity of 2.4 to 2.5 million tonnes.

A big driver for this conversion is planned increases to carbon pricing by the federal government to spur a reduction in Canada's greenhouse gas emissions. Carbon prices are set to rise to about $170 per ton of carbon dioxide by 2030 from $40 currently.

Spending more now to go electric instead of relining its blast furnace would save carbon costs, improve its ESG profile and become a supplier of choice, he said.

Still, the move to electric arc furnaces isn't without concern in the border city where generations of workers have been employed at the plant.

Suspicions have surfaced among local workers that the new technology will further cut employment, which has dipped to 2,500 because of automation. In Canada, direct employment in the steel sector has declined by more than half since the 1970s and stands at about 22,000, from 35,000 in 1990.

"It's possible that there will be very little impact if they do it properly. The problem was that they didn't consult with us, and so there's just a lot of fear among workers, like am I going to lose my job," said Meg Gingrich, assistant to United Steelworkers Canada national director Ken Neumann.

McQuade won't say how many positions will ultimately be shed but he notes hundreds of employees are eligible for retirement. He said the company has been transparent about why the conversion is needed and noted there would be a hybrid phase in which the existing and new technologies will run together and may take until 2029 for a full transition to occur.

Canada's second-largest steelmaker isn't alone as the industry adjusts to what McQuade describes as a new paradigm.

The federal government is also tapping into an $8-billion program supporting industrial decarbonization by investing $400 million in ArcelorMittal Dofasco, which is pursuing a $1.7 billion project to phase out coal-fired steelmaking at its facilities.

Canada's largest producer of flat-rolled steel and the largest private-sector employer in Hamilton said the project would reduce carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions by up to three million tonnes per year by 2030.

Canada's steelmakers are already among the greenest in the world but the industry is striving to become net zero by 2050 when global demand is expected to soar by more than a third from current levels. The steel industry is currently estimated to account for about seven per cent of the world's carbon emissions.

"When you have 16 million tons of CO2 emissions per year and $170 carbon price coming at you we know we need to address it," said Catherine Cobden, president and CEO of the Canadian Steel Producers Association.

She said the two conversion projects are part of a journey to net zero that is not going to be easy

"I think for us it's almost existential. We're living in a country that has got significant climate objectives and strong regulatory and carbon pricing mechanisms to back those objectives."

Cobden said achieving net zero is going to require a lot of investment and additional policy support from government. That includes procurement requirements that support the purchase of low carbon steel and stimulate the transformation even further, she said.

At the recent COP26 environmental summit in Scotland, Canada signed on to the Industrial Deep Decarbonization Initiative, whereby countries would require green factors to be considered for the purchase of materials, including steel.

The United States and the European Union also recently announced a commitment to negotiate the world's first carbon-based sectoral arrangement on steel and aluminum trade by 2024. The deal, which would be open to other interested countries, would restrict access to their markets for dirty steel and limit access to countries -- namely China -- that dump steel and contribute to worldwide oversupply.

A carbon-based arrangement is expected to drive investment in green steel production while the new US$1-trillion bipartisan infrastructure deal in the United States holds promise of increased demand for years to come, provided there are no limitations on free trade, said Cobden.

Steel producers currently don't receive a price premium for lower carbon steel but tighter procurement rules could boost demand for it, said Sarah Petrevan, policy director Clean Energy Canada, a think-tank based out of Simon Fraser University.

"Certainly as the market becomes more and more competitive there might be a premium offered to who could ever produce the cleanest at the highest quality," she said in an interview.

Achieving net zero will require the adoption of different clean technologies, particularly the use of green hydrogen, that is at the early stage of technology readiness, Petrevan said.

"Right now, some of those technologies that the steel industry need are not commercially available or they're commercially available, but they're not commercialized to a point where they're readily affordable."

Green hydrogen is central to plans to achieve net zero

AuthorMICHAEL COLLINS
21 Nov 2021


A cost disadvantage needs to be overcome first.


