Sunday, July 13, 2025

 INDIA

25 Crore Workers Made July 9 Nationwide Strike a ‘Grand Success’: Central TUs


Crore denotes the quantity ten million (107) and is equal to 100 lakh in the Indian numbering system


Newsclick Report 




Samyukta Kisan Morcha and joint front of Agricultural Labour Unions played a significant role in the mobilisation in rural India.

 

Newsclick Report

New Delhi: Central trade unions and independent sectoral federations and associations on Wednesday congratulated more than 25 crore workers, agri labour and farmers for making the nationwide strike call against the government’s “anti-people” policies, “a grand success”.

In a statement, the joint platform said, “this is the beginning of the prolonged battle in the days to follow in the sectoral levels focussed on determined united resistance, again to culminate into a bigger national level heightened united action.”

The joint platform, apart from the many demands such as scrapping the labour codes, higher minimum wages, halt to privatisation, also condemned the “attack on the democratic rights” by the ruling regime as also “the attempt to de-franchise the migrant workers”, which is being “designed beginning with Bihar as immediate case.”

Read the full statement below:

Central TUs Congratulations to workers, farmers, agri-workersand the people at large for the Grand Success of the Nationwide General Strike on 09thJuly 2025

More than 25 crores participate in the Strike action/Rasta Roko/Rail Roko all over the country in the formal and informal sectors, in Government, Public sector enterprises, and industrial areas. There were very large mobilisations in rural India and also at block-sub-division levels by informal sector workers, agricultural labour and farmers and other sections of common people. Participation of students and youth was quite visible in many states. The ranks and file of Samyukt Kisan Morcha and joint front of Agricultural Labour Unions played significant role in the mobilisation in rural India 

The workers and their unions in Coal, NMDC Ltd, other non-coal minerals such as iron-ore, Copper, Bauxite, Aluminium, Gold mines etc, Steel, Banks, LIC, GIC, Petroleum, Electricity, Postal, Grameen Dak Sevaks, Telecom, Atomic Energy, Cement, Port & Dock, plantations, Jute Mills Public transport, transport of various type in private sector, state government employees in various sectors/states and central govt employees in major areas like postal, income-tax, audit and others went on strike. The workers/employees in most of the Industrial areas in the country including in many MNCs joined the strike in a big way and organised processions. The defence sector employees held protest demonstrations for one hour in support of strike and joined office only after that as per their decision. The railway unions mobilised and participated in solidarity actions in. The unions in Construction, Beedi, Anganwadi, ASHA, Mid-Day Meal, and other Scheme workers, Fisheries, Domestic workers, Hawkers and vendors, Head-load workers,Home based piece rate workers and Rickshaw, Auto, Taxi were among those who participated in strike and joined Rasta Roko, Rail Roko at several places. The students, youth, women and social activists also participated in processions and dharna actions in many places. The common people supported these actions. The markets were closed at many places in response to Strike/Bandh call

There was Bandh like situation in many areas of the country like in the states of Puducherry, Assam, Bihar, Jharkhand Tamilnadu, Punjab, Kerala, West Bengal, Odisha, Karnataka, Goa, Meghalaya, Manipur etc. Reports of Partial bandhs were also received in many segments of Rajasthan, Haryana, Telangana,Andhra Pradesh etc. There was industrial and sectoral strike held in Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand & Gujarat (the news from other states are still awaited).

Workers joined the strike action en masse throughout the country bravely confronting numerous intimidating and repressive actions and threats by the administrations, both of the Centre and many states and also the employers.

The strikers expressed their anguish against the anti-national policies of the Government to favour Indian and Foreign corporates and the international finance capital as against Public Sector Undertakings, Public services as well as against the small trade and businesses.The government through its policy of National Monetisation Pipeline(NMP)has put on sale the infrastructure, the natural resources and national assets which will jeopardize the self-reliant development of the country, posing threat to its Sovereignty. High time to oppose and fight these anti national policies, the agitators opined.

The people expressed themselves against the rising inequalities in the face of unprecedented price rise of essential commodities, rising unemployment and underemployment leading to desperation, increased suicides of casual labour and the unemployed youth. 

The government has not been conducting Indian labour conference for last 10 years, violating international labour standards and continues taking decisions in contravention to the interest of labour force including attempts to impose four labour codes to favour employers in the name of 'Ease of doing Business'. 

The trade unions consider these labour codes as negation of the labour rights won over after struggle of 150 years from British Raj onwards. These codes negate our right to strike, make union registration problematic,  de-recognition of unions easy, the process of conciliation and adjudication cumbersome, winding up labour courts and  introducing tribunal for workers, overriding power to registrars to de-register unions, definition of wage being changed and the schedule of occupations for minimum wages applicability being abolished, Occupational Safety and Healthand Working Conditions code designed to put the right of safety of every worker and also rights and entitlements of workers in workplace in total jeopardy, the inspections exclusive putting the right of safety of every worker made in jeopardy, the inspections have been done away with and facilitators to facilitate employers is being brought, change in industrial code and its rule for increasing applicability-threshold from 100 to 300 would push out 70percent of industries out of the coverage of labour laws, the changes in factory act also would throw out substantial number of workforce from its coverage, giving the employers class wide discretionary powers to repress and exploit.

