Tuesday, September 09, 2025

The Return of War as a Tool of Statecraft

Clausewitz's famous line "War is the continuation of policy with other means," 
("Der Krieg ist eine bloße Fortsetzung der Politik mit anderen Mitteln")


  • The U.S. conflates the war on drugs and terror, escalating tensions with Venezuela over oil, gangs, and geopolitics.

  • NATO expansion, Ukraine’s war with Russia, and Europe’s rearmament highlight a continent bracing for potential wider conflict.

  • China, Taiwan, and other global flashpoints suggest nations are preparing for confrontation while professing a desire for peace.

We have the ancient Roman writer Vegetius to thank for the phrase: "If you want peace, prepare for war." The phrase itself was adapted from one found in Vegetius' book on Roman military strategy, De Re Militari (circa 450 AD), the only complete work on the topic to survive to the modern era. The phrase translated literally reads, "Therefore let him who desires peace prepare for war."

Whether that is good advice seems less relevant than whether those who prepare for war actually desire peace. I am thinking of something Madeleine Albright, secretary of state under President Bill Clinton, said to Colin Powell, the then chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, to wit: "What's the point of having this superb military that you're always talking about if we can't use it?"

Which brings us to today: a world decidedly more under the sway of Albright than Vegetius, a world in which everyone seems to be preparing for war, but with little intention of preserving the peace.

I'll start with the recent attack on the alleged drug-smuggling boat blown to smithereens by the U.S. Navy in the Caribbean Sea. The United States is now conflating two failed wars into one: the war on drugs and the war on terror. The word "narco-terrorist" is ready-made for the occasion.

The Trump administration claims the boat was from Venezuela and operated by a notorious Venezuelan gang. But it offers no proof. The navy could have stopped the boat, searched it, and, if warranted, arrested the passengers. But that would involve actually mounting a legal case for which the U.S. might not have the necessary evidence.

The destruction of the boat, even though American sailors and ships were not at risk, is now being called "an act of war." But that was almost certainly the point. The Trump administration is trying to goad Venezuela into an attack on U.S. forces (or arrange a false flag incident) that will justify a full-on war with Venezuela. Importantly, Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth did not rule out regime change in Venezuela as a goal of American military operations in the Caribbean.

Why war with Venezuela? In part, there is concern about growing Chinese and Russian influence in Venezuela and in the Americas in general. And then there's all that oil. Venezuela is purported to have the world's largest oil reserves (though much of that oil is expensive, hard-to-process extra-heavy crude that may not all be economical to produce except at much higher oil prices). Presumably, the Trump administration wants to deny that oil to China, a large importer, and direct that oil toward the United States. (For reference, the United States was a large importer of oil from Venezuela before crippling sanctions were invoked to topple the current regime, sanctions which forced Venezuela to look elsewhere, including China, to sell its exports.)

This military bravado is ironically coming from a president who promised to bring an end to America's "forever wars" and stay away from further foreign conflicts. But so far, Trump is moving in the opposite direction, ordering more air strikes in his first five months than Biden did in four years and rebranding the U.S. Department of Defense as the Department of War, a move that could cost billions to implement without adding one bit to the department's capabilities.

Earlier this year, halfway across the world, the United States bombed Iran ostensibly to eliminate or at least damage the country's nuclear facilities believed to be capable of eventually producing a nuclear bomb. Although that campaign was short-lived and ended with a ceasefire between Israel and Iran, which Trump pushed for, there is every reason to believe that the conflict between Israel and Iran is not over and that the United States may be drawn in again. (For a long-form history explaining how Iran is likely to regroup, read this.)

Meanwhile, in Europe war continues to rage between Russia and Ukraine. The causes of the conflict are complex, but one of them almost certainly includes American unease with European dependence on Russian energy—something Europe and America (and Europe internally) have squabbled over for decades.  This article from before the war provides a sense of how tangled and politically fraught the issue has been.

