Saturday, December 20, 2025

Declining Reading Habits Threaten U.S. Democracy and Social Connection

Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.

LONG READ

The United States is in the grip of a reading recession—nearly half of Americans didn’t read a single book in 2023, and fewer than half read even one, according to data from YouGov and the National Endowment for the Arts (NEA). Since the early 2000s, leisure reading has plunged by nearly 40 percent, a decline mirrored in falling reading scores and broader academic performance. What is at stake is not merely how people spend their free time, but a deeper erosion of the habits that sustain knowledge, empathy, and democratic life.

Decades of research show that the advantages of reading are both wide-ranging and profound. Regular engagement with books strengthens cognitionvocabularyemotional intelligence, and empathy. These cognitive and social gains are closely linked to higher academic achievementimproved career prospectsgreater economic stability, and increased civic engagement. Reading is one of the few activities that consistently bridges social divides—strengthening communities, encouraging civic participation, and sustaining democracy.

“The most important contribution of the invention of written language to the species is a democratic foundation for critical, inferential reasoning and reflective capacities,” writes cognitive neuroscientist and reading researcher Maryanne Wolf in her 2018 book Reader, Come Home. “If we in the 21st century are to preserve a vital collective conscience, we must ensure that all members of our society are able to read and think both deeply and well. … And we will fail as a society if we do not recognize and acknowledge the capacity for reflective reasoning in those who disagree with us.”

Literacy at Its Peak

Understanding the stakes of deep literacy today invites a look back at a time when reading was more than a pastime. More than a century ago, American writer and minister Gerald Stanley Lee captured reading’s transformative power in The Lost Art of Reading (1904): “The novel which gives itself to one to be breathed and lived… is the one which ‘gets a man somewhere’ most of all.”

Often described as America’s “golden age of reading,” the mid-20th century was a period when print media dominated daily life and literacy was widely cultivated across generations, supported by robust libraries, vibrant print journalism, and school curricula that treated reading as a central pillar of cultural participation.

According to NEA surveys, in the late 1940s, roughly 56–57 percent of adults read novels, short stories, poetry, or plays for pleasure. Daily newspaper readership was high, with about 65 percent of adults subscribing to or regularly reading newspapers, according to historical data from the Pew Research Center, while magazines such as Life, Time, and Reader’s Digest reached tens of millions of households.

Children and adolescents also read frequently outside of school, with 60–70 percent engaging in daily or near-daily reading, sustained by libraries, schools, and family practices, according to the National Literacy Trust. The period also saw the rise of shared reading experiences—fueled by organizations like the Book-of-the-Month Club and the Literary Guild—which broadened access to new titles, shaped national reading tastes, and helped make communal reading a mainstream cultural pastime.

The Data of Decline

By the early 2000s, national surveys were already signaling a decline in leisure reading in the United States. The NEA’s 2007 report “Reading at Risk: To Read or Not to Read: A Question of National Consequence” found that only 46.7 percent of adults read literature for pleasure, down from 54 percent a decade earlier.

Subsequent NEA surveys confirmed that the proportion of adults reading 12 or more books per year continued to fall. Gallup polls also reported a decline in the number of books read per year, from an average of 15.6 in 2016 to 12.6 in 2021. Time-use data from the American Academy of Arts & Sciences also shows that the share of Americans reading more than 20 minutes a day for personal interest dropped from 22.3 percent in 2003 to 14.6 percent in 2023.

Reading habits in the U.S. vary sharply by community type, income, and education. According to Pew (2021) and Library Research Service (2022), adults with higher education and income levels are far more likely to read regularly, while a 2011 Pew survey shows that rural residents lag behind urban and suburban peers, with fewer adults reporting reading for pleasure in the past year. Pew’s 2011 research found that 80 percent of urban and suburban adults read at least one book in the prior year, compared with 71 percent of rural adults, with significantly higher reading rates among college-educated and higher-income Americans than among less-educated and lower-income groups, revealing unequal cultural divides.