There is no labour protection, fixed term employment is fully devoid of labour law protection, unlimited apprenticeship and no compulsion of absorption is another way of exploitation, violation by employers being decriminalised whereas criminalization of  trade union leader on the cards, the limit of contractor licence proposed to increase from 20 to 50, outsourcing and contractorization being made normal, recruitment of sanctioned posts not being done rather there is ban on new posts creation leading to rising unemployment, trend of appointments of retirees instead of regular employment to unemployed youth etc.

The unions are asking for immediate recruitments in the sanctioned posts lying vacant in all Govt departments and PSUs, creation of more jobs in industries and services, increase in days and remuneration of MGNREGA workers and enactment of similar legislation for Urban areas. But the government is busy imposing ELI scheme to incentivise employers instead, in order to subsidise their labour cost and informalize the workforce. In Government departments and in public sector, instead of providing regular appointments for youth, the policy to recruit the retirees on the one hand and appointing fixed–term/apprentices/trainees/interns in the core jobs on the other, is being brought as witnessed in Railways, NMDC Ltd, Steel sector, teaching cadres etc. This is damaging to the growth of the country where 65 percent population is below the age of 35 years and the numbers of unemployed is maximum in the age group of 20 to 25yrs. The government is making fraudulent claims on employment and provisions of social security. The existing social security schemes are being weakened and the attempts being made to bring private players into it. 

The attack on the democratic rights as enshrined in Indian Constitution continues more vigorously by this ruling regime and now the attempt to de-franchise the migrant workers is being designed beginning with Bihar as immediate case. The misuse of constitutional bodies is rampant to suppress voices of opposition, the enactments in some states to control and criminalise mass movements is on the cards; the Public Security Bill in Maharashtra and similar enactments in the state of Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh etc are the pointers. Now the attempts to snatch the citizenship is on the cards.

This is the beginning of the prolonged battle in the days to follow in the sectoral levels focussed on determined united resistance, again to culminate into a bigger national level heightened united action.

The unions in Delhi after taking out procession in industrial areas effecting strike held a public rally at Jantar Mantar, New Delhi which was addressed by National leaders of 10 Central Trade Unions Ashok Singh-INTUC, Amarjeet Kaur-AITUC, Harbhajan Singh-HMS, Tapan Sen-CITU, Rajiv Dimri-AICCTU, Lata Ben-SEWA, Chaurasia-AIUTUC, Jawahar-LPF, Dharmendra Verma-TUCC and R S Dagar-UTUC. The union leaders from ICEU and MEC, and leaders of AIKS and Agri-agriculture workers also addressed.  

The platform of Central Trade Unions and Independent Sectoral Federations and INTUC, AITUC, HMS, CITU, AIUTUC, TUCC, SEWA, AICCTU, LPF, UTUC

Bengal: Working Class Shows Fighting Spirit in Observing General Strike


Sandip Chakraborty 

Clashes between Left workers and TMC activists, along with police, were reported in several areas.

Banners outside Presidency College in Kolkata during the July 9, 2025, general strike call by central trade unions.

Kolkata: West Bengal turned into battlefield on Wednesday from the wee hours of the morning, with clashes reported in various places between the striking workers and members of the ruling Trinamool Congress, police as well as the Bharatiya Janata party (BJP).

Several rallies were taken out across the state with working people holding red flags as part of the countrywide strike call by central trade unions, independent federations and farmer organisations against the anti-people policies of the BJP-led Central government.

Over 1,000 Left workers were arrested by the police for taking part in the protest rallies, a democratic right of citizens. 

The CPI(M) said its workers faced the brunt of police attack on unarmed protesters. Around 1.30 a.m, a  college gate that was closed as everybody had joined the strike, was forcibly opened by the police. The CPI(M) has called for protests for the next three days against the “nefarious role” of the state police. In Baranagar of North Parganas district, clashes were reported between the ‘Bharat Bandh’ supporters and its detractors, leaving many injured. In Coochbehar of North Bengal, 89 hartal supporters were arrested.

The working people of Bengal came out in huge numbers, building human fortresses in every road, Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) state general secretary Ziaul Alam said.  After joining a protest march in support of the strike up to the Entally market in Central Kolkata, the workers and employees bravely faced the police onslaught, he added.

Work in educational institutions, banks, insurance and government departments mostly came to a standstill. There were reports of arrests in Kanthi in East Medinipore district, Jadavpore in South 24 Parganas and Chanchol of Malda district.   

In Posta of Burrabazar, one of the largest trading hubs, coolies and other workers stopped work and shouted slogans in support of the strike. 

Most private bus workers, too, joined. Bus and railway services remained stalled as strike supporters squatted on the roads, in front of the factory gates, in mohallas and business establishments. 

In the tea gardens, over 90% workers joined the strike. In Jalpaiguiri, out of 153 tea gardens, the strike was total in 130, according to CPI(M). In North Bengal’s Darjeeling district sporadic clashes were reported between strike supporters and TMC activists. 

Kolkata bore a deserted look from 6 a.m. In Pandua rail station in Hooghly, TMC supporters clashed with Left supporters. However, the Metro remained open, but maintained its run with a low number of passengers. Later, it, too, closed down. Air services in the city were also affected as also work at the Salt Lake Electronic Complex, which houses a large number of tech companies. However, some essential services companies carried on with their work.

 


Manipur Comes to a Standstill

Manipur in the North East came to a standstill on Wednesday as the nationwide general strike called by the Joint Platform of Central Trade Unions and Independent Federations/Associations got widespread support.