The Ukraine-Russia war, however, has dramatically curtailed Russian energy supplies (through policy and sabotage) and led Europe to become vastly more dependent on American supplies of oil, coal and especially natural gas in the form of relatively high-cost liquefied natural gas rather than the cheaper pipeline gas from Russia.

The Trump administration has now insisted that Europe pay for a larger share of its own defense, with military spending of 5 percent of the gross domestic product of each NATO country. At the same time, the United States is withdrawing special security aid for countries that border Russia, a move that could signal weakness to the Russians but is consistent with the idea that Europe carry a greater share of the burden defending itself.

In anticipation of a possible wider war with Russia, NATO allies in Europe are trying to increase the size of their militaries.  But they are having trouble recruiting the necessary numbers for such an expansion. Germany has now passed a law that allows the government to reinstate a military draft if there is an emergency and not enough people volunteer to serve.

It seems doubtful that Russia wants a war with Europe. But the more each side believes that such a war is inevitable, the more likely it becomes. Ironically, the Russians have now achieved worse than the opposite of what they hoped to gain in Ukraine, outcomes which will make the Russian government feel less safe. First, Ukraine will never be a neutral country—either Russia will occupy the entire country OR what's left of Ukraine will seek membership in NATO. Either way, the borders between Russia and NATO will be greatly expanded.

When I say that it's worse than the opposite of what Russia had hoped to achieve, I mean the accession of Sweden and Finland, both formerly neutral, into NATO as a direct result of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. And, what had formerly been essentially a border managed by border guards between Russia and Finland is now increasingly militarized—so much so that there is concern the border could become a flashpoint for conflict between NATO and Russia.

And the news got even worse for Russia when Austria signaled that it is considering NATO membership.  The country's neutral status was part of an agreement that led to the withdrawal of the Soviet military in 1955.

My survey of world conflicts would not be complete without mentioning the ongoing tension over Taiwan and the South China Sea. China, of course, has long maintained that Taiwan is part of China. It should be noted that the Chinese nationalist forces, which retreated to Taiwan at the end of the civil war, agreed only with themselves and not with the Chinese Communist Party in charge.

The Chinese, like the Russians, are unlikely to want a direct confrontation with the United States and its allies. But the Chinese may be channeling Vegetius, saying they want peace while preparing for a possible war. The hardware on display in a recent military parade has convinced some experts that China is now leading the United States in weapons innovation.

Just days before the parade, U.S. officials met with Taiwanese representatives in Alaska to discuss security for the island nation. How far the United States would go to defend Taiwan in the event of a Chinese attempt to invade is something the Chinese would very much like to know. But to date, they are taking a wait-and-see attitude. Despite the frequent dust-ups concerning Taiwan, there is good reason for the Chinese to refrain from simply taking the island. Given the terrain of Taiwan and its current defenses, it would be very difficult to take and the Chinese might very well fail.

There are, of course, other conflicts which are getting worldwide attention, Israel's war in Gaza and the on-again, off-again Pakistan-India conflict, which was recently on again. The Pakistan-India conflict has the potential to bring a nuclear exchange as both sides have nuclear weapons. Fortunately, the countries are now in an "off-again" stage in the conflict.

Although we cannot be sure of the intent of all these actors, I'm inclined to think more like a Hollywood screenwriter would. If you show the audience a weapon, you are obliged to have someone use that weapon later in the script.

The title of my piece alludes to a phrase that comes from the Gospel of Matthew, which tells believers: "You will hear of wars and rumors of wars, but see to it that you are not alarmed." I'm not so sure that we should remain calm. After all, even Matthew tell us that "[s]uch things must happen." The context in Matthew is the Biblical "end times," a set of great convulsions preceding the second coming of Christ.

While I do not believe we are living in the so-called end times, I find it hard to imagine that all of these countries mentioned above will be able to guide events in ways that will allow them to refrain from Hollywood endings to their ongoing disputes with their adversaries.

