Friday, October 24, 2025

MAGA'S HORST WESSEL MARTYR


Opinion


MAGA preachers make Charlie Kirk a test of true faith. Here's how that went 300 years ago.
(RNS) — When politics and religion mix in religious communities, it is the spiritual health of congregations that suffers.
FILE - Turning Point USA Founder Charlie Kirk speaks before Republican presidential nominee former President Donald Trump during a campaign rally at Thomas & Mack Center, Thursday, Oct. 24, 2024, in Las Vegas. (AP Photo/John Locher)

(RNS) — On the Sunday after conservative activist Charlie Kirk was assassinated, I sat in an evangelical Christian church in the upper Midwest thinking about the First Great Awakening.

This 18th-century religious revival, led by itinerant preachers such as George Whitefield and theologian-pastors such as Jonathan Edwards, swept up England’s 13 colonies. Americans, as many colonists would become, not only joined churches in large numbers, claiming to be “born again” by the power of the Holy Spirit, but also they were unified in their commitment (or recommitment) to God.



The Great Awakening also bred great division, as some preachers, notably a New Jersey Presbyterian pastor named Gilbert Tennent, exhorted preachers to identify fellow ministers who did not testify to an evangelical conversion experience.


This is what brought the Great Awakening to mind as I worshipped with Midwestern hosts a few weeks ago. The minister condemned political violence, lamented the current state of political polarization and spoke about the need for Christians to serve as agents of reconciliation in the world. But he did not mention Kirk by name.

According to some evangelical leaders, neither I nor the congregants around me should continue to attend this church. “If your church didn’t address the demonic murder of Charlie Kirk this weekend, the pastor is a coward and needs to repent or resign,” Arizona pastor Mark Driscoll wrote on Facebook on Sept. 16. Driscoll, the subject of Christianity Today’s wildly popular podcast “The Rise and Fall of Mars Hill,” believes Kirk was a martyr and that his murder has triggered an evangelical revival in America.

Eric Metaxas, an author and host of a daily talk show on the Salem Radio Network, had a similar message for recipients of his email newsletter: “If your church…didn’t mention Charlie Kirk BY NAME on Sunday, find a new church.” Metaxas added, “If you don’t leave any church that refused to openly condemn evil, YOU are yourself part of the larger problem. It’s time to wake up and get in the fight.”

Metaxas, too, believes spiritual revival is consuming America in the wake of Kirk’s murder: “There are times in history when you can see God’s hand more clearly. I believe that’s happening now, and that we are experiencing something that we haven’t seen before: REAL REVIVAL.”

Driscoll and Metaxas could take lessons from Tennent’s fate after fomenting religious conflict in the mid-1700s. In a sermon he preached in 1739, published as “The Danger of an Unconverted Ministry” the following year, Tennent called on parishioners to leave their churches if their pastors could not testify to an evangelical conversion experience. They should seek out a minister who was preaching a message centered on the “New Birth.” 

Church splits followed. In some villages, new meeting houses were erected for those who took Tennent’s advice and left their congregations. Colonial newspapers ran stories on their front pages about the controversy. Denominations broke up into Old Side (anti-revival) and New Side (pro-revival) factions.


The major difference between the First Great Awakening’s upheavals and those inspired by Charlie Kirk is that, in the 1700s, Christian leaders were arguing over spiritual matters. Today, Metaxas, Driscoll and others want people to leave their churches not because their pastor is unsaved, but because he or she did not sufficiently toe the MAGA line on Kirk’s murder. The division here is not over the proper way to get to heaven but evangelical Christians’ loyalty to the MAGA brand of GOP politics.

When politics and religion mix in religious communities, it is the spiritual health of congregations that suffers.

Tennent’s story, however, might offer the possibility of hope. Eventually acknowledging his divisiveness and repenting of most of the things he wrote in “The Danger of an Unconverted Ministry,” in February 1742, he sent a letter to Jonathan Dickinson, the prominent pastor of the First Presbyterian Church at Elizabethtown, New Jersey, apologizing for the “excessive heat of temper which has sometimes appeared in my conduct.”

Tennent claimed to have developed a “clear view of the danger of every thing which tends to enthusiasm and divisiveness in the visible church.” He expressed regret over the role he played in dividing churches and his “pernicious” practice of declaring fellow ministers unconverted. Over the next decades, he published essays and sermons with titles such as “The Danger of Spiritual Pride Represented,” “Brotherly Love Recommended,” and “Blessedness of Peacemakers Represented.” 



