Friday, July 11, 2025

Resisting the Deadly Language of American Fascism

 July 11, 2025

Photograph by Nathaniel St. Clair

LONG READ


Introduction: Language in the Age of Fascist Politics

In the age of expanding fascism, the power of language is not only fragile but increasingly threatened. As Toni Morrison has noted, “language is not only an instrument through which power is exercised,” it also shapes agency and functions as an act with consequences. These consequences ripple through the very fabric of our existence. For in the words we speak, meaning, truth, and our collective future are at risk. Each syllable, phrase, and sentence becomes a battleground where truth and power collide, where silence breeds complicity, and where justice hangs in the balance.

In response, we find ourselves in desperate need of a new vocabulary, one capable of naming the fascist tide and militarized language now engulfing the United States. This is not a matter of style or rhetorical flourish; it is a matter of survival. The language required to confront and resist this unfolding catastrophe will not come from the legacy press, which remains tethered to the very institutions it ought to expose. Nor can we turn to the right-wing media machines, led by Fox News, where fascist ideals are not just defended but paraded as patriotism. In the face of this crisis, Toni Morrison’s insight drawn from her Nobel Lecture becomes all the more urgent and makes clear that the language of tyrants, embodied in the rhetoric, images, and modes of communication characteristic of the Trump regime, is a dead language.

For her “a dead language is not simply one that is no longer spoken or written,” it is unyielding language “content to admire its own paralysis.” It is repressive language infused with power,  censored and censoring. Ruthless in its policing duties and dehumanizing language, it has no desire or purpose other than maintaining the free range of its own narcotic narcissism, its own exclusivity and dominance. “Though moribund, it is not without effect” for it actively thwarts the intellect, stalls conscience, and “suppresses human potential.” Unreceptive to interrogation, it cannot form or tolerate new ideas, shape other thoughts, tell another story, or fill baffling silences. This is the language of official power whose purpose is to sanction ignorance and preserve it. Beneath its glittering spectacle and vulgar performance, lies a language that is “dumb, predatory, sentimental.” It offers mass spectacles, a moral sleepwalking state of mind, and a psychotic infatuation for those who seek refuge in unchecked power. It forges a community built on greed, corruption, and hate, steeped in a scandal of hollow fulfillment. It is a language unadorned in its cruelty and addiction to creating an architecture of violence. It is evident in Trump’s discourse of occupation, his militarizing of American politics, and in his use of an army of trolls to turn hatred into a social media spectacle of swagger and cruelty.

 Despite differing tones and political effects, the discourses of the far right and the liberal mainstream converge in their complicity: both traffic in mindless spectacle, absorb lies as currency, and elevate illusion over insight. The liberal mainstream drapes the machinery of cruelty in the language of civility, masking the brutality of the Trump regime and the predatory logic of gangster capitalism, while the far right revels in it, parading its violence as virtue and its hatred as patriotism. Language, once a powerful instrument against enforced silence and institutional cruelty, now too often serves power, undermining reason, normalizing violence, and replacing justice with vengeance. In Trump’s oligarchic culture of authoritarianism, language becomes a spectacle of power, a theater of fear crafted, televised, and performed as a civic lesson in mass indoctrination. If language is the vessel of consciousness, then we must forge a new one– fierce, unflinching, and unafraid to rupture the fabric of falsehood that sustains domination, disposability, and terror. The late famed novelist, Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, was right in stating that “language was a site of colonial control,” inducting people into what he called “colonies of the mind.”

The utopian visions that support the promise of a radical democracy and prevent the dystopian nightmare of a fascist politics are under siege in the United States. Increasingly produced, amplified and legitimated in a toxic language of hate, exclusion, and punishment, all aspects of the social and the democratic values central to a politics of solidarity are being targeted by right-wing extremists. In addition, the institutions that produce the formative cultures that nourishes the social imagination and democracy itself are now under attack. The signposts are on full display in a politics of racial and social cleansing that is being fed by a white nationalist and white supremacist ideology that is at the centre of power in the US, marked by fantasies of exclusion and accompanied by a full-scale attack on morality, reason, and collective resistance rooted in democratic struggle. As more people revolt against this dystopian project, neoliberal ideology and elements of a fascist politics merge to contain, distract and misdirect the anger that has materialised out of legitimate grievances against the government, controlling privileged elites and the hardships caused by neoliberal capitalism. The current crisis of agency, representation, values and  language demands a discursive shift that can call into question and defeat the formative culture and ideological scaffolding through which a savage neoliberal capitalism reproduces itself. This warped use of language directly feeds into the policies of disposability that define Trump’s regime.