The US has launched a ‘hydrogen shot’ known as ‘111’ for one dollar for one kilo in one decade. The UK intends to be the “Qatar of hydrogen”. Japan wants to be a “hydrogen society”. China, with 53 projects underway, is a “potential hydrogen giant” in a world where more than 350 hydrogen projects are proceeding as US$500 billion is invested by 2030. Australia’s government is investing A$1.2 billion to fulfil a national hydrogen strategy, announcing A$275 million in its latest budget to create four ‘hydrogen hubs’ to generate producer economies of scale. New South Wales is dangling A$3 billion in incentives to encourage A$80 billion of investment to make the state an “energy and economic superpower”.


Similar promises gush from Canada, the EU, France, Germany, the Netherlands and South Korea to total at least 50 worldwide, while Queensland could soon be the site of the world’s largest ‘green’ hydrogen plant. Fortescue Future Industries says it will spend A$114 million initially, and possibly more than A$1 billion in time, to build the world’s largest electrolyser facility that through the process known as electrolysis would double the world’s green hydrogen production capacity. “Green hydrogen can save us,” Fortescue proclaims.

Green hydrogen is certainly central in the drive to net-zero emissions because electrolysers that split water into its two elements of hydrogen and oxygen produce energy that is emissions-free; the only by-product is water vapour when it’s used as a fuel. As well as being a clean fuel that burns to high temperatures, green hydrogen is an energy carrier and an input (‘feedstock’) for synthetic fuels. The combustible element is light and energy dense by weight (2.6 times more energy than natural gas per kilo). It can be stored and transported.

Hydrogen might be the most plentiful element in the solar system but it is only found in nature as a compound. That can be in gas, liquid or solid form. The element must be extracted; this is to say, manufactured. ‘Green’, ‘renewable’ or ‘clean’ hydrogen means the element was extracted from compounds using renewable power. The ‘green’ distinguishes these clean molecules from cleanish ‘blue’ hydrogen and dirty ‘brown’ hydrogen.

Brown hydrogen is derived when CO2-polluting fossil fuels react with steam during a simpler and cheaper extraction process called steam methane reformation. (It’s called ‘grey’ hydrogen when natural gas, usually methane, is used.) Almost all the hydrogen produced today is dirty hydrogen, which has found niche use for decades in oil refining and to produce ammonia for explosives and fertiliser. Blue hydrogen is hydrogen obtained using fossil fuels, typically natural gas, where the carbon produced is captured and stored to make it a low-emissions energy source.


According to the global industry body, the Hydrogen Council, announced clean hydrogen production capacity will boost clean hydrogen production to 11 million tons by 2030. If achieved, that would be an increase of 450% on 2019 levels and compares with (almost all dirty) hydrogen production today of about 70 million tons. About 70% of the flagged production by 2030 would be green hydrogen, while the other 30% would be blue. While most of the hydrogen produced today is used near where it’s made, by 2030 about 30% of the hydrogen produced is expected to be transported via ships or pipelines.

Like fossil fuels, hydrogen (when combined with a fuel cell, the reverse process of electrolysis) can be combusted for industrial and household use and in stationary and mobile applications, including as hydrogen-power cells for electric cars, and is especially suited, advocates say, for heavier transport such as planes, rockets, ships and trucks. Hydrogen, first used to propel the earliest internal combustion engines 200 years ago is poised to help the world fight climate change for two main reasons.

One is that clean hydrogen helps to overcome the biggest disadvantage of renewable energy. Solar and wind power are unreliable because they rely on intermittent sources of energy. Hydrogen can make renewable grids reliable because it is easily stored as an energy source and dispatched when needed.

The other advantage of hydrogen is that it can replace fossil fuels used in manufacturing where furnaces need to reach 1,500 degrees Celsius. That hydrogen can replace the fossil fuels blamed for 20% of global carbon dioxide emissions means the element is the ‘missing link’ in decarbonising the ‘hard-to-abate’ areas of manufacturing, where electricity is not suited to generating the heat required. Such industries include agriculture, aviation, chemical manufacturing and steel making.

Another benefit of hydrogen is strategic. A report in 2020 from Harvard University’s Belfer Center judged the countries best placed to dominate renewable hydrogen will be those with the infrastructure in place and lots of accessible fresh water – nine litres of water is needed to produce one kilo of renewable hydrogen. It so happens that liberal democracies such as Australia, Norway and the US are hydrogen friendly. This means western powers will be less reliant on authoritarian states such as Russia and Saudi Arabia that are the world’s biggest exporters of fossil fuels. “The reshuffling of power could significantly boost stability throughout global energy markets,” the report says.