There is “nothing more amiable,” Tennent wrote in one sermon, “than to see Brethren, who have been broken from one another by Division, and prejudiced against one another by angry Debate, seeking the Lord in UNION and Harmony.” He continued: “There is nothing more efficacious, to excite Mankind to embrace the Gospel than the mutual Love and Unity of the Professors of it.”

(John Fea is distinguished professor of history at Messiah University and a visiting fellow in history at the Lumen Center in Madison, Wisconsin. The views expressed in this commentary do not necessarily reflect those of Religion News Service.)


Opinion

Kirk's rise as a Christian hero exposes the faith's perilous path

(RNS) — Attempts to sanitize Kirk demonstrate a perilous consensus among many Christians to make the faith the bedrock of authoritarianism.



People listen to a worship song in the overflow area outside before a memorial for conservative activist Charlie Kirk, Sept. 21, 2025, at State Farm Stadium in Glendale, Ariz. (AP Photo/Jae C. Hong)

Andre Henry
October 14, 2025


(RNS) — In the weeks since Charlie Kirk’s assassination, American Christians have chosen strange epitaphs to memorialize the popular conservative pundit.

“If Charlie Kirk lived in the biblical times, he would have been the 13th disciple,” said U.S. Rep. Troy Nehls in a recent hearing on Capitol Hill. Pastor Mark Driscoll dubbed Kirk “an evangelist” in remarks to his congregation. “This guy is a modern day St. Paul,” Cardinal Timothy Dolan told Fox News.

That any Christians agree with these attempts to sanitize Kirk exposes a perilous consensus among many Christians that the faith should be the bedrock of authoritarianism in the United States. This means the fight against American authoritarianism requires an organized effort to shift this Christian consensus.

What we accept as normal or even correct doesn’t arrive as a law of nature. In our larger society, this idea of normal is crafted, story by story, custom by custom, song by song, headline by headline, ad by ad. For Christians it is tradition, the church, liturgy, clergy, and Scripture that shape a common idea of what it means to be true to the faith. Its symbols, stories and rituals shape what and whom we venerate, what we do and refuse to do in our daily lives and what political agendas we support.

If Kirk was an evangelist, his call apparently wasn’t to amplify the traditions, stories and rituals that followed from what Jesus preached. Jesus preached that one of the two greatest commandments from God is to love one’s neighbor. He demonstrated this himself by waging scandalous spectacles of welcome, accepting known “sinners” and outcasts into the kingdom of God and combating the pervasive culture of purity depicted in the Gospels. See, for instance, the famous story in which Jesus pardons a woman “caught” committing adultery.

Compare this to Kirk’s show of antagonizing transgender people, making liberal use of the slur “tranny.” He broadcast anti-Blackness, wielding statistics to propagandize us as “prowling Blacks” targeting our white neighbors for sport. He stoked Islamophobia, warning conservatives that “Marxism” and “woke-ism” were “combining with Islamism to go after what we call the American way of life.”

He sanctified gun culture, saying, “some gun deaths every single year so that we can have the Second Amendment to protect our other God-given rights. That is a prudent deal. It is rational.” His words show that Kirk was certainly a missionary for conservative values, but that’s not the same thing as a proponent of Jesus’ gospel.

That so many Christians aren’t scandalized by Kirk’s ascent to apostolic status speaks volumes about the Christian culture at work behind their silence or vocal approval. The version of the religion that his Turning Point USA organization now vows to carry forward has normalized bigotry not only as acceptable, but aspirational.

That should concern more than Christians. Kirk’s cruel campaigning for conservatism is a formidable political force. His view of Christianity shapes what they do at the ballot box, how they behave in their communities. Until this consensus shifts, authoritarian elements will continue to benefit from it.

The good news is that such shifts are possible. Once upon a time in the United States, it was common to hold African people as lifelong slaves. Jim Crow apartheid was normal. These attitudes were changed by organized civil resistance movements. The same must happen to combat the Christian consensus that supports authoritarianism.

The Civil Rights Movement didn’t just shut down cities with peaceful marches and win Supreme Court cases. It directly confronted the theological supports for systemic racism. Integrated civil rights groups infiltrated all-white churches and performed kneel-ins when told to leave. Signs reading “Segregation is a Sin” were spotted among the crowds of children who marched in Birmingham as part of the 1963 Project C desegregation campaign. The Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.’s famous Letter from a Birmingham Jail was addressed to a group of white Alabama pastors who opposed his activism.