State government employees, school and college teachers, bank, insurance, BSNL, postal employees, scheme workers, namely, midday meal workers, ASHA workers, Anganwadi workers and helpers, NHM workers etc., motor vehicle workers, construction workers, shop and establishment workers, telecom workers, farmers and agricultural workers aprticiapted in the protest action.


Ema market and other markets in urban and rural Manipur were totally paralysed. Passenger vehicles, petroleum and gas tankers and trucks were off the road. Only private cars were plying. Employees and workers held a sit-in protest in their respective offices and educational institutions. The general strike was total in Jiribam district and partial in the hill districts, said Kshetrimayum Santa of Coordinating Body of Trade Unions in Manipur.




Capturing New Politics of the July 9 General Strike


Sudip Dutta 


The current crisis calls for militant action from the working class, with concrete and transformative demands that not only expose the State and system but also give a glimpse of the future society.


India is preparing for the 22nd general strike in its neoliberal period. These strikes are usually seen as strikes based on contemporary economic issues and worker demands. And, from this emanates the socio-psychological limitations of realising the actual political potential of the general strikes. This creates a lacuna, the inability to transform these strikes as weapons against the capitalist state and the system as a whole, which calls for a quantitative and qualitative study of strike-struggle. This is an important task for all working-class parties to understand the stage and routes of development of capitalism and its most precious creation – the modern working class.

Bourgeois critics and their spokespersons have always attempted to dilute the perspective of general strikes by raising doubts about its effectiveness. While half of them raise questions about its success, the rest mourn the economic loss and livelihood loss of poor people impacted by strikes.

For one day, the masters of plunder turn into self-sacrificing saints. The only answer to this hypocrisy is the development of class-consciousness and expression of class strength through strike actions, when the strikers assess their numbers on the street and the society recognises its actual driving force i.e., the working people.

From this point of view, a strike-action is an exercise in self-assessment of the striking power, organisational capacity and reach of the strikers participating in the action. At the same time, a general strike-action is also pivotal for proper evaluation of the level of political consciousness, i.e., the degree of penetration of politics of strike within the strikers. It is crucial to identify the strengths and weaknesses of the ongoing organised working-class movement in this regard.

Undoubtedly, a general strike has great economic implications. It creates a rupture in the production and circulation of commodities and services, not only of a specific sector, but across a wide web of value chains and different stages of value accumulation. A general strike creates fissures in four class processes -- production, appropriation, distribution and receipt of surplus values. The simultaneous attacks on these four processes expose class antagonism, and bring out in open the class character of the State, thus making the distinction between the two camps overtly prominent – the driver and the subject of an oppressive state.

Generally, this is not a spontaneous process; it doesn’t flow free from economic attack; rather, a general strike transcends to a political one if the strikers can identify the nature of the State through their struggle and experience.

There is a remarkable phenomenon visible in the current Indian experience of strike-struggle. To understand this, we need to decode and analyse some recent strikes in India. Though strike statistics are quite unreliable and unavailable in India, with government reports a blatant underestimation and suppression of reality, let us follow the trend presented in it to have an idea of the changed dynamics of the new labour regime.

The Central government publishes a report annually called Statistics on Industrial Disputes, Closures, Retrenchments and Lay-offs in India, though the last report available in public domain was published in 2023. A study of the reports of the past two decades shows that the number of industrial strikes, the number of strikers and loss of man-days have drastically reduced throughout this time period. At the same time, general strikes have become more consistent, participative and militant. This is a departure from our traditional understanding of the relation between industrial and general (economic and political) strike.

In his 1912 article, ‘Economic and Political Strikes’, V.I Lenin wrote, “When the movement was at its highest (1905), the economic basis of the struggle was the broadest; in that year the political strike rested on the firm and solid basis of economic strikes.”  “In the first quarter of 1905, for instance, economic strikes noticeably predominated over political strikes... In the last quarter of 1905, however, the ratio was reversed… But all the time there was a connection between the economic and the political strike.” But, in the current Indian scenario, the reality certainly appears to be different.

The reason lies within the changes in the process of production and the relation of employment as well as the construction of the whole social production-reproduction ecosystem as a gigantic capitalist machine of surplus extraction. Let us go step by step.

The modern stage of capitalism, with unprecedented development of transport, communication and remote operation, has fragmented the process of industrial production into numerous layers. Globalisation and eventual existence of different economic zones facilitate this process with supply of the cheapest labour and raw-materials at the service of capital.

For instance, an auto OEM (Original Equipment Manufacturer) factory may have 200-300 tier-1 suppliers who provide components and systems, such as engines, transmissions, brakes, and electrical systems; 1,500-2,000 tier-2 suppliers who provide sub-components and raw materials; and thousands of tier-3 suppliers who provide raw materials, commodities, and basic components to tier-2 suppliers. The total suppliers are over 5,000 across all tiers.

This fragmentation of the work-process has dismantled the old Fordist concept of a big, one-roof shop-floor. The rate of surplus extraction of these big companies largely depends upon the capacity to exploit its supply-chain workers through squeezing their employers i.e., the suppliers. There is little scope for workers of those supply-chain companies to fight a united and strong industrial battle against their employers due to the paucity of numbers in a single establishment, a comparatively lower rate of profit of the employers down the value-chain and limitation of organisation due to fragility and precarity of the employment and spread of the production-chain across the globe.  