What’s not to like about hydrogen? The element’s big drawback is that it is more costly than dirty alternatives because it is expensive to manufacture. As a general rule, renewable hydrogen is about two to three times more costly to produce than fossil-fuel-based hydrogen. In the EU context, green hydrogen costs from 2.5 to 5.5 euros a kilo versus 1.5 euros a kilo for brown hydrogen and 2 euros a kilo for blue. In the Australian context, the cost of green hydrogen needs to plunge from an estimated A$8.75 a kilo now to below A$2 a kilo to be as cheap as fossil fuels. For the US to achieve its 111 shot, the cost of clean hydrogen must plummet by 80% from US$5 a kilo.

Reducing the cost is the defining challenge of green hydrogen – that the cost of solar photovoltaics plunged 82% from 2010 to 2019 provides much encouragement. The hydrogen industry will likewise triumph if, first, electrolysers become cheaper due to technological advances and economies of scale, second if renewable power becomes more affordable, and third if hydrogen producers can achieve economies of scale. Governments, for their part, need to offer subsidies that encourage demand and supply. Another option is they could make clean energies more price competitive by legislating a tax on carbon.

While the intractable politics of climate change prevent the implementation of adequate carbon taxes, governments are providing the catalyst to engender the required economies of scale. Bloomberg New Energy Forum forecasts green hydrogen’s cost could drop to US$2 a kilo by 2030 and US$1 a kilo by 2050 by when the element could supply up to 24% of the world’s energy needs. A world looms where clean hydrogen might play a defining role in helping the drive to net-zero emissions. The split between green and blue will depend on reducing the cost of green.


To be sure, the electrolysis performed to create green hydrogen comes with the environmental challenge that it removes water supplies from where the hydrogen is produced. Doubts surrounding carbon capture and storage undermine blue hydrogen’s environmental credentials. Some dismiss it as a natural-gas company marketing ploy like ‘clean coal’ – a recent Cornell and Stanford study says blue hydrogen is “difficult to justify on climate grounds”
. Hydrogen, being the lightest gas in the universe, is not dense by volume. This means it must be pressurised to pipe or liquified to ship, which adds to costs. Hydrogen is volatile and can explode. The petro-states and China could prove influential enough in hydrogen and thus negate the element’s strategic benefits for the west. Batteries are likely to hold their cost advantage over hydrogen fuel cells for powering electric cars. Solutions other than hydrogen (such as better battery storage, interconnected grids and smart-grid technology) could overcome the intermittent handicap of renewable power. Beware too that two decades ago, hydrogen was touted as an energy solution. George W Bush in the 2003 State of the Union, for instance, set aside US$1.2 billion so the first car driven by a child born that year would be powered by hydrogen. Yet 18 years later, the green hydrogen industry still barely exists.

But that’s a reason for optimism. The push to derive the economies of scale needed to lower the price of hydrogen have barely started. Yet electrolyser costs have dived by around 60% over the past 10 years, and the coming economies of scale are expected to lead to a further halving by 2030, according to the financial-sector-backed Sustainable Markets Initiative, which expects green hydrogen to be price competitive against fossil-fuel-based hydrogen by 2030. If so, the countries hyping the element are likely to fulfil their hopes for an element that today shapes as a key technological pathway to net-zero emissions.

Political shortfall


President Joe Biden, to emphasise the priority he placed on climate change, announced the US would rejoin the Paris Agreement on his first day in office. One week later on January 27, Biden took “aggressive” executive actions “to tackle the climate crisis” that included a writ that climate considerations be an “essential element” of US foreign policy. In April, Biden committed the US to slashing emissions by 50% by 2030 from 2005 levels because climate change posed an “existential threat”.

Yet in August, the White House demanded Opec boost oil production because high petrol prices “risk harming the ongoing global recovery”. While on his way from Italy to the UN climate change conference of world leaders in the UK in October, Biden admitted the situation “seems like an irony”.