State Terror and Trump’s Politics of Disposability

As Trump’s regime concentrates power, he invokes a chilling convergence of law, order, and violence, a cornerstone of his politics of disposability. His acts of cruelty and lawlessness, abducting and deporting innocent people, branding immigrants as “vermin,” claiming they are “poisoning the blood” of Americans, and even proposing the legalization of murder for twelve hours, make clear that his violent metaphors are not just rhetorical flourishes. They are policy blueprints. In Trump’s hands, rhetoric becomes a weaponized prelude to atrocity, a tool of statecraft. Threats, hatred, and cruelty are transformed into instruments of governance. 

This is not careless talk, it is a brutal and calculated expression of power. Trump’s threats to arrest and deport critics such as Zohran Mamdani reveal his willingness to use the machinery of the state for political extermination. His targets are predictable: immigrants, Black people, educators, journalists, LGBTQ+ individuals, and anyone who dares to challenge his white Christian nationalist, neoliberal, and white supremacist vision. His language does not merely offend, it incites harm, enacts repression, and opens the gates to state-sanctioned violence. It extends the reign of terror across the United States by labeling protesters as terrorists and deploying the military to American cities, treating them as if they were “occupied territories.”

We now live in a country where class and racial warfare both at home and abroad is on steroids, exposing the killing machine of gangster capitalism in its rawest, most punitive form. Trump supports the genocidal war waged by a state led by a war criminal. Children are being slaughtered in Gaza. Millions of Americans, including poor children, teeter on the edge of losing their healthcare. Funds for feeding hungry children are being slashed, sacrificed to feed the pockets of the ultra-rich. Thousands will die, not by accident, but by design. Terror, fear, and punishment have replaced the ideals of equality, freedom, and justice. Childcide is now normalized as the law of the land.  The lights are dimming in America, and all that remains are the smug, ignorant smirks of fascist incompetence and bodies drained of empathy and solidarity.

Gangster Capitalism and the Death of Empathy

Gangster capitalism lays the foundation for Trump’s racist and fascist politics. As I have noted elsewhere, the United States has descended into a state of political, economic, cultural, and social psychosis, where cruel, neoliberal, democracy-hating policies have prevailed since the 1970s. At the core of this authoritarian shift lies a systemic war on workers, youth, Blacks, and immigrants, increasingly marked by mass violence and a punishing state both domestically and internationally. The U.S. has transformed into an empire dominated by a callous, greedy billionaire class that has dismantled any remnants of democracy, while embracing the fascistic ideology of white Christian nationalism and white supremacy. Fascism now parades not only beneath the flag but also under the Christian cross. America has shifted from celebrating unchecked individualism, as depicted in Ayn Rand’s Atlas Shrugged, to the glorification of greed championed by Gordon Gekko in Wall Street, and the psychotic avarice of Patrick Bateman in American Psycho. This descent into barbarity and psychotic infatuation with violence is further demonstrated by Justin Zhong, a right-wing preacher at Sure Foundation Baptist Church in Indianapolis, who called for the deaths of LGBTQ+ individuals during a sermon. Zhong defended his comments by citing biblical justifications and labeling LGBTQ+ people as “domestic terrorists.” It gets worse. During a Men’s Preaching Night at Sure Foundation Baptist Church, Zhong’s associate, Stephen Falco, suggested that LGBTQ+ people should “blow yourself in the back of the head,” and that Christians should “pray for their deaths.” Another member, Wade Rawley, advocated for violence, stating LGBTQ+ individuals should be “beaten and stomped in the mud” before being shot in the head. Fascism in America, nourished by the toxic roots of homophobia, now cloaks itself not just in the poisonous banner of the Confederate flag, but also in the sacred guise of the Christian cross.

Welcome to Trump’s America, where empathy is now viewed as a weakness and the cold rule of the market is the template for judging all social relations. One noted example can be found in the words of Trump’s on-and-off billionaire ally, Elon Musk, who dismisses empathy as a naive and detrimental force that undermines the competitive, individualistic ethos he champions. Speaking to Joe Rogan on his podcast, Musk specifically stated that “The fundamental weakness of western civilization is empathy.”  As Julia Carrie Wong observes in The Guardian, the stakes extend far beyond casting empathy as a “parasitic plague.” Empathy’s true danger lies in its role as an enabler—granting permission to dehumanize others and constricting the very “definition of who should be included in a democratic state.” This is a recipe for barbarism, one that allows both states and individuals to turn a blind eye to the genocidal violence unfolding in Gaza and beyond.