The second aspect is the massive non-regularity in the employment process. In strategic public sectors, the number of contractual employees has come to 70% or more of the total strength. One can imagine the situation in the private sector.

A contractual or fixed-term worker, an apprentice or trainee, employed for Rs 10,000 per month salary or stipend, will be naturally sensitive about the status and protection of his/her job. A huge army of unemployed youth is standing at the factory gate to replace them.

For migrant workers, there are other forms of social-insecurities over and above these issues. There is a very little chance for them to lodge strong, factory-based industrial action until the mass of the workers face retrenchment or any other penal actions. Their living and working conditions increasingly become subject to further deterioration and disgrace. They want to protest but are still vulnerable in getting organised at the factory level.

Most importantly, modern capitalism has expanded its clutches over the farthest and deepest points of Indian society and over all strata of working people. It has established an invisible surplus extraction mechanism through penetration of the market, finance and State to ensure the sub-human subsistence of the mass of the population, forced attachment of them into their temporary unsecured occupation and transfer of their surplus toward the corporate masters of the regime.

Self-employed, petty-producers, traders or peasants – all are prey to the diktats of the market and the State, run by the big bourgeoisie and international finance capital. The mass of the Indian people, the bottom 50%, are surviving in inhuman conditions and are frustrated and angry over the existing socio-political system.

A general strike gives all these different constituents of “collective workers” a scope to express their discontent and rage. It goes without saying that industrial workers in strategic and manufacturing sectors will be the spearhead of this collective action, but its spread engulfs a large section of the working people. And here lies the material reason for strong support to the general strike across the country. Also, with this emerge new tasks for transformative political forces.

The ground for transforming general strikes toward a political strike is ready. But the nature of the strike is still defensive – workers are trying to resist the changes introduced by capitalists, worsening their living and working (say, repealing of the labour codes). We must internalise that capitalism is in crisis and the strike-actions of our time will evolve as more offensive, not only to protect but to transform the existing reality.

Certainly, crisis demands militant action from the working class; but to give the general strike a true political character, the requisite will be to advance and popularise transformative demands; demands that not only expose the ruling State and system but create an imagination, a glimpse of the future society.

A campaign with concrete alternatives can give a ray of hope to this great, diverse and dispersed productive force of Indian society – united by a general strike, expressing its existence and strength to the world. As the enemies say - Behind every strike lurks the hydra [monster] of revolutionit is our task to shake their fortress with the July 9 general strike.

The writer is a leader of the Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU). The views are personal.


Why a General Strike on July 9, 2025?



Subodh Varma 




Here is a brief explainer about what is going to happen and why.


A historic and unprecedented protest action is going to take place in India on July 9, 2025. It is expected to be one of the biggest strikes in history, with crores of workers, employees and informal sector workers joining hands with farmers and agricultural labourers across the country to stop work and come out on the streets.

Apart from public and private sector industrial units, white collar employees in banking and insurance sectors, employees in offices and shops, transport and hospitality sector workers, gig workers, and lakhs of other working people will join the strike and observe protest actions like dharnas, public meetings, demonstrations, etc. Farmers and agricultural workers are expected to come out in large numbers across most districts in the country to hold ‘rasta roko’ programmes.

This gigantic protest is the convergence of deep anger and discontent among working people of India against the hostile policies of the Central and many state governments toward the people which have led to raging unemployment, back-breaking cost of living, stagnating incomes and an increasing restriction on protest through organised actions.

Legal remedies and rights are being restricted to stamp out any protests or dissent even as the corporate sections are being given freebies and right to unbridled exploitation. This has led to India getting divided by extreme inequality and inhuman disparities in wealth and earnings.

Who Has Called This strike?

The July 9 strike has been called for by the Joint Platform of Central Trade Unions with the umbrella organisation of farmers, the Samyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM), extending its full support to the call. The Joint Platform comprises 10 central trade unions and a host of independent federations and associations. It has held successful strikes and protests on several occasions in the past years. The SKM is a powerful broad front made up of scores of farmers and agricultural workers organisations that led the stupendous and successful farmers’ protests of 2020-21 against the three farm laws and for better prices for agricultural produce.

The strike call is also being supported by numerous civil society organisations, including the NREGA Sangharsh Morcha, Bhoomi Adhikar Andolan, food security-related organisations, and Dalit and adivasi/forest dwellers’ organisations.

All the Left parties have extended support to the strike and their activists and supporters have been working towards it. Other Opposition parties are expected to extend support.

What Are the Demands?

There is a concrete demand charter that is being pressed for by the protesting sections. The main features of this are as follows:

1. Scrap the four Labour Codes now.

2. National Minimum Wage of Rs.26,000 per month for all workers including unorganised sector workers, contract workers and scheme workers.

3. No casualisation of work in any form like outsourcing, fixed term employment, apprentices, trainees etc. under various schemes and pretexts. implement ‘Equal Pay for Equal Work’ for contract workers immediately.

4. Ensure minimum pension of Rs.9,000 per month and social security for all categories of workers, including unorganised workers and agricultural workers. Workers such as home-based workers, hawkers, rag-pickers, domestic workers, construction workers, migrant workers, scheme workers, agricultural workers, workers in shop/establishments, loading/unloading workers, gig workers, salt-pan workers, beedi workers, toddy-tappers, rickshaw-pullers, auto/rickshaw/taxi drivers, expatriate workers, fishing workers, etc. be registered and given portability in comprehensive social security, including pension.

