Thursday, November 27, 2025

Platform-independent experiment shows tweaking X’s feed can alter political attitudes




Summary author: Walter Beckwith



American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS)





A new experiment using an AI-powered browser extension to reorder feeds on X (formerly Twitter), and conducted independently of the X platform’s algorithm, shows that even small changes in exposure to hostile political content can measurably influence feelings toward opposing political parties – within days of X exposure. The findings provide direct causal evidence of the impact of algorithmically controlled post ranking on a user’s social media feed. Social media has become an important source of political information for many people worldwide. However, the platform’s algorithms exert a powerful influence on what we encounter during use, subtly steering thoughts, emotions, and behaviors in poorly understood ways. Although many explanations for how these ranking algorithms affect us have been proposed, testing these theories has proven exceptionally difficult. This is because the platform operators alone control how their proprietary algorithms behave and are the only ones capable of experimenting with different feed designs and evaluating their causal effects. To sidestep these challenges, Tiziano Piccardi and colleagues developed a novel method that lets researchers reorder people’s social media feeds in real time as they browse, without permission from the platforms themselves. Piccardi et al. created a lightweight, non-intrusive browser extension, much like an ad blocker, that intercepts and reshapes X’s web feed in real time, leveraging large language model-based classifiers to evaluate and reorder posts based on their content. This tool allowed the authors to systematically identify and vary how content expressing antidemocratic attitudes and partisan animosity (AAPA) appeared on a user’s feed and observe the effects under controlled experimental conditions.

 

In a 10-day field experiment on X involving 1,256 participants and conducted during a volatile stretch of the 2024 U.S. presidential campaign, individuals were randomly assigned to feeds with heightened, reduced, or unchanged levels of AAPA content. Piccardi et al. discovered that, relative to the control group, reducing exposure to AAPA content made people feel warmer toward the opposing political party, shifting the baseline by more than 2 points on a 100-point scale. Increasing exposure resulted in a comparable shift toward colder feelings toward the opposing party. According to the authors, the observed effects are substantial, roughly comparable to three years’ worth of change in affective polarization over the duration of the intervention, though it remains unknown if these effects persist over time. What’s more, these shifts did not appear to fall disproportionately on any particular group of users. These shifts also extended to emotional experience; participants reported changes in anger and sadness through brief in-feed surveys, demonstrating that algorithmically mediated exposure to political hostility can shape both affective polarization and moment-to-moment emotional responses during platform use.

 

“One study – or set of studies – will never be the final word on how social media affects political attitudes. What is true of Facebook might not be true of TikTok, and what was true of Twitter 4 years ago might not be relevant to X today,” write Jennifer Allen and Joshua Tucker in a related Perspective. “The way forward is to embrace creative research and to build methodologies that adapt to the current moment. Piccardi et al. present a viable tool for doing that.”

Social media research tool can lower political temperature. It could also lead to more user control over algorithms.



Stanford University





A new tool shows it is possible to turn down the partisan rancor in an X feed – without removing political posts and without the direct cooperation of the platform. 

The Stanford-led research, published in Science, also indicates that it may one day be possible to let users take control of their own social media algorithms.

A multidisciplinary team created a seamless, web-based tool that reorders content to move posts lower in a user’s feed when they contain antidemocratic attitudes and partisan animosity, such as advocating for violence or jailing supporters of the opposing party.

In an experiment using the tool with about 1,200 participants over 10 days during the 2024 election, those who had antidemocratic content downranked showed more positive views of the opposing party. The effect was also bipartisan, holding true for people who identified as liberals or conservatives. 

“Social media algorithms directly impact our lives, but until now, only the platforms had the ability to understand and shape them,” said Michael Bernstein, a professor of computer science in Stanford’s School of Engineering and the study’s senior author. “We have demonstrated an approach that lets researchers and end users have that power.” 

The tool could also open ways to create interventions that not only mitigate partisan animosity, but also promote greater social trust and healthier democratic discourse across party lines, added Bernstein, who is also a senior fellow at the Stanford Institute for Human-Centered Artificial Intelligence.

For this study, the team drew from previous sociology research from Stanford, identifying categories of antidemocratic attitudes and partisan animosity that can be threats to democracy. In addition to advocating for extreme measures against the opposing party, these attitudes include statements that show rejection of any bipartisan cooperation, skepticism of facts that favor the other party’s views, and a willingness to forgo democratic principles to help the favored party.