A landmark 2025 study published in iScience underscores the cultural shift reflected in declining reading habits. Tracking 236,270 individuals over two decades (2003–2023), the study examined both personal reading and reading with children and found that the share of U.S. adults reading for personal interest on an average day fell from roughly 28 percent in 2004 to 16 percent in 2023—a drop of about 12 percentage points.

“This is not just a small dip—it’s a sustained, steady decline of about 3 percent per year. It’s significant and it’s deeply concerning,” Jill Sonke, PhD, study co-author and director of research initiatives at the University of Florida Center for Arts in Medicine, said in a release about the study.

The research reveals a measurable, persistent, and accelerating trend in specific communities. In many of these households, children also have limited exposure to shared reading at home, further compounding early literacy gaps.

“Reading has always been one of the more accessible ways to support well-being,” said Daisy Fancourt, Ph.D., study co-author and professor of psychology and epidemiology at University College London. “To see this kind of decline is concerning because the research is clear: Reading is a vital health-enhancing behavior for every group within society, with benefits across the life-course.”

Lifelong Reading, Lifelong Benefits

Reading is a powerful tool for brain health, supporting cognitive function and emotional well-being throughout life. A 2009 study by the University of Sussex found that just six minutes of reading a day can reduce stress levels by up to 68 percent—more than listening to music or taking a walk—as well as lowering heart rate, reducing muscle tension, and improving sleep.

A 2020 study in International Psychogeriatrics found that consistent reading habits among older adults are associated with slower cognitive decline—independent of education and other risk factors. What’s more, a 2016 Social Science & Medicine study reported that book readers had roughly a 20 percent lower risk of death than non-readers.

As early as the mid-1940s, librarians and clinicians were documenting the use of reading as a therapeutic tool—a practice that came to be known as “bibliotherapy.” Case histories published in Library Journal, along with reports from psychiatric hospitals and educational settings, document how carefully chosen books could aid emotional healing, foster insight, and support rehabilitation.

Bibliotherapy is now practiced worldwide in public, academic, and hospital settings and is increasingly used by therapists as a mental-health support tool. As a 2025 BBC Future article notes, “Carefully selected books can provide emotional relief and help readers navigate difficult feelings, offering insights that might be hard to access otherwise.” An influential 2016 study published in Frontiers in Psychology found that engaging with literary fiction activates brain networks involved in social cognition, allowing readers to simulate other people’s thoughts and feelings, even when controlling for age, education, and IQ. “When readers engage with literary fiction, they actively simulate the experiences of others, enabling the use of social‑cognitive capacities in a way that non‑fiction simply does not,” the study notes. “If we become a nation of non-critical, superficial, shallow-skimming non-readers, we have no chance to build the base of empathy, critical analysis, and rigorous knowledge that is imperative for our next generation,” Reader, Come Home author Wolf said in an interview with the UCLA School of Education & Information.

The benefits begin early: A 2024 Psychological Medicine study of over 10,000 American children found that those who read early scored higher on cognitive tests and fared better emotionally as they entered adolescence. Yet many kids are missing out: A 2025 HarperCollins UK study reports that only 41 percent of kids ages 0–4 are read to regularly—a drop from 64 percent in 2012. The researchers note that Gen Z parents—many of whom grew up in the digital age—are more likely to see reading as academic rather than enjoyable. Nearly 30 percent say reading is “more a subject to learn than a fun thing to do,” compared with 21 percent of Gen X parents—and kids are following their lead: According to the study, 29 percent of children ages 5–13 now say reading feels like schoolwork, up from 25 percent in 2012.

“It’s very concerning that many children are growing up without a happy reading culture at home,” said Alison David, Consumer Insight Director at Farshore and HarperCollins Children’s Books, in a release about the study. “Children who are read to daily are almost three times as likely to choose to read independently compared to children who are only read to weekly at home.”

Early disparities in reading habits often persist into adulthood: American high school seniors are reading at lower levels than they have in over two decades, according to the 2024 National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) report, which reveals a continuing long-term decline.