Rather than ironic, Biden’s actions are incompatible. But that’s understandable, especially for a president whose climate-change steps have been hobbled by a Congress under his party’s control. The political resistance against tackling climate action has proved intractable for decades for three broad reasons.

The central political problem is that steps to lower emissions impose immediate costs and there are limits to what people will stomach. Economists (among others) argue the best way to reduce carbon emissions is to tax carbon. The IMF says carbon taxes need to rise from its estimate of US$3 a ton now to US$75 a ton by 2030 to reduce emissions as targeted. But taxes are unpopular, especially among the working class, as the ‘gilets jaunes’ protests over higher oil and fuel prices in France from 2018 to 2020 showed. Carbon taxes are regressive because the poorer spend a greater proportion of their incomes on energy. The taxes cost jobs in targeted industries. They hurt the countries and communities dependent on these energies. They promote a general rise in prices that has flow-on effects for interest rates. A World Bank tracker highlights the world’s failure to impose taxes on carbon. The gauge shows that installed or coming carbon taxes cover only 21.5% of global emissions. These taxes are generally set too low to make much difference anyway. Some say the effective price of carbon emissions across the world is essentially zero. As there’s little sign that will change, policymakers must resort to regulatory actions, subsidies and possibly carbon tariffs on imports to change behaviours – and they come with political blowback too.

The second challenge is the ‘free rider’ problem. If most countries take action to reduce emissions, there is less incentive for the reluctant to do so. (The other way to view this difficulty is as the first-mover disadvantage.) The third is the sequencing problem. Emerging countries protest they are being asked to forgo prosperity to mitigate the damage caused when advanced countries became rich on cheap fossil fuels. Emerging leaders sabotaged the UN climate conference in Copenhagen in 2009 for this reason.

The thorny politics explain why policymakers invest so much hope in technology. This is the context in which to view the promise of hydrogen. Bloomberg New Energy Group says seven indicators will determine whether or not a hydrogen economy emerges. The first is that countries legislate net-zero climate targets to force hard-to-abate industries to decarbonise. The second is that standards governing hydrogen use are harmonised and regulatory barriers removed, to reduce obstacles for hydrogen projects. Three, targets with investment mechanisms are needed to provide a motive for investment. Four, harsh heavy transport emission standards must to be set to promote a shift towards hydrogen as a fuel. Five, mandates and markets for low-emission products be formed. Six, industrial decarbonisation policies and incentives are established. Last, hydrogen-ready equipment becomes commonplace, which enables and reduces the cost of switching to hydrogen.

Meeting 24% of energy demand with hydrogen in a 1.5 degree Celsius scenario will require huge amounts of additional renewable electricity generation. In this scenario, about 31,320 terawatts of electricity would be needed to power electrolysers – more than is produced worldwide nowadays from all sources, the group says. Add to this the projected needs of the power sector – where renewables are also likely to expand massively if deep emission targets are to be met – and total renewable energy generation excluding hydro would need to top 60,000 terawatts compared with less than 3,000 terawatts in 2020.

Even amid such production challenges, hydrogen’s biggest barrier is price. Some of hydrogen’s biggest supporters admit to doubts about overcoming hydrogen’s cost disadvantage. Former Australian chief scientist Alan Finkel, who forecasts Australia will be the world’s biggest hydrogen exporter, says “in practice the future costs of both green and blue hydrogen remain unknown”.

There are, however, plenty of optimists. A study by INET Oxford released in September found most energy-economy models underestimate deployment rates for renewable energy technologies and overegg their costs. The study suggests that if batteries, solar, wind and hydrogen electrolysers match recent exponential growth for another decade, the world will attain a “near-net-zero emissions energy system within 25 years”.

Marco Alverà, the CEO of Italy’s energy-infrastructure giant Snam and the author of The Hydrogen Revolution, is another optimist. Green hydrogen priced at US$5 a kilo or US$125 a megawatt-hour compares with about US$40 a megawatt-hour for oil and about US$60 a megawatt-hour for natural gas in Europe, he notes. “What’s needed to get us from the current US$5 a kilo to US$2 or even US$1? The answer is that we need to make more of it,” Alverà says. “The potential economies of scale are staggering: just 25 gigawatts of electrolyser production capacity – globally – could bring the cost of hydrogen to US$2 a kilo when combined with cheap renewable power.”