Preventing emotional hijacking

There is often an immediate, unavoidable emotional response to seeing this kind of content, said study co-author Jeanne Tsai.

“This polarizing content can just hijack their attention by making people feel bad the moment they see it,” said Tsai, a professor of psychology in the Stanford School of Humanities and Sciences

The study brought together researchers from University of Washington and Northeastern, as well as Stanford, to tackle the problem from a range of disciplines, including computer science, psychology, information science, and communication.

The study’s first author, Tiziano Piccardi, a former postdoctoral fellow in Bernstein’s lab, created a web extension tool coupled with an artificial intelligence large language model that scans posts for these types of antidemocratic and extreme negative partisan sentiments. The tool then re-orders posts on the user’s X feed in a matter of seconds. 

Then, in separate experiments, the researchers had a group of participants, who consented to have their feeds modified, view X with this type of content downranked or upranked over 10 days, and compared their reactions to a control group. No posts were removed, but the more incendiary political posts appeared lower or higher in their content streams.

The impact on polarization was clear, said Piccardi, who is now an assistant professor of computer science at Johns Hopkins University. 

“When the participants were exposed to less of this content, they felt warmer toward the people of the opposing party,” he said. “When they were exposed to more, they felt colder.” 

Small change with a potentially big impact

Before and after the experiment, the researchers surveyed participants on their feelings toward the opposing party on a scale of 1 to 100. Among the participants who had the negative content downranked, their attitudes improved on average by two points – equivalent to the estimated change in attitudes that has occurred among the general U.S. population over a period of three years.

Previous studies on social media interventions to mitigate this kind of polarization have shown mixed results. Those interventions have also been rather blunt instruments, the researchers said, such as ranking posts chronologically or stopping social media use altogether.

This study shows that a more nuanced approach is possible and effective, Piccardi said. It can also give people more control over what they see, and that might help improve their social media experience overall since downranking this content not only decreased participants’ polarization but also their feelings of anger and sadness.

The researchers are now looking into other interventions using a similar method, including ones that aim to improve mental health. The team has also made the code of the current tool available, so other researchers and developers can use it to create their own ranking systems independent of a social media platform’s algorithm.

Media, sentiment, power: New study on discrimination by public authorities




University of Konstanz






In recent years, right-wing populist parties have experienced significant political success across nearly all Western democracies. With their increasing political establishment, xenophobic attitudes have become normalized. While previous studies have primarily examined the effects of this development on voting behaviour, little is known about the wider social consequences. A new study by the Cluster of Excellence “The Politics of Inequality” at the University of Konstanz has therefore investigated how this normalization affects administration practices in German job centres – in other words, concrete state decision-making processes on essential social benefits that are intended to ensure an adequate standard of living. The focus is on the role of negative media coverage of people with a migration background and the potentially reinforcing influence of this coverage on group-specific discrimination.

 

In an experiment, fictitious newspaper articles about welfare fraud by Romanian nationals were presented to 1,400 case workers from 60 German job centres. They were then asked to make decisions on authentically designed but fictitious applications for basic income. The result: After reading an article about alleged welfare fraud, Romanian citizens’ requests for social benefits were considered less credible, indicating group-specific discrimination. This effect is stronger in states where sceptical attitudes towards migration are particularly pronounced: In these regions, it was more likely that Romanian nationals were treated differently from applicants with German nationality – even though they were equally eligible for social benefits. At the same time, there was an opposite effect for foreign nationals who were not explicitly mentioned in the newspaper article: Job centre staff reacted to their applications with less scepticism and, in part, with greater willingness to help. Researchers refer to this form of unequal treatment as positive discrimination.

 

“Our results show that the administration is not a neutral space”, explains Gerald Schneider, professor of political science at the University of Konstanz and co-author of the study. “Where social stereotypes are strong and the media spreads negative images of migration, these attitudes can be directly reflected in the work of state authorities”. However, the phenomenon does not only occur in the parts of Germany where resentment towards people with a migration background is already widespread. Stefanie Rueß, postdoctoral researcher at Zeppelin University and corresponding author of the study, adds: “Negative headlines about migration subconsciously activate stereotypes that determine which of these groups of people are considered ‘suspicious’, ‘deserving of help’ or less ‘credible’. These subtle forms of discrimination can be harmful because they are more difficult to recognize and can impact further decisions. The media, social norms, and administrative decisions are closely intertwined”.