Civil rights activists of the time understood that America’s idea of itself was just as much their terrain as the seats at a cafeteria counter or the steps of a government building. Today’s non-MAGA churches have the same approach, intentionally seeking to change the Christian imagination so that it’s less like to yield praise for champions of oppression.

Christians can be practical about the quest to shift common understanding of what Christians’ purpose is in the public debate. Any movement has an easier time winning victories when it has “passive popular support” from the public, meaning about 50% of the population agrees with the movement.

This doesn’t mean we put the Christian message to a vote. The effort to shift the Christian consensus needs to be nonpartisan, not a movement to simply create more Christian leftists and progressives. It needs to be a diverse coalition of Christians, an alliance between leftists and liberals, calling their compatriots to something higher than partisan activism, but to faithful Christian witness through public spectacle, storytelling, liturgies and public displays of repentance.

Charlie Kirk is indisputably a martyr, just not for what Jesus’ disciples called the gospel. That should be something all Christians can see, and believe.

In Dallas, 6,700 women rally for culture war battles after Kirk’s death

DALLAS (RNS) — The 'Share the Arrows' conference founded by commentator Allie Beth Stuckey emboldened women to carry on Charlie Kirk's conservative fight.


Allie Beth Stuckey speaks during the “Share the Arrows” women’s conference, Saturday morning, Oct. 11, 2025, at the Credit Union of Texas Event Center in Allen, Texas. (RNS photo/Kathryn Post)

Kathryn Post
October 13, 2025

DALLAS (RNS) — “Welcome to the fight,” said commentator Allie Beth Stuckey as she greeted the 6,700 conservative Christian women assembled in the Dallas, Texas, arena on Saturday morning (Oct. 11): “The fight for truth, the fight for our Christian faith, the fight for our children, the fight for the nation.”

Among Stuckey’s hundreds of thousands of social media followers, that fight is often waged in podcast recordings, comment sections, PTA meetings and local elections. But this weekend, the battle converged in the Dallas suburbs during Stuckey’s second annual “Share the Arrows” women’s conference, where throngs of Bible-wielding Christian women gathered at the Credit Union Texas Event Center to be inspired in person by their favorite online influencers, including Jinger Duggar Vuolo from the hit show “19 Kids and Counting” and homeschooling “momfluencer” Abbie Halberstadt.

Held just one month since the assassination of Charlie Kirk, the event also served as a rallying cry for women whose faith has been reignited by the death of the far-right political activist

“There’s a new ache in all of our hearts since Charlie passed, and we’re just so excited to keep this fire burning. This is a great way to rekindle that in all of us,” Rachel Jonson, a 28-year-old mother from Corinth, Texas, told RNS as she sat near the back of the arena, rocking the infant wrapped to her chest.

To these women, Kirk was an evangelist turned martyr who died for defending conservative beliefs about Scripture, family, abortion, gender and sexuality that they, too, hold sacred. In the weeks after Kirk’s passing, the conference saw a swell of more than 2,000 women purchase tickets. And the conference aimed to equip these women to boldly enter the fray of the culture wars. Though Stuckey argues the battle is primarily about defending biblical truths, she says political engagement is a byproduct.

“This is a fight to which every single Christian is called, and it’s not fought on a physical battlefield or even only in the public square,” said Stuckey from the conference stage. “This is a spiritual battle that is waged in our homes and in our neighborhoods, at school, at your job.”




“Share the Arrows” women’s conference attendees line up before doors open early Saturday, Oct. 11, 2025, at the Credit Union of Texas Event Center in Allen, Texas. (RNS photo/Kathryn Post)

An hour before the event’s 9 a.m. start, thousands of women formed a line wrapping around the event center, clutching notebooks and the clear bags dictated by security protocols. Once inside, attendees were greeted warmly by sponsors in pastel-colored stalls peddling natural cosmetics, Bibles, nutritional supplements and merch with quippy sayings like “you bet your stretch marks.”

Nearly everyone who spoke with RNS said they were excited to be with likeminded women. Waiting in her seat before the event, Anna Tumulty, 40, from Springtown, Texas, said she brought her daughter Lily to the conference for her 16th birthday “to help prepare her for her future walk with Christ, and to prepare her to face the problems in today’s culture.”