Low-Literacy, High Stakes

The stakes extend far beyond the classroom. Lesley Muldoon, executive director of the National Assessment Governing Board, warns, “These students are taking their next steps in life with fewer skills and less knowledge in core academics than their predecessors a decade ago, and this is happening at a time when rapid advancements in technology and society demand more of future workers and citizens, not less.”

Analysis from the 2023 Program for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies (PIAAC) reveals a “dwindling middle” in skill distribution, with more Americans clustering at the bottom levels of proficiency than in previous assessments. According to the study, the share of adults performing at the lowest literacy level rose from 19 percent in 2017 to 28 percent in 2023, and fewer than half of adults now reach the highest proficiency levels.

Low adult literacy is estimated to cost the U.S. economy $2.2 trillion annually, factoring in lost productivity, higher healthcare spending, and other social costs, according to a 2021 Adult Literacy and Learning Impact Network study, which reports that more than half of American adults read at Level 2 or below, and nearly 30 percent struggle with the most basic texts, limiting job opportunities and career growth.

The Rise of Digital Media

Such widespread literacy challenges don’t exist in a vacuum—they collide with a rapidly changing media environment that makes deep reading even harder to sustain. In today’s “attention economy,” digital platforms feast on Americans’ media appetite, serving a constant menu of bite-sized, algorithm-curated news and “infotainment” via phones, tablets, and streaming feeds. As more Americans turn to gig work and experience growing time scarcity, sustained reading is increasingly squeezed out by the low-effort pull of online streaming—according to Pew Research, roughly 83 percent of U.S. adults turn to online streaming, revealing how both shrinking leisure time and intense competition for attention are driving the decline.

Pew Research shows that 86 percent of Americans now get news digitally, while only 7 percent rely on print newspapers. According to Pew’s Social Media and News fact sheet, about 53–54 percent of U.S. adults report getting news from social platforms at least sometimes. Facebook (38 percent) and YouTube (35 percent) remain the leading news sources, followed by Instagram (20 percent), TikTok (17 percent), and X/Twitter (12 percent). Streaming has also become deeply embedded in American culture, with 83 percent of adults reporting use of streaming services.

Reading is no longer just a solitary pastime—it faces increased competition from online communities, social media, and other digital distractions. The mid-20th-century “middlebrow” culture, where book clubs, newspapers, and mass-market fiction created shared cultural touchstones, has largely faded. As Thomas Jefferson warned, “An informed citizenry is the only true repository of the public will,” and yet being “well-read” no longer carries the social prestige it once did; literacy and engagement with books are less visible markers of cultural participation, reducing the societal incentives to read deeply or widely. This dramatic migration to digital formats is not merely a change in medium—it is transforming the cognitive and social contexts in which information is interpreted. The combination of fast-paced digital formats, viral misinformation, and partisan echo chambers amplifies skepticism, making it harder for audiences to distinguish reliable reporting from opinion or disinformation.

A 2025 Gallup survey reveals that Americans’ confidence in mass media has plunged to a historic low—just 28 percent now say they have “a great deal” or “a fair amount” of trust in newspapers, TV, and radio to report news “fully, accurately and fairly.” The survey notes that when it began polling in the 1970s, trust ranged from 68 percent to 72 percent.

Screen-Inferiority Effect

The move from print to screens represents a fundamental change in how Americans encounter reading content, sharpening concerns about how people, especially students, process what they read—and where they read it.

A growing body of research suggests that reading on screens can undermine comprehension, attention, and deep engagement compared with print. This phenomenon, dubbed the “screen inferiority effect,” appears to stem from three key issues: cognitive overload (digital reading encourages multitasking and scrolling), a lack of spatial landmarks (print’s physical layout helps our brains remember where information is on the page), and the tendency to skim when reading online.

Young readers may be the hardest hit. Research suggests that children who grow up with paper books not only score better on reading assessments but may also achieve more academically—those with access to physical books reportedly complete an average of three more years of education. MRI studies show that these children develop stronger neural connections in brain regions responsible for language and self-control—connections that screen-heavy kids may lack.

Leisure reading on digital platforms has also been linked to lower comprehension among children and young adults, according to a 2023 Scholastica review, and other long-term studies suggest that print reading fosters stronger retention and deeper cognitive processing, as reported by The Guardian.