Naming the  Deep Roots of the Police State

Ruth Ben-Ghiat has warned that “America has been set on a trajectory to become a police state,” pointing to the passage of the Brutal and Bellicose Bill (BBB), which handed ICE a budget larger than the militaries of Brazil, Israel, and Italy combined. But the roots of this state violence go deeper. The foundation was laid under Bush and Cheney, whose war on terror birthed Guantanamo, Abu Ghraib, mass surveillance, and extraordinary rendition. What Trump has done is strip these earlier authoritarian practices of all pretenses, elevating them to the status of governing principles. 

The police state did not begin with Trump; it evolved through him. Now, we see its terrifying maturity: racial cleansing disguised as immigration policy, hatred normalized as political speech, dissent criminalized, birthright citizenship threatened, and everyday life militarized. This is not politics as usual, it is fascism in real time. 

Trump’s fascist politics grows even more dangerous when we recognize that his language of colonization and domination has helped transform American society into what Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o chillingly describes as a “war zone.” This war zone now spans the digital terrain—through the internet, podcasts, social media, and educational platforms—becoming a fertile breeding ground for fascist symbols, reactionary values, manufactured identities, and the toxic resurrection of colonial logics. In this battleground of meaning, the language of colonization does more than obscure the truth—it erodes critical thinking, silences historical memory, and disarms the very possibility of empowered agency. What remains in its wake is a nation scarred by suffering, haunted by loneliness, bound by shared fears, and anesthetized by the numbing rituals of a punishing state.

The transformation of America into a war zone finds its most visible expression in the rise of Trump’s omnipresent police state. This authoritarian machinery reveals itself through the mechanisms of state-sponsored terror, a heavily militarized ICE force operating like masked enforcers, and the rapid expansion of detention centers that will increasingly resemble a network of potential forced labor camps. As Fintan O’Toole warns, Trump’s deployment of troops onto the streets of Los Angeles is not merely symbolic—it is “a training exercise for the army, a form of reorientation.” In this reorientation, soldiers are no longer defenders of the Constitution but are being retrained as instruments of authoritarian power, bound not by democratic ideals but by obedience to a singular will. 

Nevertheless, we resist or refuse to name the fascist threat and the ideological and economic architecture of its politics. Still, we recoil from calling the Trump regime what it is: a fascist state engaged in domestic terrorism. Still, we remain blind to the fact that economic inequality, global militarism, and the genocidal logics of empire are not peripheral issues, they are the center. Why is it so difficult to admit that we are living in an age of American fascism? Why do the crimes of the powerful, at home and abroad, so often pass without scrutiny, while the victims are blamed or erased? 

The Collapse of Moral Imagination

What we face is not only a political crisis, partly in the collapse of conscience and civic courage– a profound moral collapse. The war being waged at home by the Trump regime is not just against immigrants or the poor, it is a war on critical thought, on historical memory, on the courage to dissent. It is a war on every institution that upholds critical thinking, informed knowledge, and civic literacy. This is a genocidal war against the very possibility of a just future—a war not merely against, but for stupidity, for the death of morality, and for the annihilation of any robust notion of democracy. Viktor Klemperer, in his seminal work The Language of the Third Reich, offers a crucial lesson from history: “With great insistence and a high degree of precision right down to the last detail, Hitler’s Mein Kampf teaches not only that the masses are stupid, but that they need to be kept that way, intimidated into not thinking.” Klemperer’s analysis reveals that Nazi politics did not arise in a vacuum; it was cultivated in a culture where language itself was the breeding ground of cruelty and control.

Trump’s rhetoric of fear, racial hatred does not emerge in a vacuum. It resonates because it taps into a long and violent history, a history soaked in blood, built on genocide, slavery, colonialism, and exclusion. His language recalls the genocidal campaigns against Indigenous peoples, Black Americans, Jews, and others deemed disposable by authoritarian regimes. It is a necrotic lexicon, resurrected in service of tyranny. It gives birth to politicians with blood in their mouths, who weaponize nostalgia and bigotry, cloaking brutality in the false promises of patriotism and “law and order.”

Language as War and the Return of Americanized Fascism

This is not merely a rhetoric of cruelty, it is a call to arms. Trump’s words do not simply shelter fascists; they summon them. They silence dissent, normalize torture, and echo the logic of death camps, internment camps, and mass incarceration. His discourse, laden with hatred and lies, is designed to turn neighbors into enemies, civic life into war, and politics into a death cult and zone of terminal exclusion. Undocumented immigrants, or those seeking to register for green cards or citizenship, are torn from their families and children, cast into prisons such as Alligator Alcatraz, a grotesque manifestation of the punishing state. As Melissa Gira Grant writes in The New Republic, it is “an American concentration camp…built to cage thousands of people rounded up by ICE,” constructed in a chilling display of colonial disregard, and erected on traditional Miccosukee land without so much as consulting the Tribe. 