By Kurt Cobb via Resource Insights 

 

Halliburton Begins Multi-Division Layoffs

Halliburton is cutting jobs as oilfield activity cools, Reuters reports, citing two people familiar with the matter. The reductions come amid rising costs, weaker prices, and heightened volatility across the sector.

Brent crude is down more than 10% in 2025, pressured by uncertain global trade policy and higher output from OPEC and its allies. The company hasn’t disclosed the scale of the layoffs, but sources say cuts have rolled out over several weeks, touching at least three business units, with headcount reductions ranging from 20% to 40%. Halliburton, the world’s No. 3 oilfield services provider by revenue, declined to comment.

The move underscores mounting strain on service companies that supply drilling expertise, equipment, and crews to producers. At year-end 2024, Halliburton reported 48,395 employees and had already warned that full-year revenue could slip on lower customer activity. On the latest earnings call, CEO Jeff Miller said market conditions have shifted significantly in recent months, with a slowdown in North America and among several national oil companies. “To put it plainly, what I see tells me the oilfield services market will be softer than I previously expected over the short to medium term,” he said.

The retrenchment isn’t isolated. ConocoPhillips recently said it plans to reduce its workforce by as much as 25% to cut costs, signaling broader belt-tightening across the upstream value chain.

With prices under pressure and operators reining in spending, service providers face a tougher backlog and thinner pricing power—conditions that could persist until demand firms or supply growth slows.

 

Anglo-Peabody mine tussle leaves Indonesian mining firm seeking new coal assets


Dawson South mine. Credit: Thiess Pty Ltd

Indonesian mining company PT Buma Internasional Grup Tbk is still on the hunt for new coal assets, as uncertainty lingers about its planned purchase of an Australian project following the collapse of a deal between Peabody Energy Corp. and Anglo American Plc.

Buma had agreed to buy a 51% stake in Dawson — one of Australia’s largest metallurgical coal projects — from Peabody for $455 million in November. However, Peabody has since said it would abandon its $3.8 billion purchase of Anglo’s coal portfolio, including Dawson, meaning that the deal with Buma may never be finalized.

“Our integration planning for Dawson was well advanced,” Buma director Iwan Fuad Salim said by email. “We remain open and committed to adding high-quality, long-life assets to our portfolio — strengthening our asset base, and supporting our long-term growth.”

Buma has secured debt and bonding facilities to finance the transaction, Fuad Salim said, adding that the company would continue to monitor any developments. Anglo still operates Dawson and has a 51% stake, with the rest owned by Mitsui Resources Pty.

Anglo and Peabody didn’t immediately reply to emails seeking comment.

Anglo’s divestment of its coal portfolio was considered a major test of the London-listed commodities giant’s plan to restructure and simplify its business and appease shareholders after management knocked back a takeover bid from BHP Group last year.

(By Paul-Alain Hunt)

Column: Tin market still beholden to the fortunes of Myanmar mine


Man Maw tin mine. Credit: International Tin Association

Tin continues to outperform the rest of the London Metal Exchange (LME) base metals pack as the market awaits the return of the Man Maw mine in Myanmar.

It’s been two years since the mine, one of the world’s largest, was closed for a resource audit. It’s been six months since the authorities in the semi-autonomous Wa State invited applications for new mining permits.

Yet to date there is no evidence of any ramp-up in activity. Indeed, the flow of tin concentrates from Myanmar to neighbouring China has almost dried up completely.

The lingering uncertainty over Man Maw has rekindled fund buying interest and lifted the LME three-month tin price from below $30,000 per metric ton in April to more than $35,000 at the end of August.

Speculators are once again betting on the obscurest part of the tin supply picture.

China's imports of tin concentrates by major supplier
China’s imports of tin concentrates by major supplier

Waiting for Man Maw

The continued absence of Man Maw supply is manifest in China’s reduced imports of tin concentrates from Myanmar.