Carolina Graver, 29, flew in from Palmer, Alaska, to see Stuckey in person. Listening to Stuckey’s hit podcast, “Relatable,” in 2020 inspired her to serve on her local city council, she told RNS. Though she attended the conference alone, Graver said her fellow conferencegoers were an “extension” of her local faith community.

“I don’t know them, but they’re still in the same family of Christians as I am,” said Graver.



Carolina Graver. (RNS photo/Kathryn Post)

The “Share the Arrows” conference was designed with women like Graver in mind. Stuckey, who is best known for her sharp political, cultural and theological commentary and who authored the 2024 book “Toxic Empathy: How Progressives Exploit Christian Compassion,” told RNS that the idea for the event was born in the wake of 2020, when many conservative women feared speaking their minds. Despite President Donald Trump’s 2024 election win, this year’s event wasn’t framed as a victory lap. The phrase “share the arrows” refers to the idea that when a conservative believer is attacked, likeminded Christians should rally around them. And Kirk’s assassination was cited repeatedly as evidence that conservative views remain under threat.

“The pattern that we see of Christianity for the past 2,000 years, much to the disappointment of the tyrants that have tried to stop us, is that Christians tell the truth, Christians are persecuted, Christians multiply,” Stuckey said during the conference.

The values being targeted, according to the event speakers, include convictions about the dangers of “transgenderism” and queer identity, the belief that abortion is murder, and the upholding of traditional roles for men and women in marriage.

Satan was frequently described as the one slinging the “arrows,” though it was often fellow Christians, rather than the secular left, who were accused of distorting what the conference framed as objective biblical truths. Alisa Childers, the former Christian musician turned author and apologist, condemned longtime NIH director and evangelical Francis Collins for supporting fetal tissue research, LGBTQ+ rights, DEI and “Darwinian evolution.” Childers then received laughter and applause for calling out evangelical author Jen Hatmaker, who is also LGBTQ-affirming.

“We have groups of people that call themselves Christians, that will say, ‘Well, the Bible doesn’t really mean what we thought it meant for 2,000 years. Words don’t have objective meaning,’” Childers said during her talk.

Hillary Morgan Ferrer, founder of nonprofit Mama Bear Apologetics, described progressives not as enemies, but as captives.

“We have to realize that people have ideological Stockholm Syndrome, especially when it comes to the whole alphabet brigade, because they think these ideas are the things that give me purpose. They give me acceptance,” Ferrer said, in reference to the LGBTQ+ acronym.



Roughly 6,700 people attend the “Share the Arrows” women’s conference, Saturday, Oct. 11, 2025, at the Credit Union of Texas Event Center in Allen, Texas. (RNS photo/Kathryn Post)

Children’s Rights nonprofit founder Katy Faust noted that it’s possible to love gay people without compromising conservative convictions but also framed same-sex marriage as a justice issue that deprives children of a mother or father. She rejected no-fault divorce, IVF and surrogacy, saying these practices prioritize parental preferences over the rights of children.

The talks took place on the main stage of the arena and were interspersed by worship sets that featured anthems like “In Christ Alone” and the more recent hit, “Holy Forever.” Twice, Christian musician Francesca Battistelli led attendees in the hymn “This Is My Father’s World” — which includes the line “the battle is not done.”

But while cultural battles were a throughline of the conference, there were lighthearted moments, too; speakers peppered their conversations with jokes about chicken coops and sourdough starters, and panels on motherhood and health dolled out practical advice on how to control children’s access to social media and avoid processed foods.

Uniting the speakers wasn’t just a conservative, evangelical worldview, but an aesthetic; all nine featured speakers were white women in their 30s-50s. Most attendees, too, were white women who seemed to embrace an unspoken uniform of jeans or long skirt and casual top, with hair worn down. The event’s sponsors — including a Texas-based, antibiotic-free meat company; a pro-life, chemical-free baby essentials brand; and a sustainable fashion brand — revealed a significant overlap with MAHA mothers (Make America Healthy Again) or, as Childers put it, moms of the “crunchy” variety.

Stuckey told RNS that “Share the Arrows” has a “pretty narrow” theology and politics, and that unlike other Christian women’s conferences “who dabble in the social and racial justice,” Stuckey has “zero tolerance” for that.



Alisa Childers. (RNS photo/Kathryn Post)

Despite the specific conservative audience, “this is probably one of the biggest Christian women’s conferences out there, too, and it’s only our second year,” Stuckey observed. “I do think that tells us a little bit about where Christian women are headed.”