This is the face of modern cruelty: language wielded as a tool to orchestrate a spectacle of violence, designed to degrade, divide, and erase. Culture is no longer a peripheral force in politics; it has become the central weapon in the rise of state terrorism. The language of war and complicity normalizes America’s transformation into a monstrous carceral state, a symbol of state-sponsored terror where due process is suspended, and suffering is not just an outcome but the point itself. A culture of cruelty now merges with state sponsored racial terror, functioning as a badge of honor. One example is noted in Trump advisor Laura Loomer,  who ominously remarked that “the wild animals surrounding President Donald Trump’s new immigration detention center… will have ‘at least 65 million meals.” Change.org, along with others such as  Pod Save America co-host Tommy Vietor, noted that her comment “is not only racist, it is a direct emotional attack and veiled threat against Hispanic communities. This kind of speech dehumanizes people of color and normalizes genocidal language.”  Her racist remark not only reveals the profound contempt for human life within Trump’s inner circle but also highlights how cruelty and violence are strategically used as both a policy tool and a public spectacle. Loomer’s remark is not an aberration, it is a symptom of the fascist logic animating this administration, where death itself becomes a political message. Her blood-soaked discourse if symptomatic of the criminogenic politics fundamental to the working of the Trump regime. 

The parallels to history are unmistakable. Loomer’s invocation of death as the outcome of detention recalls the Nazi designation of certain camps as Vernichtungslager, extermination camps, where as Holocaust survivor Primo Levi noted, imprisonment and execution were inseparable. Likewise, the U.S. internment of Japanese Americans during World War II, though often sanitized in public memory, operated under a similar logic of racial suspicion and collective punishment. The message in each case is clear, as Judith Butler has noted in her writing: some lives are rendered invisible,  deemed unworthy of legal protection, of family, of dignity, of life itself. In fascist regimes, such spaces function not only as instruments of punishment but as symbolic theaters of power, meant to instill terror, enforce obedience, and declare which bodies the state has marked for erasure.

For Trump, J.D. Vance, and their ilk, fascism is not a specter to be feared but a banner to be waved. The spirit of the Confederacy and the corpse-like doctrines of white supremacy, militarism, and neoliberal authoritarianism have returned, this time supercharged by surveillance technologies, financial capital, and social media echo chambers. In the spirit of the Trump regime, the symbols of the Confederacy are normalized. Confederate flags are now waved by neo-Nazis in public squares and parades, while Trump renames US warships and 7 military bases after Confederate officers, reinforcing a dangerous nostalgia for a past rooted in racism and rebellion against the very ideals of unity and equality that this nation claims to uphold.

It should not surprise us that the American public has grown numb with the constant echo chamber of state terrorism playing out in multiple sites of attack. Powerful disimagination machines, mainstream media, right-wing propaganda platforms, tech billionaires, have flooded public consciousness with conspiracy theories, historical amnesia, and spectacularized images of immigrants and others being deported to prisons, foreign Gulags, and moder day black holes. These are not simply entertainment outlets; they are pedagogical weapons of mass distraction, breeding civic illiteracy and moral paralysis. Under their influence, the American people have been placed in a moral and political coma.

White Nationalism and Reproductive Control

Nowhere is this more evident than in the mainstream media’s failure to address the racial and ideological foundations of Trump’s agenda. His attacks on Haitian immigrants, the travel ban on seven African countries, the shutting down of refugee programs, and his open-door policy for white Afrikaners from South Africa are not merely racist; they are explicitly white nationalist. The same ideology drives attacks on women’s reproductive rights, revealing the deep racial and gender anxieties of a movement obsessed with white demographic decline. These are not isolated skirmishes, they are interconnected strategies of domination.

These converging assaults, white nationalism, white supremacy, patriarchal control, and militarized life, manifest most vividly in the war on reproductive freedom. White nationalists encourage white women to reproduce, to hold back demographic change, while punishing women of color, LGBTQ+ people, and the poor. It is a violent calculus, animated by fantasies of purity and control.

The Systemic Assault on Democracy

This is a full-spectrum assault on democracy. Every act of cruelty, every racist law, every violent metaphor chips away at the social contract. A culture of authoritarianism is now used to demean those considered other, both citizens and non-citizens, critics and immigrants, naturalized citizens and those seeking such status. They are labeled as unworthy of citizenship now defined by the Trump regime as a privilege rather than a right. Meanwhile, a media ecosystem built on clickbait and erasure renders both such fascists as legitimate while making invisible the roots of suffering mass suffering and fear, all the while, turning oppression into spectacle and silence into complicity.