5. Restore Old Pension Scheme (OPS). Scrap National Pension Scheme (NPS) and Unified Pension Scheme (UPS).

6. Removal of all ceilings on payment and eligibility of bonus and provident fund; increase quantum of gratuity

7. Compulsory registration of trade unions within a period of 45 days from submission of application. Immediate ratification of ILO (International Labour Organisation) conventions C87 and C98 related to right to organise and collective bargaining.

8. Control price rise, remove GST (goods and services tax) on essential items like food, medicines, agro-inputs and machinery, substantially reduce central excise duty on petroleum products and cooking gas. Guarantee food security and universalise the public distribution system.

9. Stop privatisation of Public Sector Enterprises and government departments. Scrap the National Monetisation Pipeline (NMP). Amend the existing law on mining of minerals and metals and ensure 50% share of profit from mines including coal mines for upliftment of local communities, especially adivasis and farmers.

10. MSP should be fixed at C2+50% for all farm produce with guaranteed procurement. Increase input subsidy to farmers on seed, fertilisers and electricity etc. with legal guarantee. Comprehensive loan waiver and crop insurance schemes. Implement written assurances given by the Union government to the SKM based on which the historic Kisan Struggle was suspended.

11. Withdraw the Electricity (Amendment) Bill, 2022. Stop privatisation of electricity. No pre-paid smart meters.

12. Right to Work be made a fundamental right. Fill sanctioned posts and generate employment for the unemployed. Expand and implement MGNREGS (200 days per year and Rs.600 per day wage). Enact an Urban Employment Guarantee Act.

13. Guarantee Right to Free Education, Right to Health, Water and Sanitation for all. Scrap the new National Education Policy 2020. Ensure housing for all.

14. Stringent implementation of the Forest Rights Act (FRA); Withdraw amendments to the Forest (Conservation) Act, 2023 and Bio-diversity Act and Rules that allow the Union government to permit clearance of a forest without even informing the residents. Ensure land to the tiller.

15. Give ESI (employee state insurance) coverage to construction workers, with contributions from the welfare fund, also give coverage of health schemes, maternity benefits, life and disability insurance to all workers registered on e-Shram Portal. Ratify ILO Conventions on Domestic Workers and Home-based Workers and make appropriate laws. Make a comprehensive policy on migrant workers, strengthen existing Inter-state Migrant Workmen (Regulation of Employment) Act, 1979 providing portability of their social security cover.

16. Tax the Super Rich; Enhance corporate tax; Re-introduce wealth tax and succession tax.

17. Stop attack on core values of the Constitution – freedom of expression, right to dissent, freedom of religion, diverse cultures, languages, equality before law and federal structure of the country etc.

How is the Preparation for Strike?

According to reports received at the headquarters of various trade unions and farmers organisations, a massive campaign to reach every worker and farmer/agricultural worker has been ongoing since the decision for strike was announced at a National Convention on 18 March, 2025. At that convention, the call was for a strike on May 20. But due to the Pahalgam terrorist attack and subsequent events, the strike was postponed to July 9.

An intensive campaign was carried out at the local level to reach out to every working person through Padayatras/jeep jathas/cycle jathas/motorbike jathas etc. Factory gate meetings /work place level/ residential area meetings of workers and the people at large have been held. Protest actions on sectoral demands, such as the Uttar Pradesh power sector workers struggle, have also strengthened the build- up to the July 9 strike.

Farmers’ organisations have been holding meetings across the country to mobilise agrarian community to participate in July 9 actions in villages.

Various sectoral federations, such as those of transport workers, port and dock workers, telecom workers, steel workers, coal and other mineral workers, garment and textile workers, automobile workers, fishing workers, government scheme workers, and many others have held large meetings.

Reports indicate that there is massive enthusiasm and support for the strike and protest actions. It is likely that there will be a major impact on normal life in many parts of the country.


 

No War is Just, Not Even ‘Just Wars’



    Fairness should guide international relations, prioritising human-centric approaches over military action and finding alternative solutions to conflicts.

The devastating cycle of wars and their aftermath breed skepticism, despite efforts to assert human rationality and inherent goodness. The inability of human reason to prevent violence and war is profoundly disturbing.

Philosopher Thomas Hobbes saw human nature as inherently selfish and violent, leading him to describe a stateless society as a life of “bellum omnium contra omnes” or “a war of all against all”. This justified a strong authoritarian state to maintain order. In contrast, philosopher John Locke had a more optimistic view, believing that a political state was necessary only to protect moral societies from rogue elements and to preserve peace.

A world without war would require widespread compassion, as envisioned in Rousseau’s state of nature, or a strong moral sense of justice. In today’s world, this would also mean empathetic international community and effective institutions.

Unfortunately, nations’ greed for military expansion and the lack of powerful international organisations to mediate conflicts between nations have made the world a dangerous place to live in. In this context, the concept of just-war gains significance. The question is: under what circumstances, if any, can waging war be morally justified?

The recent Iran-Israel conflict has led many theorists to echo war poet Charles Sorley’s sentiment that “there is no such thing as just war”. While war is considered an evil, some argue that certain causes can justify it, with moral justification depending on the compelling nature of the motive and the importance of the cause.