 

Jan Vogler, an associate professor of political science at Aarhus University in Denmark, emphasizes that the results could have far-reaching consequences for the relationship between the state and the specific population groups that are affected by discrimination: “If people feel that the state is discriminating against them, this can permanently shake their trust in public institutions. Subsequently, this may also negatively impact their general interactions with the state, manifesting across many different dimensions.” According to the authors, countermeasures could include targeted media literacy skills training, standardized decision-making processes as well as more balanced (regional) reporting on migration. Through such measures, the state can ensure that social benefits are allocated based on objective criteria rather than on regional sentiments.

 

 

Key facts:

  • Original publication Rueß, S., Schneider, G., Vogler, J. (2025): Illiberal Norms, Media Reporting, and Bureaucratic Discrimination: Evidence from State-Citizen Interactions in GermanyComparative Political Studies.
  • Authors:
    • Stefanie Rueß is a postdoctoral researcher in the ERC project "DEMOLAW" at Zeppelin University Friedrichshafen and a former member of Gerald Schneider's research team.
    • Gerald Schneider is a professor of international politics and a principal investigator in the Cluster of Excellence "The Politics of Inequality" at the University of Konstanz.
    • Jan Vogler is an associate professor of political science at Aarhus University, Denmark. Until 2024, he was a junior professor at the University of Konstanz.
  • Methodology: Representative survey and experiment with 1,400 employees from 60 job centres in Germany (June – July 2023). First, the participants read fictitious newspaper articles on social fraud (control group: neutral article on digitalization). They then evaluated fictitious social benefit applications with varying characteristics (name, nationality, gender, etc.).
  • The Cluster of Excellence "The Politics of Inequality" at the University of Konstanz investigates the political causes and consequences of inequality from an interdisciplinary perspective. The research is dedicated to some of the most pressing issues of our time: Access to and distribution of (economic) resources, the global rise of populists, climate change, and unfairly distributed educational opportunities.
  • The study also relies on funding of the InRa-network ("Institutions & Racism"), a large-scale research project by the Research Institute Social Cohesion (RISC) on behalf of the Federal Ministry of the Interior.

Mass Media, Social Media, the Press, Journalism, Influencers, Propaganda!


National Day of Mourning and that Strange Stink of Pearl Harbor: Emancipate yourselves from fake news!


Note: In the Local Newspaper, Newport News Times, now called, The Leader.

newportnewstimes.com

These are unprecedented times for human intelligence and collective memory. We are seeing turbo charged the scarfing up of the American and Western collective consciousness through the illicit actions of billionaires and their hoarding henchmen millionaires.

So much common sense and clear thinking have been virtually memory holed by the advancing armies of information and data controllers. Larry Ellison isn’t just hoarding all the data of the world through his many operations tied to Oracle. He’s Big Brother of another Mother.

This isn’t your grandparents’ world: Ellison believes governments need to consolidate data about citizens for the sake of AI. He said AI models can help improve government services while also saving money and cutting down on fraud.

Imagine the power of this one fellow and his henchmen demanding the U.S. and other countries converting to a world of AI, after governments (corporations) unify the data they collect into one easily digestible database.

His son David has become the current “hostile takeover honcho” with acquiring Paramount studios, CBS, CNN and with an eye for more media outfits.

Imagine if “we the people” demanded a takeover of all Fortune 500 corporations’ data, while also wresting control of the private and corporate secrets of Exxon, Raytheon, Monsanto or the other tens of thousands of corporations which have turned the world into an Inverted Totalitarian Game of Thrones.

Note: Daddy Larry is the second richest person on the planet.

Those who control the water, oil, food, money, and now data, control the people and the world. Look up variations on a theme and discover which oligarchs have worked hand in hand with despotic and ill-intended creeps to grift, gouge and rip-off the public.

“Marks” is one way to describe how the rich see us. “Useless eaters” is another of their terms for us.

The “wretched of the earth” is yet another way the titans of tech, war and surveillance see us. Don’t just take my word as someone with 52 years in journalism.

Take a deep breath, learn and then research after reading:

“An artful combination of propaganda flattered the mass, exploited its antipolitical sentiments, warned it of dangerous enemies foreign and domestic, and applied forms of intimidation to create a climate of fear and an insecure populace, one receptive to being led. The same citizenry, which democracy had created, proceeded to vote into power and then support movements openly pledged to destroy democracy and constitutionalism. Thus, a democracy may fail and give way to antidemocracy that, in turn, supplies a populace—and a “democratic” postulate—congenial to a totalitarian regime.”

