It’s possible that I shall make an ass of myself. But in that case one can always get out of it with a little dialectic. I have, of course, so worded my proposition as to be right either way (K.Marx, Letter to F.Engels on the Indian Mutiny)
Tuesday, September 30, 2025
URBAN SCAVANGERS
Coyote populations surge, rebound quickly
New study reveals challenges associated with management of the predator
After careful counting of the animal across the Southeast, researchers found thatEastern coyote populations stabilize faster than they can be reduced.
“In general, predator populations are contentious to manage, but coyotes are a lot harder to manage than a lot of other predators due to their really unique, amazing ability to reproduce. They can bounce back very rapidly,” said Heather Gaya, corresponding author of the study and a postdoctoral research associate in theWarnell School of Forestry.
The analysis suggests a need for alternatives when it comes to habitat management and biodiversity.
Coyotes may be more prevalent in wooded areas than previously thought
Using cameras, categorizing different howls and other biological elements, researchers quantified coyotes per square mile in the Savannah River Site and beyond in South Carolina.
They found between 45 and 50 coyotes every 38 square miles. That’s more than one coyote per every square mile.
This finding was particularly surprising, the researchers said, because of where SRS is located. Coyotes typically favor open habitats, not forested areas.
“Coyotes have the ability to occupy and adapt to many different habitats, and SRS is apparently one that can sustain a lot of coyotes with enough prey and resources for a long time,” saidGino D’Angelo, co-author of the study and an associate professor in the Warnell School.
Part of what drives the coyotes’ success is low competition from other species and lots of available prey.
“For over 75 years, we didn’t have a lot of apex predators, so coyotes started to fill that void,” D’Angelo said. “We had naive prey populations not ready for a predator at such a high abundance. That can have real dire effects on populations that aren’t used to predatory pressure.”
Population control is costly, unsustainable
The study also included an 18-year analysis of coyote populations and how they changed over time.
Researchers found that despite repeated removal efforts over the years, coyote totals rebounded — and sometimes even spiked — shortly after.
Coyotes from neighboring states also made their way into areas with reduced coyote numbers.
These control methods cost $30,000 to $50,000. So the researchers recommended investing in other solutions. That could look like adjusting hunting regulations or enhancing habitats to support other species under continued coyote presence.
“The cost and man-hours that it takes to actively remove those coyotes is something that’s just not sustainable or not practical on a large scale,” Gaya said. “I think that when we’re managing coyotes, we have to consider if it’s worth it to put in all of that time and money for what seems to be short-term gain. And if we’re not able to sustain that in the long term, maybe we should be thinking about other options.”
This research was also co-authored by UGA alumnus Jordan Youngmann, an associate research scientist for the Odum School of Ecology, and Stacey Lance and John Kilgo.
Credit: "pills" by Oregon State University is licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0.
Asking people how much money they would accept to experience pain again can provide a more accurate and comparable measure of pain levels than the familiar 1–10 scale, according to an international research team led by Lancaster University.
Published in the journal Social Science & Medicine, the study indicates that people’s theoretical willingness to accept money in exchange for enduring pain offers a more reliable way to measure discomfort than conventional ‘self-reported’ measures of pain levels such as number scales or visual charts.
In a series of experiments involving more than 300 participants, volunteers aged between 18 and 60 were exposed to mild painful stimuli and asked either to rate the intensity on a numerical scale or to indicate how much financial compensation they would require to repeat the experience. The experiment also included an analgesia study of people experiencing the same painful stimuli but with one group receiving a placebo and the other the pain relief cream.
The results revealed that the monetary measure:
distinguished more clearly between different levels of pain,
detected the effects of pain relief more consistently, and
enabled more meaningful comparisons across individuals.
The familiar “rate your pain from one to ten” question is widely used in clinical and research settings, but its limitations are well known. Individuals interpret the scale differently, making it difficult to compare results across people or groups. By contrast, the authors of the study say that putting a price on pain creates a shared frame of reference.
Professor Carlos Alós-Ferrer, from Lancaster University Management School explained: “We’ve all been asked to rate our pain from one to ten—but one person’s three might be another’s five, and those numbers can shift with experience. Our research proposes a better way: turning pain into money—not to commodify suffering, but to create a scale we can all share.
“Different people still will put a different price on the same pain, but there is no problem interpreting the question. As a result, measurements are more precise and the shift from low to high levels of pain is clearly reflected in the monetary scale. This makes it useful for clinical trials to study the effectiveness of painkillers and treatments, because participants are randomly assigned to different groups.”
The authors of the study say that refining pain self-reported measurement is important because inaccurate pain measurements can lead to inadequate pain management for example in an emergency, a reduction in quality of life for those with longer term conditions, as well as imposing a considerable burden on health care systems. For example, more than US $600 billion are spent annually in the USA to treat pain, surpassing the cost of treating heart disease and diabetes. The authors suggest that their method provides a complementary approach to reliably measure experienced pain across individuals and could open the door to future research improving pain measurement and management.
The number of 340B providers has grown from about 10,000 to 66,000 in the past 15 years, while the number of contract pharmacies increased from 1,300 to 253,000 over the same time.