In this fog, language itself is emptied of meaning. Truth and falsehood blur. As Paulo Freire warned, the tools of the oppressor are often adopted by the oppressed. We now see that the logic of fascism has seeped into the culture, eroding civic sensibility, destroying moral imagination, and rendering resistance almost unspeakable.

The Normalization of Tyranny

Trump’s authoritarian fantasies do not alienate his base, they galvanize it. What was once unthinkable is now policy. What was once fringe has become mainstream. Cruelty is not something to be deplored and avoided at all costs, it is a central feature of power, wielded with theatrical and spectacularized brutality. Under the current acting ICE Director, Todd Lyons, this punitive logic has intensified: Lyons oversees a $4.4 billion Enforcement and Removal Operations apparatus staffed by over 8,600 agents across 200 domestic locations, using militarized tactics, surprise raids, and aggressive targeting of immigrant communities to sustain a regime of fear. ICE’s presence is at the heart of Trump’s hyper-police state, and its funding has been greatly expanded to $170 billion under Trump’s new budget bill, creating  what journalist Will Bunch calls Trump’s “own gulag archipelago of detention camps across a United States that’s becoming increasingly hard to recognize.” 

Meanwhile, figures like Tom Homan, who led ICE under Trump’s first term, laid the groundwork with Gestapo-style operations, midnight raids, family separations, and public declarations that undocumented immigrants “should be afraid”.  As the “border tzar” under Trump, Homan has initiated deportation policies that are even more aggressively violent and cruel that those that took place in Trump’s first term as president.  As Bunch notes, take the case of “the 64-year-old New Orleans woman, Donna Kashanian, who fled a tumultuous Iran 47 years ago, volunteered to rebuild her battered Louisiana community after Hurricane Katrina, never missed a check-in with U.S. immigration officials ,  and was snatched by ICE agents in unmarked vehicles while she was out working in her garden and sent to a notorious detention center.” These horror stories now take place daily in cities extending from Los Angeles to Providence, Rhode Island. 

A central player in this current regime of state terrorism, systemic racism, mass abductions, deportations, and the criminalization of dissent is Stephen Miller, Trump’s White House Deputy Chief of Staff. During Trump’s first term, Miller was the driving force behind the Muslim ban, the family separation policy, and assaults on birthright citizenship, all rooted in an unapologetic white supremacist and eugenicist worldview. In Trump’s second term, he has emerged as the architect of even more draconian measures, pushing for mass deportations, the abolition of birthright citizenship, and the revocation of naturalized citizenship for those who fall outside his white Christian vision of who deserves to be called American.

Far-right white nationalist such as Miller, Tom Homan and Todd Lyons, do not treat cruelty as a regrettable side effect. For them, cruelty is the currency of power. Suffering becomes a spectacle, and violence a ritual of statecraft. Tyranny is not inching forward in silence; it is advancing at full speed, cheered on by those who treat fear as a governing principle and pain as public policy.

This is not a passing storm. It is the death throes of a system that has long glorified violence, commodified everything, and fed on division. Trump’s language is not a performance, it is preparation. His words are laying the foundation for a society without empathy, without justice, without democracy.

Reclaiming the Language of Resistance, Reclaiming Democracy

In a decent society, language is the lifeblood of democracy, a vessel of solidarity, truth, and hope. But in Trump’s America, language has become a weapon, dehumanizing, excluding, and dominating. His vision is not a warning; it is a blueprint. We must resist, or we risk losing everything. The stakes are nothing less than the survival of democracy, the retrieval of truth and the refusal to live in a world where cruelty is policy and silence is complicity. What is needed now is not only a rupture in language but a rupture in consciousness, one that brings together the critical illumination of the present with a premonitory vision of what lies ahead if fascist dynamics remain unchecked. As Walter Benjamin insisted, we must cultivate a form of profane illumination, a language that disrupts the spectacle of lies and names the crisis in all its violent clarity. At the same time, as A.K. Thompson argues, we must grasp the future implicit in the present. His notion of premonitions urges us to read the events unfolding around us as urgent warnings, as signs of the catastrophe that awaits if we do not confront and reverse the political and cultural paths we are on. It demands that we see the connections that bind our suffering, rejecting the fragmented reality that neoliberalism forces upon us. The time for complacency is past. The time for a new and more vibrant language, one of critique, resistance, and militant hope, is now. A language capable not only of indicting the present but of envisioning a future rooted in justice, memory, and collective struggle.