A 2025 study published in Frontiers of Psychology examined how different modes of reading—paper, digital, audio, and video—affect cognition and mental health of college students, finding that participants who read literary works in paper (or listened in audio formats) showed the greatest improvements, demonstrating better cognitive function and lower levels of anxiety and depression than those in digital, video, or control groups.

“Reading has declined because it’s facing growing competition from other forms of media consumption that may offer students more immediate gratification,” Martin West, professor of education at the Harvard Graduate School of Education and the deputy director of the Program on Education Policy and Governance at the Harvard Kennedy School, noted in a 2025 “Harvard Thinking” podcast.

“I think we have a lot of evidence to support the extent to which technology can be a distractor when students are engaged in learning processes. And that ability to distract, to compete for attention, could also lead to diminished appetite for persistence in reading on their own,” said West.

The Literacy Divide

The challenge isn’t just attention—it’s the unraveling of support systems that sustain reading in schools, including rising book prices, unequal access, and weakened infrastructure, all of which are eroding opportunities for leisure reading and amplifying the economic pressures behind the decline. According to the Center for American Progress 2024 report “Investing in School Libraries and Librarians to Improve Literacy Outcomes,” more than 50 years of research show that students with access to well‑resourced school libraries with certified librarians consistently perform better academically and score higher on standardized assessments.

However, America’s public schools have quietly but steadily shed thousands of certified school librarians. A national analysis from the School Librarian Investigation—Divergence & Evolution (SLIDE) Project found that librarian positions dropped by about 20 percent between 2009 and 2019, even as many districts increased spending on other staff roles.

The losses were not evenly shared: High-poverty districts, schools serving mostly Black, Hispanic, or multilingual students, and small rural systems were far more likely to lose their certified librarians entirely. Charter schools were hit hardest: Roughly 90 percent reported having no librarians at all. The strain on school libraries reflects a broader crisis in the U.S. public library system, where staffing shortages, budget pressures, and reduced services are also concentrated in high-poverty, high-minority, and rural districts. A study published as an EdWorkingPaper finds that between 2008 and 2019, 766 public library outlets closed, disproportionately affecting rural areas; the closures were associated with declines in nearby students’ reading and math test scores.

Tests Over Texts

Access to books shapes not only what students can read but also how reading is taught. A growing emphasis on standardized testing has increasingly displaced literature, narrowing curricula to measurable skills and focusing on short texts and assessment at the expense of sustained reading or literary exploration. “A critical part of becoming a literate person is to examine and explore a full text. This should be a major part of every student’s education,” writes Peter Greene in “The Atomization of Literature: How Standardized Testing Is Killing Reading Instruction,” published in Forbes.

“Instead of teaching students how to read a whole book, we teach them how to take a standardized test,” Greene argues, adding, “As long as high-stakes testing pushes a quick, superficial solo reaction to a context-free excerpt, schools will deprioritize teaching reading and literacy as a reflective, collaborative, thoughtful deep dive into a complete work. And that will be a loss for students.”

Rose Horowitch, in her 2024 Atlantic article “The Elite College Students Who Can’t Read Books,” cites a 2024 EducationWeek Research Center survey of about 300 third-to-eighth-grade educators, noting that only 17 percent said they primarily teach whole texts; an additional 49 percent combine whole texts with anthologies and excerpts. Horowitch emphasizes that nearly a quarter of respondents said that books are no longer the center of their curricula. “Whether through atrophy or apathy, a generation of students is reading fewer books,” writes Horowitch. “Students see reading books as akin to listening to vinyl records—something that a small subculture may still enjoy, but that’s mostly a relic of an earlier time.”

Counter-Currents: Signs of Hope

From smartphones to e-readers, new technology is beginning to erode the long-standing resilience of the paper book. About 30 percent of U.S. adults now read books digitally, according to the Pew Research Center. Audiobooks are experiencing even faster adoption: The Audio Publishers Association 2025 Consumer Survey found 51 percent of Americans aged 18 and older—an estimated 134 million people—have listened to an audiobook.