In the wake of Kirk’s passing, Stuckey has joined many conservative faith leaders in talking about the possibility of revival. In her speech, Childers hinted at Stuckey’s role in that movement, describing Stuckey as “exactly like a female Charlie Kirk” who had “rallied together 6,500 Charlie Kirks to come together.”

Stuckey, though, insisted that Kirk was an anomaly.

“I and maybe 100 other people represent a sliver of what Charlie was,” Stuckey told RNS. “If I am part of the team that takes the baton of evangelizing and being an apologist for the faith in the conservative realm, I will be honored to take that.”



Roughly 6,700 people attend the “Share the Arrows” women’s conference, Saturday, Oct. 11, 2025, at the Credit Union of Texas Event Center in Allen, Texas. (RNS photo/Kathryn Post)





 

Dismantle the House of Dynamite

Kathryn Bigelow once worked with the CIA to make a movie widely criticized for dishonestly promoting torture and glorifying killing (Zero Dark Thirty). (She has also explicitly advocated for war-making.) Now she has made a movie highlighting the danger of nuclear apocalypse (A House of Dynamite). I know which film I would prefer for you to see. It’s on Netflix.

Netflix has a show called The Diplomat that supports false flag attacks, destructive fossil fuel extraction, government secrecy, the F-35, NATO, and nuclear weapons. It’s very much in the tradition of The West Wing. Good, well-meaning folks work super hard to make the world a better place, which just naturally includes killing people and risking omnicide.

A House of Dynamite is only somewhat in the same tradition. The people it shows us working in the White House, Pentagon, and various military bases are still TV-caliber in decency and competence (not the blithering bigoted buffoons one suspects cameras on the real walls would actually show us). But some of these people seem less committed to the death machine. Or at least the impending end of life for millions, if not billions, of people presents knee-jerk militarism as less unquestionable.

As you’ve probably already heard, A House of Dynamite depicts the failure of missile-defense to stop a single missile — as it likely would in reality, never mind its inevitable failure to stop a large number of missiles.

More importantly, I think, this film depicts the outrageous absurdity, not only of launching a nuclear first-strike, but also of launching a nuclear second-strike. Are you about to lose one city? If so, should you destroy a distant city somewhere and hope not to jumpstart a mass of attacks that put an end to everything? Or should you launch numerous nuclear weapons, devastating distant nations and guaranteeing a horrific global impact of radiation and nuclear winter, even if there is no response, which of course there would be? Are you OK with being the biggest mass murderer ever? And if you don’t have an answer to that dilemma, and if the initial attack coming your way was likely motivated by your militarism, why would it have not made more sense to dismantle all your nuclear weapons, either unilaterally or together with other government(s)?

The insanity of possessing nuclear weapons and having a guy with detailed plans to use them follow the president of the United States everywhere he goes is fairly clear in this movie, not just from all the people saying the word “insanity,” but also from a less glaring detail. As soon as a missile is detected headed toward the United States and expected to hit in less than 20 minutes (which is generous, considering the missiles now being developed), the U.S. government starts collecting certain select individuals in Washington, D.C., and driving them to an underground bunker in Pennsylvania. In the real world, that’s a 1.5 to 2-hour drive. Even a helicopter flight would take some time. In the movie, those people seem to have arrived instantly. But the chronology of the movie script makes more sense than real life. In real life, Washington, D.C., is the most likely first target. In real life, leaked rumors would create the worst traffic jam DC has ever seen. In real life, someone might live just long enough to ask what the hell distant bunkers could possibly be for, unless the first strike is not incoming but outgoing from the United States.

This article first appeared on World BEYOND War: https://worldbeyondwar.org/dismantle-the-house-of-dynamite/

David Swanson is an author, activist, journalist, and radio host. He is director of WorldBeyondWar.org and campaign coordinator for RootsAction.org. Swanson's books include War Is A Lie. He blogs at DavidSwanson.org and War Is a Crime.org. He hosts Talk Nation Radio. Follow him on Twitter: @davidcnswanson and FaceBookRead other articles by David.

Seven Theses on the Gen Z Uprisings in the Global South


Gen Z-led uprisings across the Global South point to long-term socioeconomic and environmental crises caused by neoliberalism. Yet they have often been coopted by entrenched social classes. Can their energy be channelled towards progressive ends?