― Sheldon S. Wolin, Democracy Incorporated: Managed Democracy and the Specter of Inverted Totalitarianism

That “artful propaganda” has managed the masses of America to turn against itself, and alas, we are the subjects of the billionaires and their shock troops of finance, banking, insurance, real estate, media and other tools propping up an undemocratic society.

I am talking at the Newport Performing Arts Center as part of the Oregon Coast Council for the Arts. At noon, Dec. 4, I drummed up a talk I titled, “Love and Death in a Time of Media Illiteracy.”

Part of the conversation covers digital media literacy, as a way to precipitate a robust critique of what one reads, listens to and watches in this vast media landscape. Unfortunately, the inability of citizens to grasp subject matter as far-ranging as climate heating or immigration, or even as mundane as to why the potholes aren’t getting fixed, is tied to a lack of depth.

These topics have been studied/researched and written about, in long form, i.e. books and academic journals. When the average person reads something on, say, bee colony collapse in the local newspaper or on Twitter/X, the reader is already far behind on the proverbial learning curve.

It is time-consuming to tap into sources that study these colony collapses and which go to the actual fields and into the labs; sources that are not afraid to challenge power, i.e. the corporations spreading pesticides and those ag businesses planting more mono-crops on land that used to sustain a variety of flowering plants for pollinators to sustain their energy to migrate.

What happening is not just a shortening of the material people read on bees, but there is a concerted effort to dumb-down, and to confuse the reader into NOT taking a position on what solutions might be deployed.

A system of artful rhetorical devices is used in this process – false balance and false equivalency. Both-sideism is more descriptive. No gray areas allowed.

I’ve mentioned Project Censored before. If you go there and tap into their Top 25 Censored Stories of  2025, you will be on your way to a knowledge reckoning.

“Faculty and students vet each candidate story in terms of its importance, timeliness, quality of sources, and corporate news coverage. If it fails on any one of these criteria, the story is deemed inappropriate and is excluded from further consideration.”

Dang – The following are just some of the stories corporate and other media have under-reported or just not reported on at all. The Top 25, but many more are printed in the book, State of the Free Press 2025:

Generative AI security risks, Climate change impact on water scarcity, Indigenous activism in Panama, Government surveillance tactics, Corporate “net-zero” promises, Bottled water and inequality, Protests against fossil fuel investments, Healthcare access in Gaza, Texas border policies, PFAS contamination on Native American land,  Kids Online Safety Act and free speech, Education for incarcerated youth, Media misrepresentation of crime data, Hospital school programs, Forced labor in Paraguay, Censorship of pro-Palestinian artists, Corporate profit in climate solutions, Amazon and labor rights, US support for authoritarian regimes, The influence of AI in journalism, Environmental impact of space exploration, Mental health crisis and student debt, The opioid crisis and pharmaceutical accountability, Data privacy and health apps, Whistleblower protection inadequacies!

*****

That talk, well, Dec. 4, it will be controversial because I am introducing concepts way outside the sacred cow and holier than thou American belief system. AFTER national day of sorrow/mourning. Do I dare bring up that, and then Dec. 7, that unholy day of Pearl Harbor!

Eighty Years of Lies: President Franklin Roosevelt Told Public Pearl Harbor Was A Surprise Attack—However There Is Considerable Evidence Demonstrating Government Foreknowledge

The war that we have carefully for years
provoked
Catches us unprepared, amazed and indignant.
Our warships are shot
Like sitting ducks and our planes like nest-birds,
both our coasts ridiculously panicked,
And our leaders make orations. This is the
people
That hopes to impose on the whole planetary
world
An American peace.

– Robinson Jeffers, “Pearl Harbor.”

*****

“This Pearl Harbor business has a terrible smell.”

– Admiral Chester Nimitz, Commander-in Chief of the U.S. Pacific Fleet in World War II.

uss arizona burns at Pearl Harbor

Spend This Thanksgiving Rooted in Reality — AJ+

Here are a few pieces by Native and Indigenous writers that shed a more honest light on American history and offer a new set of traditions to ground us in this time of uncertainty.

Paul Haeder has been a teacher, social worker, newspaperman, environmental activist, and marginalized muckraker, union organizer. Paul's book, Reimagining Sanity: Voices Beyond the Echo Chamber (2016), looks at 10 years (now going on 17 years) of his writing at Dissident Voice. Read his musings at LA Progressive. Read (purchase) his short story collection, Wide Open Eyes: Surfacing from Vietnam now out, published by Cirque Journal. Here's his Amazon page with more published work AmazonRead other articles by Paul, or visit Paul's website.