That momentum is matched—and in some ways surpassed—by the popularity of podcasts. Podcasting is booming in the U.S., reaching 210 million Americans and drawing 115 million weekly listeners as of 2025, according to Edison Research. Podcasting now accounts for roughly 11 percent of daily audio consumption, and over 1.1 million English-language podcast episodes have been identified via public RSS feeds.

One bright spot is that independent bookstores are experiencing a resurgence, often supported by local communities and curated events, and subscription book boxes make discovering new titles easier than ever. Social media, particularly TikTok’s “BookTok,” has become a powerful driver of reading among Gen Z, propelling interest in specific genres and bestselling titles. The growth of book‑subscription services suggests a counter-current supporting reading: the global market, valued at about $1.34 billion in 2024, is projected to nearly double by 2033, as more consumers seek curated deliveries to keep reading habits alive.

The Path Ahead

To reverse the reading recession in the United States, experts say efforts need to reach across schools, families, and communities. “It will take a comprehensive ecosystem to support our students at every touchpoint,” says Dr. Paige Pullen, chief academic officer and literacy principal at the University of Florida’s Lastinger Center for Learning, in a release about the innovative New Worlds Reading Initiative.

Created by the Florida Legislature in 2021, the program illustrates how multi-level, coordinated approaches can address declining reading rates. Offering modular training for educators from birth through 12th grade, incorporating evidence-based strategies, practical classroom applications, and ongoing mentorship, the initiative aims to support teachers in applying literacy practices in the classroom while promoting collaboration across schools and communities, helping ensure students receive consistent guidance in developing reading skills at each stage of learning.

Across the United States, several states are implementing ambitious literacy initiatives to address persistent reading gaps. IowaArizonaNebraskaRhode Island, and Alaska have all received multi-million-dollar federal Comprehensive Literacy State Development (CLSD) grants to support evidence-based reading instruction, high-dose tutoring, and professional development for educators, with a focus on children in high-need communities. A range of literacy nonprofits and school programs are also stepping in to bolster reading skills and access to books, particularly for children in under-resourced communities.

The NEA offers a range of solutions to promote early reading at home—from in-clinic programs to digital tools and grassroots book-sharing initiatives. Nonprofits Reading Is Fundamental (RIF) and the Children’s Literacy Initiative are expanding access to books, supporting teachers, and strengthening reading instruction where schools need it most.

Raising a Reader partners with schools, community centers, and libraries to provide curated, multicultural book collections and training for parents. Reach Out and Read integrates literacy into pediatric care, giving books to young children during well-child visits and coaching caregivers on reading aloud together.
Worldreader—a global nonprofit that promotes family reading through its free digital app, BookSmart—is helping parents read to their children daily, even in low-resource settings.

Grants, policy incentives, and strategic partnerships are also critical to ensuring these efforts are sustainable and equitable. A policy brief from the Center for American Progress, “Investing in School Libraries and Librarians to Improve Literacy Outcomes,” argues that investing in certified school librarians, up-to-date collections, and teacher collaboration is a powerful lever to boost student literacy and long-term reading engagement.

Emerging technologies, such as augmented reality (AR technology) storybooks (Metabook) and interactive voice-assisted reading (TaleMate), combine engagement with learning, demonstrating how digital and print strategies can work together to foster reading habits, improve literacy outcomes, and transform libraries into immersive learning hubs.

Programs like Open eBooks—a collaboration among major publishers, libraries, and nonprofits—provide free access to thousands of eBooks for children in under-resourced communities. Penguin Random House’s Living Stories app merges read-aloud sessions with interactive lights and sounds to engage young readers. Library software providers like BiblioCommons integrate e-books into public library catalogs. At the same time, platforms such as Reading Plus and collaborations like Reading Partners + AT&T deliver personalized, digital literacy instruction to students at school and home.

Reversing America’s reading decline requires more than urging kids to pick up a book—it demands rebuilding a culture that champions literacy at every stage of life. This means addressing funding and staffing crises in school and public libraries, rethinking teaching practices that undervalue deep reading, and supporting parents in fostering early literacy. It also calls on policymakers, educators, and communities to invest in the long-term infrastructure that literacy requires.