As Antonio Gramsci remarked in his Prison Notebooks, “The crisis consists precisely in the fact that the old is dying and the new cannot be born; in this interregnum a great variety of morbid symptoms appear.” What is clear is that these morbid symptoms have arrived. Yet, alongside the despair they breed, they also present new challenges and opportunities for revitalized struggles. This is where the power of language comes into play—this is the challenge and opportunity for those who believe in the transformative power of culture, language, and education to address not just the nature of the crisis but its deeper roots in politics, memory, agency, values, power, and democracy itself.

Henry A. Giroux currently holds the McMaster University Chair for Scholarship in the Public Interest in the English and Cultural Studies Department and is the Paulo Freire Distinguished Scholar in Critical Pedagogy. His most recent books include: The Terror of the Unforeseen (Los Angeles Review of books, 2019), On Critical Pedagogy, 2nd edition (Bloomsbury, 2020); Race, Politics, and Pandemic Pedagogy: Education in a Time of Crisis (Bloomsbury 2021); Pedagogy of Resistance: Against Manufactured Ignorance (Bloomsbury 2022) and Insurrections: Education in the Age of Counter-Revolutionary Politics (Bloomsbury, 2023), and coauthored with Anthony DiMaggio, Fascism on Trial: Education and the Possibility of Democracy (Bloomsbury, 2025). Giroux is also a member of Truthout’s board of directors.




On the present  political situation of the Left  in Bangladesh

Sunday 6 July 2025, by Badrul Alam


The 5 August 2024 uprising marked not just a moment of student protest—it ignited a political process whose consequences are still unfolding. What began as outrage over education reform and police repression quickly evolved into a mass resistance movement that tore open the tightly sealed lid of authoritarian stability. In the days and weeks that followed, slogans once thought obsolete—socialism, revolution, land to the tiller—began to echo again in campuses, slums, and workers’ quarters. For the first time in years, the radical left—both legal and underground—moved from the margins toward the center of political contention in Bangladesh.


For decades, the left had been fragmented and driven underground or into irrelevance. The parliamentary left—parties like the Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB), the Socialist Party (BASAD), and the Revolutionary Workers Party—had suffered from electoral defeats, leadership stagnation, and co-optation. Their younger generations were largely disengaged, and their base among workers and peasants had eroded under neoliberal reforms and NGO encroachments. On the other hand, the underground and semi-under ground left—Maoist and Marxist-Leninist formations like the communist Party of Bangladesh(ML), the Purbo Banglar Communist Party (PBCP), Sarbohara Party- Bangladesh, the Communist of Bangladesh (Red Flag) and the New Communist Party —had been hunted by security forces, weakened by infighting, and disconnected from emerging social movements.

The August uprising began to reverse that tide. The brutal crackdown by the state, especially the use of the Digital Security Act and physical assaults on students, delegitimized the ruling regime in the eyes of a new generation. Legal left parties, for all their weakness, were among the first to respond with political clarity. They mobilized legal aid, formed protest committees, and called for a national student-worker alliance. What set them apart was not just their history, but their ideological vocabulary. They named the system—capitalism, authoritarianism, imperialism—when others were still calling for “reform.” For many students, this was their first encounter with structured Marxist thought.

At the same time, the underground left sensed that the conditions for renewed activity were emerging. Many had been preparing quietly in villages and border districts, particularly in Meherpur, Chuadanga, Jhenaidah, and parts of Mymensingh. These groups, long inspired by Maoist and Naxalite movements, saw the uprising as a signal to increase cadre recruitment and reestablish communication with disaffected youth. Their actions were cautious but deliberate: distributing leaflets at night, training new members in ideological texts, and supporting landless peasants in resisting eviction.

What unfolded over the next several months was not a single unified movement, but a series of overlapping insurgencies—intellectual, political, and at times, material. In Dhaka, Chattogram, and Rajshahi, Marxist student fronts began to form new reading circles and publishing initiatives. Small Marxist publishing houses began circulating Bengali editions of Lenin, Rosa Luxemburg, and Charu Mazumdar. In Gazipur and Narayanganj, radical trade unionists supported by underground networks organized wildcat strikes and defied factory shutdowns. Rural organizers aligned with underground Maoist groups began supporting peasant resistance against land grabs by corporate agribusinesses and the military.