The ‘just war’ debate has its roots in ancient Greece and Rome and was later developed by the Church, shaped by Christian thinkers like St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas. They sought to balance pacifism with the needs of governance, establishing guidelines for justifying war and its conduct.

The ‘just war’ theory revolves around two key principles: Jus ad bellum (Justification for waging war) and Jus in bello (Justice in conducting war). These principles are distinct, and fulfilling one doesn’t necessarily mean fulfilling the other, as a war can be just in its cause but fought unjustly, or vice versa.

The principles of ‘just war’ theory, especially jus ad bellum, have evolved over time. A general consensus has formed around six key conditions to justify war: just cause, right intention, proper authority, last resort, prospect of success, and proportionality. However, interpreting and applying these conditions can be contentious.

Historically, religious motivations were seen as a “just cause” for war, but modern views consider them ideological and less legitimate. Today, a just cause typically emphasises self-defence, protection of innocent lives and humanitarian intervention. These norms are widely regarded as more acceptable justifications for war.

Iran’s counter-offensive against Israel is an example of a just cause, as it was fought for self-defence against aggression and protecting sovereignty and territorial integrity. Intervening to help another country facing similar aggression, as in coalition forces liberating Kuwait in 1991, can be another example. However, Israel’s recent attack on Iran would be considered unjustified under this condition as pre-emptive strikes against potential threats are not considered to be a just cause.

A just cause isn’t enough; the intention behind military action must also be right. If ulterior motives, such as national interest or territorial gain, drive military action, it loses legitimacy. For instance, liberating Kuwait from Iraqi aggression is justified if done to restore sovereignty, but not if driven by oil interests. It can be seen that wars, like the US bombing in Iran, are driven not solely by ethical or geopolitical considerations, but also by economic interests and military-industrial complex, as economists Prabhat Patnaik and Richard Wolff recently pointed out.

The decision to wage war should be made by a proper authority, a sovereign power, authorised by a country’s Constitution. This ensures due process and legitimacy. However, the concept of proper authority can be complex, raising questions about the legitimacy of governments, decision-making, and the relation between leaders and citizens.

The resistance of people in war-waging countries, such as Israel or US, raise questions about the legitimacy of wars fought, relationship between states and citizens, and decision-making process on war.

Being the last resort is another condition for a ‘just war’. War should be the last resort, after exhausting all peaceful options like diplomacy and economic sanctions. Military action is only justified if conflicts can’t be resolved through alternative means. Israel’s attacks on Palestine and Iran seem to disregard this principle, prioritising force over diplomacy and rationality.

Military intervention requires a reasonable chance of success. But, defining “success” in war can be challenging. Also, while some argue that a weaker power shouldn’t resist a stronger aggressor if the odds are low, others believe that resisting aggression can be morally justified regardless of the likelihood of success, prioritising justice over prudence and avoidance of futile actions.

Proportionality, another condition, requires weighing the desired outcome against the potential consequences of military action. The benefits of righting a wrong must outweigh the anticipated harm, including casualties and suffering. However, measuring outcomes of a war can be difficult. Here, national security and international influence may take precedence over ethical considerations as well, as seen in cases like Russia’s actions in Ukraine or Israel’s attacks on Iran.

‘Justice in war’ (Jus in bello), the second principle of the just-war theory, focuses on two key considerations: proportionality and discrimination. While proportionality ensures matching military means to ends, avoiding excessive harm, discrimination distinguishes between combatants and non-combatants, protecting civilians. These principles minimise unnecessary suffering and ensure military actions are morally justifiable. Jus in bello aligns with international law, such as the Hague Rules and Geneva Conventions, violations of which can be considered war crimes.

Justice-in-war (Jus in bello) is crucial because even ‘just wars’ can be fought unjustly. For instance, targeting civilians or non-combatants, like Iran bombing a hospital in Israel, can render a ‘just war’ unjust.  As wars unfold, the pursuit of victory can overshadow justice, leading to unjust actions and practices.

Wars often violate both principles of just-war theory, as in Israel’s wars on both Palestine and Iran. Using an unsubstantiated and unverified claim of potential nuclear threat by Iran as a reason for war, it failed the condition of a just cause. By attacking hospitals and continuously butchering starving children in Palestine, it failed a just conduct of war too.

A strong and effective international body is crucial for ensuring peaceful coexistence among sovereign nations. Many conflicts could be mitigated or avoided with more decisive international action. As political, ideological, or trade interests overshadow ethics in conflicts, it’s disheartening to see the international community and institutions, like the UN, failing to intervene effectively.

Though logically possible, in practice, one doesn’t find ‘just wars’ being conducted justly. Wars persist, causing destruction and suffering, and we haven’t devised enough mechanisms to avoid them. The ideal should be to avoid wars in the first place and to regulate them, when unavoidable. It would mean fairness should guide international relations, prioritising human-centric approaches over military action and ultimately finding alternative solutions to conflicts. It highlights the need for reform and more effective global governance.   

Kumari Sunitha.V is Assistant Professor and Head, Department of Philosophy, Madras Christian College, Tambaram. Bins Sebastian is Assistant Professor, Department of Philosophy, Madras Christian College, Tambaram, Tamil Nadu. The views are personal.





Odisha: Bengali-Speaking Migrants Detained En Masse; National Security or Persecution?