The dramatic growth of a key federal drug discount program has fueled debate about whether it is helping low-income patients as intended or primarily benefiting healthcare providers.
Congress created the 340B Drug Pricing Program over 30 years ago to help hospitals and clinics that serve high levels of uninsured patients purchase outpatient drugs from manufacturers at significantly discounted prices. However, the law does not require participating providers to pass on discounts to patients or dedicate program funds to safety-net care.
A new white paper from the USC Schaeffer Center for Health Policy & Economics traces how major eligibility expansions and distorted program incentives have helped transform the once-modestly sized initiative into the nation’s second-largest drug purchasing program in the U.S., growing from $4 billion in 2009 to over $66 billion in 2023.
The authors conclude that meaningful 340B reform must end “spread pricing,” in which participating providers profit by purchasing drugs at a discount and then billing insurers at higher rates for dispensing them. This practice disproportionately benefits providers with a higher mix of commercially insured patients, since private insurers reimburse at higher rates than public programs like Medicare and Medicaid.
Eliminating this distorted incentive is essential to ensuring 340B revenues can be directed to safety-net providers, rather than better-resourced ones.
"There’s broad bipartisan recognition that 340B needs reform so its benefits reach those most in need, rather than subsidizing wealthier providers and hospital systems that have learned to maximize profits by expanding into more affluent areas,” said lead author Ryan Long, a nonresident senior scholar at the USC Schaeffer Institute and former senior policy advisor and counsel to House Speaker Kevin McCarthy. “There is also growing awareness of how the program’s current structure increases government healthcare costs and private health insurance premiums. Fixing misaligned program incentives is key to solving these fundamental issues."
How spread pricing incentives drive program growth The number of providers participating in 340B, known as “covered entities,” has grown from about 10,000 since passage of the 2010 Affordable Care Act to 66,000 today. The ACA’s Medicaid expansion increased the number of hospitals meeting the low-income patient threshold for 340B eligibility and broadened the categories of eligible hospitals. Over the same time, the number of participating pharmacies swelled from 1,300 to over 250,000 after providers lacking an in-house pharmacy were allowed to expand from a single contract pharmacy to an unlimited number.
This growth has been heavily influenced by the revenue generation opportunity created by spread pricing. Providers purchase drugs at a discount typically 25% to 50% below benchmark prices and can dispense them to all patients, regardless of insurance status. Providers may then bill insurers the typical amounts without accounting for 340B discounts and keep the difference, or spread, without limitations on how this profit is used. There’s mixed evidence on how much 340B discounts flow to vulnerable patients.
While healthcare subsidy programs traditionally provide funding based on need, the 340B program works differently. Because of spread pricing, providers with more commercially insured patients often benefit more than safety-net providers, even though they have less need for support.
Consider a hypothetical drug a 340B provider acquires at $1,000. Report Figure 3 (attached) illustrates how the provider could generate a substantially larger profit on a commercially insured patient compared to one covered by Medicare or Medicaid.
According to a 2024 report from Minnesota, which provided rare transparency into 340B finances, more than half of (53%) covered entities’ net revenues are driven by commercial insurance. That’s about four times more than Medicaid (14%), while less than 1% comes from uninsured patients.
Spread pricing also incentivizes the use of more and higher-priced drugs to generate more revenue while discouraging the use of more cost-effective generic and biosimilar options. This drives up federal healthcare spending, leading to higher insurance costs for Medicare beneficiaries.
It also incentivizes providers to hunt for more revenue by expanding their base of commercially insured patients, particularly through acquisitions of private physician practices or infusion centers. Provider consolidation reduces the number of independent practices, limiting competition and driving up prices.
“Research shows that spread pricing makes healthcare more expensive and diverts 340B benefits away from the providers that need them most,” said co-author Karen Mulligan, a research scientist at the Schaeffer Center. “Regardless of the program’s original intent, these outcomes are clearly illogical.”
Current proposals offer only incremental reform Recent reform proposals have focused on improving transparency, regulating contract pharmacies and revising which patients and hospitals are eligible for discounts. The Health Resources and Services Administration, the agency administering 340B, has also announced a pilot program testing rebates, instead of upfront discounted purchases by covered entities.
The authors said some of these efforts may represent incremental improvements, while others could conflict with state laws or create compliance burdens that may make it challenging for some financially vulnerable providers to remain in the program.
Ultimately, the authors warned that reform efforts will fall short if covered entities still have the incentive to “buy low and sell high.” To ensure that subsidies are directed to safety-net providers, they recommended reforming 340B payments to reflect providers’ overall payer mix and other factors that indicate financial need.
About this study Other authors are Melissa Frasco, a research scientist at the Schaeffer Center; Erin Trish, co-director of the Schaeffer Center and associate professor at the USC Mann School of Pharmacy and Pharmaceutical Sciences; and Michael Chernew, a nonresident senior scholar at the USC Schaeffer Institute and professor at Harvard Medical School.
This white paper was supported by the Schaeffer Center. A complete list of supporters of the Schaeffer Center can be found in our annual report.
This hypothetical example demonstrates how 340B providers can generate larger revenues on drugs dispensed to commercially insured patients.