Guillermo Grebe (Chile), Muro sagrado de la dignidad (Sacred Wall of Dignity), 2021.

The walls of Santiago, Chile – the city where I live – are marked with faded graffiti from the estallido social (social uprising) of 2019. Years later, these slogans continue to spill onto the sidewalks, from Nos quitaron tanto que nos quitaron hasta el miedo (they took so much from us that they even took away our fear) to No son 30 pesos, son 30 años (it’s not 30 pesos; it’s 30 years). Both slogans refer to the 30 years of neoliberal austerity imposed on the Chilean people, including a 30-peso hike on the price of metro tickets and deep cuts to the country’s social wage system. The uprising was led by high school students born between 2001 (age 18) and 2005 (age 14), who are part of Generation Z or ‘Gen Z’. However, this term, forced on the world by mainstream media, often erases the social complexity and national specificity of such uprisings. Nonetheless, this term and the concept of a ‘generation’ are worth exploring.

The protests in Chile – which eventually drew in all age groups and delegitimized the right-wing government of Sebastián Piñera – were not singular. Young people born in this era led protests across the world, including mass mobilisations against a gang rape in Delhi, India (2012); the March for Our Lives campaign against gun violence in the United States (2018); and the Fridays for Future campaign against the climate crisis (2018), which was initiated by the Swedish activist Greta Thunberg (born in 2003 and recently tortured by the Israeli government). The Chilean uprising was followed by the national strike in Colombia in 2021, the Aragalaya (struggle) in Sri Lanka in 2022, and the upsurge in Nepal earlier this year that resulted in the resignation of the center-right government. In each of these cases, what began as moral outrage over a singular issue snowballed into a critique of a system that has proven incapable of reproducing life for young people.

Joseph Mbatia Bertiers (Kenya), A Week before the Elections, 2007.

The concept of the generation was developed a century ago by the German scholar Karl Mannheim in his essay ‘The Sociological Problem of Generations’ (1928). For Mannheim, a generation was not defined by the era in which a cohort was born but by their ‘social location’ (soziale Lagerung). In political terms, a generation is produced when it experiences rapid and disruptive changes that make it re-encounter tradition through new ‘cultural carriers’ (Kulturträger) – individuals and institutions that transmit culture – and becomes an active force for social change, a far cry from the way in which generations became a marketing typology after World War II (Baby Boomers, Generation X, Generation Y, etc.). Mannheim saw generations as forces for social change, while neoliberal culture turned them into ‘segments’ in their brand strategies.

The term Gen Z has been used in descriptions of protests taking place from the Andes to South Asia, where young people – frustrated with limited possibilities for social advancement – took to the streets to reject a failing system. Some elements of Mannheim’s theory are at work here. It is true that imperialist forces often intervene to instigate and shape these protests, but it would be inaccurate to view these protests as merely the product of outside intervention. There are important internal sociological factors that require analysis in order to understand these ‘Gen Z protests’. Many of them are driven by a range of overlapping processes that emerge from the national context while being conditioned by the international conjuncture. In this newsletter, we propose seven theses to begin to understand these developments and perhaps channel them in a progressive direction.

Muvindu Binoy (Sri Lanka), Protest in Colour IV, 2022.

Thesis one. There is a youth bulge across the Global South, where the median age is 25 years, and people in these young societies find themselves victims of harsh debt-austerity policies, climate catastrophes, and permanent wars. In Africa, the median age is 19, lower than any other continent. In Niger, the median age is 15.3; in Mali, 15.5; in both Uganda and Angola, 16.5, and in Zambia, 17.5.

Thesis two. Youth in the Global South are frustrated with unemployment. Neoliberalism has weakened state capacity, leaving very few tools to address this issue (leading to demands such as opening up state employment opportunities, in the case of the Quota Reform movement in Bangladesh). Educated youth with middle-class aspirations are unable to find suitable work, leading to structural unemployment or a skills mismatch. There are various colloquialisms for the kinds of precarious jobs on offer: in Algeria, there is a term for the unemployed that borrows from Arabic and French: those who ‘lean against the wall’ to hold it up (hittiste from the Arabic hayt, meaning wall). In the 1990s, the university system was expanded and privatized, meaning that doors were opened – for a fee – to large sections of what would become Gen Z. These are children of the middle and lower-middle classes, but also of the working class and smallholder farmers who were able to climb their way up the social ladder. Gen Z is the most educated generation in history, yet it is also the most indebted and underemployed. This contradiction between aspiration and precarity produces great resentment.