The flow of raw material to Chinese smelters dropped to just 933 tons in July, which suggests that not only has activity at Man Maw not resumed, but that the country’s other smaller mines are experiencing some sort of disruption, possibly due to the earthquake which rocked the country in March.

Year-to-date imports from Myanmar have fallen by 77% year-on-year to just 14,200 tons. By way of comparison, monthly imports averaged 15,000 tons in both 2022 and 2023, when Man Maw was still pumping out tin.

The latest concrete news from the Wa State came in July, when the International Tin Association reported that the first new permits had been granted for mining to resume at Man Maw.

The Association warned that it would take time for actual tin production to resume and export flows to recover.

So it has proved.

Stocks of tin at the LME and ShFE
Stocks of tin at the LME and ShFE

No scarcity

China’s tin smelters have had some success in compensating for the loss of what was their main supply source until Man Maw was suspended in August 2023.

The Democratic Republic of Congo has emerged as the largest single supplier of tin concentrates this year, while imports from both Australia and Nigeria have also risen sharply.

But total concentrate imports of 73,000 tons through July are still down by 32% year-on-year.

Chinese smelter margins have been squeezed and capacity utilization was below 70% in many parts of the country last month, according to local data supplier Shanghai Metal Market.

Many operators are carrying less than 30 days of concentrate stocks and taking maintenance downtime in the hope that raw materials availability will improve by the time they return.

Yunnan Tin, the world’s largest producer of refined tin, has just powered down its Gejiu smelter for 45 days for its annual overhaul.

Yet to date the loss of Man Maw hasn’t caused any tangible tightness in the refined metal segment of the supply chain.

Global exchange inventory has been stable above the 11,000-ton level for the last three months, a far cry from the days of genuine scarcity in 2021 when stocks dwindled to just 1,000 tons.

It helps that exports from Indonesia have recovered from last year’s permitting disruption. Outbound shipments of 30,000 tonnes through July were up by 64% on the same period of 2024.

It probably also helps that demand from the electronics sector, where tin is used to solder circuit-boards, has been impacted by the escalation in trade tensions between the United States and China.

LME tin fund positioning
LME tin fund positioning

Bulls return

Tin bulls are undeterred. Funds have lifted their bets on higher prices to 4,515 LME contracts (22,575 tons), while short positions have been slashed to just 610 contracts.

Net positioning is now as long as it’s been since March, when the price spiked to a three-year high of $38,395 per ton on news the M23 insurgent group had briefly seized control of the Bisie tin mine in the Congo.

Bisie swiftly returned to normal operations after the withdrawal of M23 as part of a US-brokered peace deal between the Congo and Rwanda.

Man Maw, however, remains conspicuous by its absence. Funds seem to be betting that a return to pre-closure production levels is not going to happen any time soon.

Whether that’s a correct assumption is unknowable, given the almost complete lack of information flow out of the Wa State.

The answer will become apparent if and when the flow of raw materials over the border to China shows signs of returning to something close to historical norms.

(The opinions expressed here are those of the author, Andy Home, a columnist for Reuters.)

(Editing by Jan Harvey)

 AFRICA

Rio Tinto’s Simandou mine may come with costly refinery twist



The Tin Djou mining camp at the Simandou project.(Image courtesy of Rio Tinto Simfer | Facebook.)

Rio Tinto (ASX: RIO) may be forced to make expensive downstream investments in Guinea as the military-led government pushes for local refining tied to the giant Simandou iron ore project.

Authorities in the West African nation, which seized power in 2021, have demanded that miners present firm plans to build domestic processing facilities. Officials argue that smelters and refineries are essential for Guinea to capture more value from its resources and to drive broader economic development.

The policy echoes a broader resource-nationalism trend across Africa, where governments are pressing companies to process minerals locally. In Guinea, the world’s second-largest bauxite producer, the government has already cancelled agreements with some miners, including Emirates Global Aluminium, over slow progress building alumina refineries.