Sabrang India 

Over 440 people, mostly Bengali-speaking migrant workers, have been detained in Odisha’s Jharsuguda district under suspicion of being “illegal Bangladeshis”, prompting a political storm, allegations of ethnic profiling, and appeals for immediate release.

In what may be called as an orchestrated crackdown targeting Bengali-speaking migrant labourers, Odisha’s Jharsuguda district police have detained 444 individuals for “verification” under suspicion of being undocumented Bangladeshi and Rohingya nationals, according to Superintendent of Police Smit Parmar. Acting on directives issued by the Union Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA), a Special Task Force (STF) was constituted in the district and the detainees have been shifted to two designated holding centres for further scrutiny.

“We are verifying their proof of Indian citizenship and other details like how they came to Odisha,” Parmar stated, as per the report of The Hindu.

The individuals detained are primarily engaged in construction, mining, and industrial labour, and have been residing in various parts of western Odisha. Police sources admit that many of these workers are long-time residents, while others have migrated recently for work, according to The New Indian Express.

MHA-led crackdown, coastal surveillance, and STF deployment

Citing an internal MHA directive, state authorities have activated STFs in all districts — each headed by the respective Superintendent of Police and assisted by a Foreigners Registration Officer (FRO). Their mandate is unambiguous: detect, identify, and deport any individual who fails to furnish documentation proving Indian citizenship.

The Odisha government has gone further by identifying a disused jail in Athagarh as a state-level holding centre. Districts have also been instructed to locate additional temporary holding centres for those detained pending verification.

This sweeping action aligns with the priorities of the newly elected BJP government in Odisha, led by Chief Minister Mohan Charan Majhi, who has made the “removal of illegal immigrants” a central plank of his administration. During a recent visit to Kendrapada, Majhi ordered district officials to coordinate with central intelligence agencies and “take strict legal action” against undocumented Bangladeshi nationals, calling the move essential for “national security”, as reported by The New Indian Express.

Odisha’s 480-km coastline is frequently cited by state authorities as a vulnerability point for unauthorized maritime entry, especially into coastal districts such as Kendrapada, Jagatsinghpur, Bhadrak, and Balasore. Officials allege that many undocumented persons arrive via the sea route and gradually disperse inland for employment.

West Bengal Slams Odisha for “Barbaric Attitude” Towards Migrants

The detentions have triggered sharp political reactions from West Bengal, where many of the detained workers hail from. A significant number reportedly belong to districts such as Murshidabad, Nadia, Malda, Birbhum, Purba Bardhaman, and South 24 Parganas.

Samirul Islam, Trinamool Congress MP and migrant rights advocate, publicly accused the Odisha BJP government of engaging in linguistic and ethnic profiling: “Once again, atrocities against Bengali-speaking migrant workers continue in Odisha’s Jharsuguda district. The BJP-ruled Odisha government recently detained over 200 migrant workers from various districts of Bengal — including Murshidabad, Birbhum,Malda, Nadia, Purba Burdwan, and South 24 Parganas — on suspicion of being Bangladeshi nationals. This is a fresh round of detentions by the BJP-ruled Odisha government, following the earlier confinement of hundreds of migrant workers from Bengal. What is their fault? That they speak Bengali? What grudge do @narendramodi and @AmitShah hold against these poor Bengalis? Despite our repeated appeals, the top BJP leadership seems least bothered to address the plight of these Bengali-speaking individuals. Will they at least consult with @Odisha_CMO to understand their situation? We have already moved the court. If this barbaric attitude continues, we will launch a larger movement against such practices. Our Chief Secretary has also written to Chief Secretary Odisha regarding the plight of the Bengali speaking migrant population Our Chief Minister, @MamataOfficial, has already made it clear: Bengal will not tolerate any move that causes suffering to our people working in other states.”

He confirmed that West Bengal’s Chief Secretary has written to his Odisha counterpart, seeking clarity and intervention. Islam also warned of legal and mass mobilization if detentions continue without justification.

Echoing the outrage, senior TMC MP Mahua Moitra wrote: “23 workers from Nadia being held in illegal detention in Jharsuguda. I urge @SecyChief @DGPOdisha to release immediately. Never happened in 24 years of @Naveen_Odisha & now it is daily occurrence.”

In another tweet, Moitra cited a clearance report from the Krishnanagar Police Department confirming the Indian identity of many of those detained, and appealed for their immediate release: “@himanshulalips verification report of all persons given by @KrishnanagarPD. Full check completed. Please release asap. Delay is denial.”

Paradip detention of a reportedly Bangladeshi family raises coastal security questions

Separately, four individuals from a single family, reportedly Bangladeshi nationals, were detained by Paradip Police in Jagatsinghpur district on July 8. Identified as Kirati Sardar (40), his wife Simili (38), daughter Jaya (19) and son Jay (17), the family allegedly arrived by sea from Khulna, Bangladesh, in May and entered West Bengal via Babughat. After a brief stay in Piali, they travelled to Paradip in search of work.

Paradip police, led by IIC Rasmiranjan Das, detained them from the home of a local resident following a tip-off. Officials confirmed that the family lacked Aadhaar or any Indian identity documentation, and they are now slated for deportation via the Border Security Force (BSF), pending district-level approval.