Another cause for optimism is that nuclear energy, a reliable emissions-free source of power, is suited to power the electrolysis process that makes green hydrogen. The nuclear industry in the UK reckons it can produce 33% of the country’s clean hydrogen needs by 2050. Oil and gas companies moving away from fossil fuels are another possible driver of the hydrogen economy.

The US’s 111 strategy will no doubt be successful if it is read as one dollar one kilo one day. And there’s a good chance the day when such technological advances overcome the political failures to mitigate climate change will be soon enough.

Originally published by Michael Collins, Investment Specialist, Magellan Group
Green Hydrogen: The new scramble for North Africa

European plans for hydrogen energy projects in North Africa smack of green colonialism.




Opinions|Climate Crisis
Hamza Hamouchene
London-based Algerian researcher and activist
Published On 20 Nov 2021
Importing energy from North Africa is part of the European Union's green transition plans 
[File: Maxar Technologies/AFP]

The potential of the Sahara desert in North Africa to generate large amounts of renewable energy thanks to its dry climate and vast expanses of land has long been touted. For years, the Europeans, in particular, have considered it a potential source of solar energy that could satisfy a sizable chunk of European energy demands.

In 2009, the Desertec project, an ambitious initiative to power Europe from Saharan solar plants was launched by a coalition of European industrial firms and financial institutions with the idea that a tiny surface of the desert can provide 15 percent of Europe’s electricity via special high voltage direct current transmission cables.

The Desertec venture eventually stalled amid criticisms of its astronomical costs and its neo-colonial connotations. After an attempt to revive it as Desertec 2.0 with a focus on the local market for renewable energy, the project was eventually reborn into Desertec 3.0, which aims to satisfy Europe’s demand for hydrogen, a “clean” energy alternative to fossil fuels.

In early 2020, Desertec Industrial Initiative (DII) launched the MENA Hydrogen Alliance to help set up energy projects in the Middle East and North Africa region that produce hydrogen for export.

While in Europe such projects may sound like a good idea – helping the continent fulfil its targets of greenhouse emission cuts – the view from North Africa is radically different. There are growing concerns that instead of helping the region with its green transition, these schemes will result in the plunder of local resources, dispossession of communities, environmental damage and entrenchment of corrupt elites.

Hydrogen: The new energy frontier in Africa

As the world seeks to switch to renewable energy amid a growing climate crisis, hydrogen has been presented as a “clean” alternative fuel. Most current hydrogen production is the result of extraction from fossil fuels, leading to large carbon emissions (grey hydrogen). The cleanest form of hydrogen – “green” hydrogen – comes from electrolysis of water, a process that can be powered by electricity from renewable energy sources.

In recent years, under heavy lobbying from various interest groups, the EU has embraced the idea of a hydrogen transition as a centrepiece of its climate response, introducing in 2020 its hydrogen strategy within the framework of the European Green Deal (EGD). The plan proposes shifting to “green” hydrogen by 2050, through local production and establishing a steady supply from Africa.

It was inspired by ideas put forward by trade body and lobby group Hydrogen Europe, which has set out the “2 x 40 GW green hydrogen initiative”. Under this concept, by 2030 the EU would have in place 40 gigawatts of domestic renewable hydrogen electrolyser capacity and import a further 40 gigawatts from electrolysers in neighbouring areas, among them the deserts of North Africa, using existing natural-gas pipelines that already connect Algeria to Europe.

Germany, where Desertec was launched, has been on the forefront of the EU’s hydrogen strategy. Its government has already approached the Democratic Republic of Congo, South Africa and Morocco to develop “decarbonised fuel” generated from renewable energy, for export to Europe and is exploring other potential areas/countries particularly suited to green hydrogen production. In 2020, the Moroccan government entered into a partnership with Germany to develop the first green hydrogen plant on the continent.

Initiatives like Desertec have been quick to jump on the hydrogen bandwagon, which is likely to bring billions of euros of EU funding. Its manifesto reflects the general narrative used to promote the hydrogen and renewable energy projects. It tries to present them as beneficial for local communities. It claims it could bring “economic development, future-oriented jobs and social stability in North-African countries”.