Guinea’s minister of planning and international cooperation, Ismael Nabe, said the strategy is clear: ore mined in the country must also be processed there. “We want to build a refinery in Guinea. That’s our game plan,” Nabe told the Australian Financial Review. “If Baowu comes to Guinea, they will build a refinery before shipping it out of the country”.


The Simandou is divided into four blocks. Winning Consortium Simandou, backed by Chinese firms including steelmaker China Baowu Steel Group, controls blocks 1 and 2. Rio Tinto and Chinese state-owned Chinalco control blocks 3 and 4.

Nabe compared Guinea’s ambitions to Western Australia’s iron ore mining boom decades ago, stressing that mining revenue should also support agriculture, education, and infrastructure.

Despite tighter regulations, Guinea’s bauxite exports rose 36% to a record 99.8 million tonnes in the first half of 2025, fuelled by Chinese demand.

The country exported over 130 million tonnes last year and holds reserves estimated at 7.4 billion tonnes, according to the US Geological Service.

World’s highest grade ore

Simandou is expected to become the world’s largest and highest-grade new iron ore mine, eventually producing 120 million tonnes of premium ore annually. First ore is scheduled for November.

Rio Tinto first secured an exploration license for Simandou in 1997. but political instability has slowed progress. The project has outlasted two coups, four heads of state, and three presidential elections.

Development includes a 600-kilometre rail line linking the Simandou mountains to a new deep-water port on Guinea’s Atlantic coast. Rio Tinto will operate one of the two mines feeding the project.

 

Burkina Faso seeks to ease worries around mining stake plans


Kiaka gold project in Burkina Faso. (Image courtesy of West African Resources’ presentation.)

Burkina Faso has moved to reassure investors that its request to acquire an additional 35% stake in West African Resources’ (ASX: WAF) Kiaka gold mine is an option, not a demand, under the country’s new mining framework.

Speaking at a mining conference in Australia, Mamadou Sagnon, director-general of the mining registry, explained that the Mining Code introduced in July last year allows the state to secure a minimum 30% paid interest in mining projects, in addition to its 15% free-carried stake. The paid portion is linked to exploration and feasibility costs rather than the mine’s market valuation.

The Code also gives the government and local investors the right to acquire further equity on commercial terms.

“In the case of West African Resources, the government addressed a letter to solicit the opening of participation up to 35%,” Sagnon said. “For the moment, it is a solicitation – it is not forcing.”

Sagnon stressed that the measure was intended to strengthen confidence in the sector, rather than deter foreign capital.

He argued that state participation would boost confidence rather than drive capital away. “We believe that if the State is in the participation of the company, there will be more confidence to stay in the country and make more investment,” he said.

Shares in West African Resources have been halted since last Thursday. The company had previously announced trading would resume Monday.

Regional changes

Investor unease reflects broader concerns about resource nationalism in West Africa, where governments are revising mining codes to capture more local benefit. Burkina Faso’s neighbours, including Mali, have already shaken investor sentiment with new rules and political instability.

WAF’s general manager of sustainability, Mirey Lopez, declined to comment beyond referring stakeholders to the company’s announcements. “We are in dialogue with the government and we are looking forward to a resolution,” she said during her presentation at the mining conference.

Burkina Faso, Africa’s fourth-largest gold producer, has already moved major assets into its new state-owned mining company, Société de Participation Minière du Burkina (SOPAMIB).

In June, five gold mines and exploration permits, previously held by Endeavour Mining and Lilium, were transferred to SOPAMIB. The push followed the nationalisation of the Boungou and Wahgnion mines in August 2024 for about $80 million, far below their estimated $300 million value.

Newly producing

West African Resources poured first gold at Kiaka in June. The mine is now in production and is expected to average 234,000 ounces annually for 20 years starting in 2025, generating roughly $795.6 million per year at current prices.

Last week, WAF confirmed that it had aligned the equity structure of its Sanbrado, Kiaka and Toega projects with the new Code, raising the government’s free-carried stake in each to 15%.