Thesis three. Young people do not want to have to migrate to have a dignified life. In Nepal, young protestors chanted against the compulsion towards economic migration: We want jobs in Nepal. We don’t want to have to migrate for work. This compulsion to migrate elicits shame about one’s own culture and a disconnection from the history of struggles that have shaped one’s society. There are almost 168 million migrant workers in the world – if they were a country, they would be the ninth largest in the world, after Bangladesh (169 million) and ahead of Russia (144 million). Among them are Nepali construction workers in the Gulf states and Andean and Moroccan agricultural workers in Spain. They send remittances that sustain household consumption in their countries; in many cases, total remittances (which amounted to $857 billion in 2023) are greater than foreign direct investment (as with Mexico). Social dislocation, the international color line of labor, and the mistreatment of migrants – including disregard for their educational credentials – make the allure of migration near zero.

Sabita Dangol (Nepal), Protective Shelter, 2020.

Thesis four. Large agribusinesses and mining companies have sharpened their assault on smallholder farmers and agricultural workers (the spur for the farmers’ revolt in India). Youth from these classes, fed up with the rural distress and radicalized by the often-failed protests of their parents, move to the cities and then abroad for jobs. They bring their experience from the countryside to cities and are often the main phalanx of these protest movements.

Thesis five. For Gen Z, the issue of climate change and environmental distress is not an abstraction but an impending cause of proletarianization through displacement and price shocks. People in rural areas see that melting glaciers, droughts, and floods strike precisely where imperialist ‘green’ supply chains seek resources like lithium, cobalt, and hydropower. They understand that the climate catastrophe is directly linked to their inability to build a present, let alone a future.

Thesis six. Establishment politics are unable to address Gen Z’s frustrations. Constitutions do not reflect reality, and unaccountable judiciaries seem to live on another planet. This generation’s main interactions with the state are through tone-deaf bureaucrats and militarised police. Political parties are paralyzed by Washington’s debt-austerity consensus, and non-governmental organizations narrowly fixate on individual issues rather than the entire system. The old national liberation parties have largely exhausted their agenda or had it destroyed by austerity and debt, leaving a political vacuum in the Global South. To ‘get rid of them all’ is a politics that ends with a turn to social media influencers (such as Kathmandu’s mayor, Balen Shah) who have not participated in party politics but who often use their platforms to preach a gospel of anti-politics and middle-class resentment.

Thesis seven. The rise of informal work has created a disorganized society, with no hope of fellowship among workers or membership in mass organizations like trade unions. The Uberization of working conditions has created an informality of life itself, where the worker is alienated from all forms of connection. The significance of social media rises with the increase in informality as the internet becomes the main medium for the transmission of ideas, supplanting the older modes of political organization. It is tempting but inaccurate to suggest that social media itself is a driving force behind this wave of protests. Social media is a communication tool that has enabled a diffusion of sentiments and tactics, but it is not the condition for these sentiments. It is also important to note that the internet is a tool for surplus extraction – platform workers, or gig workers, are disciplined by algorithms that drive them to work harder and harder for less and less pay.

Camilo Egas (Ecuador), Fiesta indígena (Indigenous Festival), 1926.

The seven theses above attempt to outline the conditions that have produced the Gen Z uprisings in the Global South. These uprisings have been largely urban, with little indication that they have drawn in the peasantry and rural workers. Moreover, the agendas of these protests rarely address the long-term structural crises in underdeveloped countries. To be blunt, the typical politics of the Gen Z uprisings lead into the abyss of middle-class resentment. These protests are often – as in Bangladesh and Nepal – coopted by entrenched social forces that ventriloquize the voices on the streets and develop an agenda that benefits Western financiers. Nonetheless, these uprisings cannot be discounted: their frequency will only increase due to the factors we have outlined. The challenge for socialist forces is to articulate Gen Z’s genuine grievances into a program that demands a higher share of the social surplus and uses that surplus to enhance net-fixed investment and transform social relations.

This essay first appeared on Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research

Vijay Prashad is an Indian historian and journalist. Prashad is the author of twenty-five books, including The Darker Nations: A People’s History of the Third WorldThe Poorer Nations: A Possible History of the Global South, and The Withdrawal: Iraq, Libya, Afghanistan, and the Fragility of U.S. Power Noam Chomsky and Vijay PrashadRead other articles by Vijay, or visit Vijay's website.