 

How social risk and “happiness inequality” shape well-being across nations


A 32-country analysis shows that when national risk rises, societies with less robust middle classes experience sharper declines in happiness



Doshisha University

Interaction effects of societal risk perception and social comparison on subjective well-being 

image: 

The figure illustrates how predicted probabilities of reporting life satisfaction levels 7–10 vary across low (−1 SD), average, and high (+1 SD) perceived national/societal risk. Panel 1a shows results stratified by upward social comparison (Iu0), while Panel 1b shows results stratified by downward comparison (Id0). Error bars represent 95% confidence intervals. Both forms of social comparison exert a stronger influence when perceived societal risk is high; and increases in risk generate steeper declines in predicted SWB in strong upward comparison, while keeping SWB level in strong downward comparison, indicating asymmetric psychological effects.

view more 

Credit: Professor Ken’ichi Ikeda from Doshisha University, Japan






In recent years, governments worldwide have expressed concern over rising inequality, eroding social cohesion, and declining trust in institutions. This study, led by Professor Ken’ichi Ikeda from the Faculty of Social Studies, Doshisha University, Japan, in collaboration with Associate Professor Naoki Akaeda from the Faculty of Sociology, Kansai University, Japan, contributes to that debate. They demonstrate that subjective well-being (SWB) is deeply tied to both a country’s overall risk climate and the configuration of happiness inequality, where society resembles a “weak pyramid” or an “inverted pyramid.” Understanding this relationship, the authors argue, is essential for interpreting what happiness inequality means and how social structures influence well-being under pressure. The study was published online on October 23, 2025, in the journal Applied Research in Quality of Life.

Prof. Ikeda, also the Co-Principal Investigator of the World Values Survey (WVS) Japan team, explains the motivation behind the research. “Happiness is not only about individual emotion but also about the social landscape one inhabits. Under conditions of risk, the structure of well-being in a society determines how strongly people feel the pressure of uncertainty,” he said.

The researchers analyzed Waves 6 and 7 of the WVS from 32 countries to study two forms of comparative disparity:

  • Upward disparity (Iu) – more citizens cluster at the low end of well-being (a “weak pyramid”).
  • Downward disparity (Id) – more people cluster at the higher end (a “thick middle class” or “inverted pyramid”).
     

Their findings show that societies with strong upward disparity suffer sharper declines in SWB when perceived societal risk rises. Individuals cannot choose the societal distribution of happiness they live in. Therefore, when instability increases, people in “weak pyramid” societies are more vulnerable to downward well-being pressure. Conversely, societies with a strong middle class, reflected in higher downward disparity, are more resilient.

Prof. Ikeda notes the broader relevance: “Many governments emphasize building a robust middle class. Our study provides quantitative, cross-national evidence that such a middle class helps sustain citizens’ well-being even when society faces high levels of perceived risk,” he said.

Beyond highlighting how risk and happiness inequality interact, the study offers long-term implications. Over the next 5–10 years, governments could apply this framework to monitor SWB distributions, design risk-mitigating institutions, and assess policies aimed at stabilizing well-being during periods of social stress. The researchers argue that maintaining a thick middle class is not just economically beneficial but psychologically protective.

Prof. Ikeda’s interest in this topic stems from earlier research showing that Japanese perceptions of national risk are higher than objective indicators suggest. His 2022 book, Contemporary Japanese Politics and Anxiety Over Governance (from Routledge), laid the groundwork for theorizing perceived societal risk. This study advances that line of inquiry by linking risk perception to the distributional patterns of SWB across countries.
 


About Professor Ken’ichi Ikeda from Doshisha University, Japan

Professor Ken’ichi Ikeda is a faculty member in Social Studies at Doshisha University. He specializes in public opinion research, political psychology, communication studies, and social psychology. He earned his Ph.D. in Social Psychology from The University of Tokyo. Before joining Doshisha University, he was a professor and earlier an associate professor at The University of Tokyo. His work focuses on how political attitudes, social risks, and communication environments influence citizens’ perceptions and behavior. He has published extensively in prestigious journals and contributed to advancing the understanding of political communication and social cognition in contemporary societies.

Funding information
This work was supported by JSPS KAKENHI Grant Number JP22H00052.

Media contact:
Organization for Research Initiatives & Development
Doshisha University
Kyotanabe, Kyoto 610-0394, JAPAN
E-mail:jt-ura@mail.doshisha.ac.jp