The company also revealed that Burkina Faso had enforced a mandatory dividend rule. In August, WAF’s subsidiary Somisa, owner of Sanbrado, declared a $98.35 million priority dividend to the government, representing 15% of retained earnings through 2024. WAF expects Somisa, Kiaka SA and Toega SA will all be required to distribute 15% of profits annually, with WAF entitled to repatriate the remainder.

WAF also revealed last week that the Burkina Faso government had enforced a non-discretionary dividend rule.

Strong leader at the helm

The mining reforms reflect the growing influence of Ibrahim Traoré, the 37-year-old military leader who seized power in 2022 and declared himself president. Traoré has pushed for greater state control of resources while casting his rule as part of a Pan-African, anti-Western revival.

His supporters hail him as a defender of sovereignty. In April, thousands rallied in Ouagadougou after an alleged counter-coup attempt failed. Demonstrations spread to London, Kingston and Montego Bay, where diaspora groups praised him as a “Black liberator.”

Meanwhile, Orezone Gold (ASX, TSX: ORE), which operates the Bomboré mine, also halted trading after the news of the government’s request at Kiaka. Following weekend talks, Orezone confirmed Tuesday that authorities have no plans to purchase an interest in Bomboré, calling the Kiaka situation “specific and not a reflection of any broader intent.”

  • TWO COMMENTS

  • Africa Emerges as the New Front in Critical Minerals Power Play


    • The U.S., Japan, and China are backing rival rail corridors from Zambia to the coast.

    • China still dominates processing, refining 19 of 20 key minerals with ~70% market share.

    • Control of rail and ports is now a strategic lever to shape where African critical minerals ultimately flow.

    China and the West have taken their competition to secure critical minerals to a new battleground—central and southern Africa, where the race to secure critical routes to move the critical metals to demand markets is in full swing.

    The United States, Japan, and China are backing three different railway corridors in Africa, where a large part of the global copper and cobalt supply is mined.

    As the U.S. and its allies look to reduce their reliance on China in critical minerals supply, these three railway corridors – all starting in Zambia and planned to end at major ports for exports – have become key to who will be able to influence the direction of said exports. In other words, the race for railway projects now will shape where the copper and cobalt will end up in the future.  

    At the end of last year, the U.S. announced the commitment of a loan of up to $553 million to upgrade the Lobito Atlantic Railway in Angola.

    “The project is expected to expand and protect critical mineral supply chains, increase rail transport capacity, and reduce freight transit times and costs,” the U.S. said as it looks to counter China’s presence in Africa.

    China, for its part, will invest, via China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation (CCECC), more than $1.4 billion in Tanzania-Zambia Railway Authority (TAZARA) to revitalize the railway infrastructure and operations.

    Japan last month announced it would support the Nacala Corridor, an international corridor in southeastern Africa connecting landlocked Zambia and Malawi to the Indian Ocean via Nacara port in Mozambique.

    Japan expects the Nacala project to become a transportation route for mineral resources and other goods and strengthen Japan’s resource supply chains.

    “By backing railways and ports, countries are locking in long-term influence over how minerals flow,” Shahrukh Wani, an economist at the International Growth Centre at the London School of Economics, told the South China Morning Post

    Currently, China is winning the global race for critical minerals and rare earths.

    China holds a dominant global position in the supply of critical minerals and rare earths, but its grip on the value chain – minerals processing and magnet production – is even tighter.

    China is currently unbeatable in scale after building refining capacities over the past three decades. Early in the game, Beijing realized that refined products – not the raw materials – are the key to holding a strategically and economically dominant position in critical minerals and rare earths.

    The heavily concentrated supply of critical minerals in a handful of countries and China’s export controls are raising the risk of “painful disruptions” in the market, the International Energy Agency (IEA) warned in its new annual report, Global Critical Minerals Outlook.

    Despite major deals and government support in the West for building domestic supply chains, China has raised its market share over the past few years, the IEA’s report found.