Meanwhile, within the legal left, a debate was intensifying. Should they continue to push for parliamentary representation in a system increasingly seen as hollow and authoritarian? Or should they move toward building a revolutionary front outside of elections, in coordination with militant labor and youth forces? This tension came to a head in December 2024, when a new left coalition—Gonotantrik Bam Jote (Demicratic Left Alliance)—was declared. While it included the CPB, BASAD, and the the Revolutionary Workers Party and others, it was met with skepticism by more militant youth who saw it as an attempt to co-opt the moment back into the parliamentary framework.

Still, this coalition organized significant protests, particularly on International Workers’ Day 2025 and on the anniversary of the uprising. It published manifestos that addressed not only economic grievances but also called for systemic transformation—democratic control over land and factories, decentralization of power, abolition of the repressive state apparatus, and a halt to foreign debt dependency. Yet the lack of a coherent revolutionary strategy continued to haunt them. While they offered critique, they lacked a clear path toward seizure of power or construction of dual power structures.

It was precisely this vacuum that the underground left tried to fill. Groups like the PBCP and CPB(ML) began advocating for the creation of People’s Committees at village and neighborhood levels. In some areas, particularly in parts of the southwest, these committees started functioning informally—resolving land disputes, organizing self-defense patrols, and offering basic services. Their vision, while still marginal, began to resonate with communities abandoned by the state.

A notable shift also occurred in how underground groups used technology. The younger generation within these formations began adopting secure messaging platforms and digital encryption to avoid surveillance. They released communiqués and political essays anonymously on underground forums, some of which were circulated via Telegram and even on obscure pages of social media. Through these methods, they were able to establish links with urban activists, tech-savvy students, and even sections of the diaspora.

But the challenges remain immense. Repression has intensified—dozens of activists have been detained, tortured, or disappeared. NGOs and donor-funded initiatives continue to dilute radical agendas by absorbing grassroots leadership into service-based programming. Sectarianism still plagues many left formations, both legal and underground. And despite the gains made since August 2024, the broader public remains cautious—fearful of violence, uncertain about revolutionary alternatives, and often caught between survival and skepticism.

Nonetheless, the political ground has shifted. What once seemed impossible—the return of Marxist politics, the reorganization of underground parties, the convergence of student and worker struggles—is now a living process. The left in Bangladesh, both visible and clandestine, is no longer passive. It is thinking, organizing, preparing. Whether this renewed momentum will mature into a revolutionary project depends not just on ideological commitment, but on strategic vision, unity in diversity, and the capacity to root politics in everyday life. The uprising did not end in 2024. It began something deeper—a historical current that continues to swell beneath the surface, gathering strength for what may yet come.

1 July 2025

Source ESSF.

P.S.


If you like this article or have found it useful, please consider donating towards the work of International Viewpoint. Simply follow this link: Donate then enter an amount of your choice. One-off donations are very welcome. But regular donations by standing order are also vital to our continuing functioning. See the last paragraph of this article for our bank account details and take out a standing order. Thanks.

Attached documentson-the-present-left-political-situation-in-bangladesh_a9076.pdf (PDF - 910.3 KiB)
Extraction PDF [->article9076]

Bangladesh
The permanent instability of a system in crisis
‘It’s crucial to fight the far right in Pakistan and the region’
New Delhi faces the gravest geopolitical fallout from Sheikh Hasina’s exit
After Hasina’s resignation, struggle continues
Protesters in Bangladesh Want an End to State Repression

Badrul Alamis General Secretary of the Communist Party of Bangladesh(ML). In Bangladesh, unlike in many other countries, “ML” means “not Maoist”. Maoist is designated by “MLMTT” meaning “Marxist-Leninist-Mao Tsetung Thought”.


International Viewpoint is published under the responsibility of the Bureau of the Fourth International. Signed articles do not necessarily reflect editorial policy. Articles can be reprinted with acknowledgement, and a live link if
Ukraine/Palestine

Free the Children! End the Starvation and Genocide!


Tuesday 8 July 2025, by Collective


INTERNATIONAL CHILDREN’s DAY is June 1 in Ukraine, Russia, and 47 other countries. This Children’s Day, the Ukraine Solidarity Network (US) calls for the freedom and return of the tens of thousands of Ukrainian children whom Russia has kidnapped and for ending the mass starvation of millions of children in Palestine, Sudan, and other sites of widespread child hunger such as Haiti, South Sudan, and Mali.


* Kremlin documents dated a week before the full scale invasion on February 18, 2022 detail plans to abduct Ukrainian children and bring them to Russia under the guise of “humanitarian evacuations.”

* Ukraine has verified Russia’s deportation of 19,456 children to date, but Yale’s Humanitarian Research Lab places the number of deported children closer to 35,000 as of March 19, 2025.