Local resident Kamla Gayana, as reported by The New Indian Express, who had sheltered the family, told reporters: “They said they were living under miserable conditions in Bangladesh and preferred death over deportation.”

The case has intensified scrutiny over coastal surveillance systems. Despite Odisha’s repeated assurances about enhanced naval, Coast Guard, marine police, and fisheries department patrols, such sea entries continue, prompting questions about enforcement gaps.

The numbers and the silence

While an official March 2025 Assembly reply pegged the number of undocumented Bangladeshi migrants in Odisha at 3,740, senior officials admit the actual figure is likely far higher. However, questions need to be raised regarding the criteria and process being used to declare people as “illegal”, especially when detentions overwhelmingly affect poor, Bengali-speaking labourers. Critics argue that linguistic profiling, rather than concrete evidence, is being used as a blunt tool for mass detentions and potential deportations.

What remains deeply concerning is the complete absence of legal representation, independent verification, or human rights oversight in these processes. Most detainees are held without access to legal aid, family contact, or due process.

Conclusion: Law enforcement or linguistic witch-hunt?

As the Jharsuguda crackdown widens and detentions continue across coastal districts like Paradip, Odisha’s BJP government faces growing accusations of turning the question of undocumented immigration into a communal and ethnic flashpoint.

While the state cites MHA directives and “national security” to justify its actions, the lack of procedural safeguards, combined with overwhelming political targeting of Bengali-speaking migrants, threatens to escalate into a full-blown constitutional crisis, one that pits federalism and fundamental rights against a rising tide of xenophobic enforcement.

The Odisha government now faces a choice: transparent verification rooted in law or a descent into detention-driven populism.

Courtesy: Sabrang India

Workers in Europe Refuse Cargo to Israel


Ana Vračar 


Worker-led actions to block military and dual-use cargo to Israel continue across Europe, defying government support for occupation and genocide.

"Capitalism brings war, popular struggles build peace." Solidarity action with workers at Paris airport, June 2025. Source: BDS France-Paris/Facebook

A growing number of logistics and transport workers, along with trade unions across Europe, are taking action against military shipments to Israel as it continues its genocide in the Gaza Strip. One of the most recent examples is the refusal by airport workers in Paris, primarily organized by the trade unions SUD Aérien and CGT Roissy, to deal with military cargo destined for Israel.

“As workers in the aviation sector, we categorically refuse to participate, directly or indirectly, in logistical operations that could contribute to the crimes currently being committed in Gaza,” SUD Aérien stated.

French workers have also called for similar blockades in other locations, expressing their solidarity with Palestinians. “Refusing to transport military equipment to Israel is an act of resistance and dignity with the Palestinian people,” read a joint statement from rail, air, and transport unions in June. “We will not stay silent in the face of the collective punishment of an entire people.”

This is not the first time French transport workers have disrupted shipments to the Israeli occupation. Earlier in June, SUD Aérien called for a boycott of Elbit Systems cargo through the same Paris airport, while dockworkers in Fos-sur-Mer, near Marseille, refused to handle similar freight. Workers’ pressure has escalated to the point that leaders of major union confederations felt compelled to publicly urge the French government to act and prevent similar shipments.

However, prospects for action from President Emmanuel Macron remain slim, so trade unions are instead urging workers to take matters into their own hands by refusing to handle military or dual-use cargo. “No hierarchy, no contract, no silence can justify participation in acts that everyone knows to be unjust or inhumane,” SUD Aérien said. “We call on all workers, unionized or not, to refuse to load this cargo, to assert their right to conscience, and to refuse to be complicit in this policy of death.”

Similar appeals can be found circulating in Piraeus, the port of Athens, where dockworkers have organized several actions to prevent arms shipments. Their union ENEDEP is now calling for broader mobilization, including students, workers, and community groups, ahead of the expected passage of the ship Ever Golden, bound for Israel. According to ENEDEP, Ever Goldenscheduled to dock in Athens on Monday, July 14, is carrying military-grade steel which will be used in attacks on Palestinians. “This cargo will be used to continue the slaughter of civilians, the bombing of hospitals, schools, children, infants, and women,” the union wrote.

ENEDEP has urged the public to gather at the port Monday morning to demonstrate widespread opposition to Greece’s facilitation of arms transfers. “Our goal is to block the unloading and prevent the transfer of this deadly cargo,” they stated. “We will not stain our hands with blood, we will not become accomplices.”

Efforts to halt arms shipments to Israel are also ongoing in Sweden, Italy, and Britain, among others. In the United Kingdom, workers from various sectors had taken direct action against Elbit Systems and Rafael Advanced Defense Systems through the group Palestine Action, recently proscribed by the Labour government. In Sweden, dockworkers previously voted for a full-scale embargo on military equipment to and from Israel.

In Italy, dockworkers in Genoa and the wider membership of the union Unione Sindacale di Base (USB) have organized actions to obstruct military cargo – most recently at the airport in Brescia. During that mobilization, USB emphasized that workers continue to repudiate war and highlighted an ongoing campaign to support the right to strike in cases involving the handling of military material, as well as the right to conscientious objection in research institutions, universities, and schools.

Through all these actions, workers are making clear that they reject being made complicit in genocide by employers or governments. “Our job is not to transport war,” SUD Aérien stated, echoing the sentiment of other unions. “Our solidarity is with the oppressed, not with war criminals.”

Courtesy: Peoples Dispatch