But it also makes clear the extractive nature of this scheme: “for a fully renewable energy system in Europe, we need North Africa to produce cost-competitive solar and wind electricity, converted to hydrogen, for export by pipeline to Europe”. And it makes sure to indicate its commitment to “Fortress Europe”, by claiming that the projects could “[reduce] the number of economic migrants from the region to Europe”.

In other words, the vision behind Desertec and many of these European “green” projects in North Africa seeks to preserve the current exploitative, neo-colonial relations Europe has with the region.
A neo-colonial ‘green transition’

During the colonial era, European powers set up a vast economic system to extract wealth, raw materials and (slave) labour from the African continent. Although the 20th century brought independence to African colonies, this system was never dismantled; it was only transformed, often with the help of local post-colonial authoritarian leaders and elites.

Now the fear is that the EU’s green transition will continue to feed this exploitative economic system to the benefit of European big business and to the detriment of local communities in African countries they partner with. The push for new hydrogen supply chains proposed in projects like Desertec does little to alleviate these concerns.

This is because one of the biggest lobbies behind the EU’s turn to hydrogen represents fossil fuel companies, whose origins are tightly linked to the colonial exploits of European powers. Two of DII’s partners, for example, are the French energy giant Total and the Dutch oil major Shell.

In Africa and elsewhere, fossil fuel companies continue to use the same exploitative economic structures set up during colonialism to extract local resources and transfer wealth out of the continent.

They are also keen on preserving the political status quo in African countries so they can continue to benefit from lucrative relations with corrupt elites and authoritarian leaders. This basically allows them to engage in labour exploitation, environmental degradation, violence against local communities, etc with impunity.

In this sense, it is not surprising that the fossil fuel industry and its lobbies are pushing for embracing hydrogen as the “clean” fuel of the future in order to stay relevant and in business. The industry wants to preserve the existing natural gas infrastructure and pipelines, along with the exploitative economic relations behind them.

Given the industry’s long track record of environmental damage and abuse, it is also not surprising that the hydrogen drive hides major pollution risks. Desertec’s manifesto, for example, points out that “in an initial phase (between 2030-2035), a substantial hydrogen volume can be produced by converting natural gas to hydrogen, whereby the CO2 is stored in empty gas/oil fields”. This alongside the use of scarce water resources to produce hydrogen are yet another example of dumping waste in the global South and displacing environmental costs from the North to the South.

The economic benefits for the local population are also under question. A huge upfront investment would be needed in order to establish the infrastructure required to produce and transport green hydrogen to Europe. Given previous experiences carrying out such high-cost and capital-intensive projects, the investment ends up creating more debt for the receiving country, deepening the dependence upon multilateral lending and Western financial assistance.

North African energy projects established with European support in the past decade already show how energy colonialism is reproduced even in transitions to renewable energy in the form of green colonialism or green grabbing.

In Tunisia, a solar energy project called TuNur, endorsed by Desertec, has been scrutinised for its export-oriented plans. Given the country’s massive energy deficiency and dependence on imports of Algerian natural gas for power generation, exporting electricity while the local population suffers from repeated blackouts makes little sense.

In Morocco, the untransparent land acquisition process and water exploitation plans of the Ouarzazate Solar Plant – also supported by DII members – have raised questions about possible harms local communities may suffer. The high cost of the project – paid for with loans from international financial institutions – has also raised concern about its debt burden on the national budget.

Amid the growing climate crisis, North African countries cannot afford to continue engaging in such exploitative projects. They cannot continue being exporters of cheap natural resources to Europe and the site of displaced socio-environmental costs of its green transition.

They need a just transition that involves a shift to an economy that is ecologically sustainable, equitable and just for all. In this context, existing neo-colonial relations and practices must be challenged and halted.

As for European countries and corporations, they need to break away from the imperial and racialised logic of externalising costs. Otherwise, they would continue to feed green colonialism and further pursuit of extractivism and exploitation of nature and labour for a supposedly green agenda, which would undermine collective efforts for an effective and just global response to climate change.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

Hamza Hamouchene
London-based Algerian researcher and activist
Hamza Hamouchene is a London-based Algerian researcher and activist. He is currently the North Africa Programme Coordinator at the Transnational Institute (TNI).