* Putin and his Children’s Rights Commissioner, Maria Lvova-Belova, are under indictment by the International Criminal Court for abducting children. Russia says it “accepted” 700,000 Ukrainian children between February 2022 and July 2023.

* Yale’s Humanitarian Research Lab has documented 43 Russian children’s camps housing deported children: at least 32 are explicitly for “re-education.” Ukrainian children are indoctrinated, punished for Ukrainian language and culture and forced to participate in “military-patriotic” training courses.

* Abducted teenage Ukrainian boys forced to accept Russian citizenship face conscription into the Russian army to fight against their fellow Ukrainians. Trump has cut funding for a program that tracks abducted Ukrainian children, and DOGE may have permanently deleted a database with crucial information.

* A negotiated outcome to the war on terms other than Ukraine’s will result in an irreversible loss of Ukraine’s children and its future and irreversible harm to the children.

Russia’s war against the children of Ukraine joins the war against Palestinian children being conducted by the Zionist regime of Israel, with the full support of the Trump regime in the USA, as a ghastly crime against children and humanity.

* As of this writing, every child in Gaza is severely undernourished and facing imminent death by starvation due to Israel’s having prohibited entry of food, water, and other necessities into Gaza.

* According to the UN, at least 100 children have been killed or injured every day in Gaza since Israeli strikes resumed on March 18, even as the United States underscores continued support for Israel.

* From October 2023 to Palestine Children’s Day on April 5, the Palestinian Ministry of Education on Saturday said more than 17,000 children had been killed in Gaza, about 1,100 children had been detained by the Israeli army, and about 39,000 others had lost one or both parents.

* Israel detained 1,200 Palestinian children from the occupied West Bank in the same period.

* More than 9,500 Palestinians including women and over 350 children are currently held in Israeli prisons under harsh conditions.

* Since October 2023, around 1.9 million people – including thousands of children – have gone through repeated forced displacement amid bombardment, fear, and loss according to UNRWA.

* Israel has killed more than 61,700 Palestinians and wounded 118,366 in Gaza since October 2023, most of them women and children. Thousands of others missing under the rubble are presumed dead.

* The atrocities that Palestinian children have undergone since October 2023 are but a continuation of decades of deprivation and attacks by Israel.

Sadly, the horrific civil war in Sudan may have even deadlier results than either Russia’s war against Ukraine or Israel’s war against Palestine.

* Sudan is becoming the world’s largest hunger crisis in recent history as the ongoing protracted famine puts hundreds of thousands at imminent risk of death. 24.6 million people are acutely food insecure and 638,000 face catastrophic levels of hunger.

* Over 1 in 3 children face acute malnutrition.

* 12.5 million people have been forced from their homes.

* The World Food Program (WFP) is supporting over 3 million Sudanese people each month, but the Trump administration’s cuts to foreign aid will cause radical cuts in this aid. WFP spent $9.8 billion on aid last year, and nearly half of the funds were contributed by the U.S. This year, it’s facing a projected 40% reduction in funding. Israel must immediately end its blockade and its war on Palestine!

All US medical and food aid for children and others in Sudan and everywhere else must be immediately restored!

The Ukraine Solidarity Network (US) calls on the US government and the international community to insist that Russia adhere to international law and return Ukrainian children to Ukraine and to sanction Israel diplomatically, economically, and militarily until its food blockade of Gaza is lifted. We also call on the US government to restore its funding to the World Food Program to feed hungry children in Sudan and other famine areas.

We call on the United States and European nations to cease providing weapons and other help to Israel’s war on Palestinian children and adults and send military aid to Ukraine for its self-defense.

May 25, 2025

Source: Ukraine Solidarity Network (US).

Attached documentsfree-the-children-end-the-starvation-and-genocide_a9078.pdf (PDF - 908.5 KiB)
Extraction PDF [->article9078]

Palestine
Solidarity with Gaza is not antisemitic - Death to hypocrisy
Massacres and starvation in a criminal silence
Down with imperialist wars, no to the Paris Air Show!
Swedish Dockworkers’ Union Leader Sacked for Gaza Solidarity Action
He’s suddenly a risk to ‘national security’

Ukraine
Support the Russian-Ukrainian resistance against accelerating fascism worldwide
Ukrainian union leader comments on U.S. left
Ukraine at war, Ukraine in struggle...
‘No one has strengthened the Ukrainian far-right more than Putin’
Evolution of the Trade Union Movement in Ukraine

Collective


International Viewpoint is published under the responsibility of the Bureau of the Fourth International. Signed articles do not necessarily reflect editorial policy. Articles can be reprinted with acknowledgement, and a live link if possible.