    In the past five years to 2024, while the rest of the world was looking for ways to bolster domestic supply, growth in refined material production was heavily concentrated among the leading suppliers.

    China dominates refining for 19 of the 20 minerals the agency has analyzed, holding an average market share of around 70%.

    “Three-quarters of these minerals have shown greater price volatility than oil, and half have been more volatile than natural gas,” the IEA said, noting that major risk areas include high supply chain concentration, price volatility, and by-product dependency.

    The market is well-supplied with critical minerals, whose prices have dropped off from the highs seen in 2021 and 2022. In this sector, the risk is not supply itself, but its concentration in a few producers, especially China, the IEA noted.

    Now the critical minerals race has expanded from mining the raw materials to control over the routes of the materials to markets.

    By Tsvetana Paraskova for Oilprice.com





  • South Korea wants workers detained in immigration raid to be able to re-enter U.S.



    By Reuters
    September 08, 2025

    This image from video provided by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement via DVIDS shows manufacturing plant employees waiting to have their legs shackled at the Hyundai Motor Group’s electric vehicle plant, Thursday, Sept. 4, 2025, in Ellabell, Ga. 
    (Corey Bullard/U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement via AP)

    SEOUL — South Korea said on Monday it was in talks with the United States over allowing the re-entry of hundreds of its citizens who were arrested last week during a U.S. immigration raid at a car battery project and are due to be flown home soon.

    About 300 South Koreans were among 475 people arrested on Thursday at the site of a US$4.3 billion project by Hyundai Motor and LG Energy Solution to build batteries for electric cars.

    It was the largest single-site enforcement operation in the history of the Department of Homeland Security’s investigative operations, and sent shockwaves through South Korea, a U.S. ally which has been trying to finalize a trade deal agreed in July.

    The raid came 10 days after South Korea’s new president, Lee Jae Myung, met U.S. President Donald Trump in Washington and the two pledged closer business ties.

    Addressing reporters before leaving for the U.S. on Monday, South Korean Foreign Minister Cho Hyun called the detention of the South Koreans “a grave situation” and said he would work with Washington on measures to prevent similar incidents.

    Seoul said on Sunday that discussions to arrange the release of workers, who were mostly employed by subcontractors, were largely concluded. A plan is in the works to fly them home on a chartered plane this week under what one South Korean foreign ministry official said would be called a “voluntary departure.”

    “From the beginning, we negotiated with the premise that there should be no personal disadvantage (to the detained workers),” Cho told a parliamentary hearing on Monday.

    U.S. Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem said many of the people detained in the Georgia operation would be deported.

    “People that are in this country illegally need to know right now, today, that they have an opportunity to go home before they are detained,” Noem told reporters on the sidelines of a ministerial meeting in London.

    Details on how the workers may have breached immigration rules have not been released by authorities or the companies, but South Korean lawmakers said on Monday some may have overstepped the boundaries of a 90-day visa waiver program or a B-1 temporary business visa.

    Finance Minister Koo Yun-cheol said he had heard that some experts had traveled from South Korea to help with a test run of the factory, which was due to begin production in October.

    “You need to get a visa to do a test run, but it’s very difficult to get an official visa. Time was running out, and I think experts went to the United States,” he said.
    Dismay in South Korea

    Seoul has expressed its unhappiness about the arrests and the public release of footage showing the operation, which involved armored vehicles and the shackling of workers.

    Trump, who has ramped up deportations nationwide as his administration cracks down on illegal immigrants, said last week he had not been aware of the raid. He called those detained “illegal aliens.”

    On Sunday, he called on foreign companies investing in the U.S. to “respect our Nation’s immigration laws,” but sounded more conciliatory.


    “Your Investments are welcome, and we encourage you to LEGALLY bring your very smart people, with great technical talent, to build World Class products, and we will make it quickly and legally possible for you to do so,” he said on Truth Social.

    In addition to potentially fraying bilateral ties, the development has shone fresh light on how many foreign firms investing in the U.S. have struggled to find qualified American workers.

    Hyundai Motor is one of the biggest foreign investors in the United States and is among South Korean companies participating in a pledge of $150 billion in foreign direct investment in the U.S., which comes on top of a $350 billion fund that the South Korean government has separately pledged.

    A spokesperson for the automaker said some staff had been asked to suspend non-essential trips to the United States.

    LGES has also suspended most staff business trips to the U.S. and will be recalling South Korea-based employees now in the country.

    The battery maker said last week it is cooperating with U.S. authorities and had paused construction work on the factory.

    A Hyundai Motor spokesperson said last week none of the people detained were employed directly by the automaker and that production of EVs at the sprawling site was not affected.

    The companies declined further comment on Monday.

    (Reporting by Hyunjoo Jin and Joyce Lee;Additional reporting by Ju-min Park, Heejin Kim, Yena Park and Heekyong Yang in Seoul, Alistair Smout in London; Writing by Jack Kim and Ed Davies; Editing by Edwina Gibbs and Helen Popper)
    Don’t assume your child will be your caregiver as you age, expert warns

    By Jordan Fleguel
    September 08, 2025 a

    As more Canadians approach retirement age, an expert says it’s important for people to have realistic conversations about where they will live and who will take care of them in their old age, as those decisions are more complicated than they may appear.

    “There’s often this assumption that: ‘Well, I don’t really have to talk about it, and I don’t have to think about it because automatically, my children, or my firstborn is going to step in,’” Neela White, senior portfolio manager at Raymond James, told BNN Bloomberg in a Monday interview.

    “Let’s say your firstborn can’t… there’s the out-of-pocket expenses involved. I think it’s something to the effect of almost 60 per cent of all current caregivers are spending $640 a month, out-of-pocket, on the person they’re taking care of.”

    White said it’s important for people to understand their living options as they age, which typically fall into three categories: aging in place, retirement living or long-term care.

    “Ninety-six per cent of Canadians want to age in place, so that involves (figuring out) what I need in the home to make it safe, what home modifications, what’s you budget and what happens if you need in-home care,” she explained.


    “The next one is retirement living, which is a social model and is very different. There are no real criteria to get in… it’s private pay, so everyone has to understand going into retirement living, you need to know what your budget is.”

    The price of a private room in a retirement residence, White said, can range anywhere from $4,500 to $12,000 a month, making it crucial for people considering the option to understand what exactly will be covered by the residence and whether the price is within their budget.

    While meals and basic services are typically included in the cost of a room, a residence may charge extra to people in need of special assistance for things like getting in and out of bed or bathing.

    “The last one is long-term care, which we’re hearing lots and lots about and it’s a very different model, it’s a medical model. You have to apply through the government, but in Ontario alone, the waitlist is 48,000 people long,” said White.

    “So, if you cannot get into long-term care, which is nursing homes, what is your backup plan and what budget do you have in place to have your care needs taken care of?”

    White noted that one of the reasons long-term care is often waitlisted across the country is because it tends to be the cheapest of the three main options. Despite its popularity among the vast majority of Canadians, aging in place is more expensive than most people realize.

    “It’s natural for all of us to think, sure, we’ve been in our house for 50 years, we can remain here for another 50 years,” she said. “But what I think everyone has to do is take a step back and think: ‘How am I going to manage the stairs? How am I going to get in and out of that tub?’”

    White referenced a recent survey that found roughly 60 per cent of those aged 65 or older were not aware of the true cost of aging in place when they decided to do so. That’s why it’s important to have these discussions with family members long before the decision needs to be made, she said.

    “Don’t wait until the need arises because then you’re in crisis mode,” said White.

    “When we look at how we’re budgeting for this, I think there has to be a real step back to have realistic conversations with those who we believe are going to be part of our plan, just because we can’t keep making this assumption that our kids want (to) or can take care of us.”


    Jordan Fleguel

    Journalist, BNNBloomberg.ca