The stakes are high: without intervention, the next generation risks inheriting a world of perpetual scrolling, fragmented attention, and shallow engagement with ideas. But with coordinated action, we can envision a future where books, both print and digital, reclaim their role as catalysts for curiosity, empathy, and civic understanding. Reading can once again be a shared cultural experience, a personal joy, and a cornerstone of an informed, connected society.

Kate Petty is an educator, writer, and environmental activist. She has worked with the New York Nature Conservancy and various United Nations initiatives, including UNICEF, the World Association of Non-Governmental Organizations, and the Universal Versatile Society to promote education, social justice, and solution-oriented projects for a healthier planet. She is a contributor to the Observatory.

This article was produced for the Observatory by the Independent Media Institute. It is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0)Email


Kast: Chile’s “democratic route” back to Pinochetism

Saturday 20 December 2025, by Karina Nohales, Pablo Abufom


On Sunday 14 December, the far-right politician José Antonio Kast won by a wide margin (58.2%) in the presidential run-off against the incumbent government candidate and member of the Partido Comunista de Chile (Communist Party of Chile), Jeannette Jara (41.8%).


The result falls within what the main polling organisations had anticipated—particularly CADEM, whose survey of 29 November projected the final outcome with notable precision—but it also confirms a broader political trend that has been visible since the government coalition primary in June. As was noted at the time: ’The challenge for Jeannette Jara’s candidacy is immense on several levels. The first and most significant is transforming the 825,835 votes from the primary into the 7 million that will be needed to win in the presidential run-off, which for the first time since 2012 will be held with compulsory voting, a modality that, according to all trends, has favoured the right.’

Following the first round of the presidential election, as we noted: ’the election results of Sunday 16 November clearly demonstrate the magnitude of the right-wing victory. In the presidential election, the right-wing bloc garnered 50.3% of the vote, distributed among José Antonio Kast (23.9%, Partido Republicano), Johannes Kaiser [1] (13.9%, Partido Nacional Libertario), and Evelyn Matthei (12.5%, Chile Vamos).’

With turnout of 85% of the electoral roll, Jeannette Jara increased her vote between the first and second rounds by approximately 1.7 million votes. However, this growth proved clearly insufficient against Kast’s advance, who added more than 4 million new voters and won in every single region of the country, without exception.

Analysis of the vote distribution by gender and age allows for a more precise understanding of this dynamic. Kast achieved his best results amongst male voters across all age groups, but he also recorded particularly strong performance amongst women aged between 35 and 54. Jara, by contrast, won the female vote amongst those under 35 and those over 54, representing a more fragmented and socially localised base of support.
Who is José Antonio Kast?

José Antonio Kast is not an outsider. He was a member for more than two decades of the Unión Demócrata Independiente (Independent Democratic Union, UDI) [2], the historic party of Pinochetism, served as a deputy for sixteen consecutive years (2002–2018), and has stood as a presidential candidate on three occasions.

In 2016, Kast resigned from the UDI, arguing that the party had abandoned its founding project—ultraconservative in moral terms, Catholic in cultural terms, and neoliberal in economic terms—in favour of a strategy of mass appeal and discursive moderation. Shortly afterwards, in 2017, he launched his own presidential platform, Acción Republicana, which in 2019 formally constituted itself as a political party under the name Partido Republicano (Republican Party), his current political vehicle. [3]

Consistent with this trajectory, in 2020 Kast was one of the signatories of the so-called Madrid Charter [4], an initiative promoted by the international far right with the explicit objective of halting ’the advance of communism’ in Latin America.

Kast is the youngest of ten children born to the German émigré couple Kast-Rist. His father, Michael Kast, was a soldier in the armed forces of Nazi Germany (Wehrmacht) and was affiliated with the Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (Nazi Party).

Both his parents and several of his siblings developed business activities in the agricultural sector of Chile’s central zone. There are, moreover, documented journalistic and judicial investigations linking members of the Kast family to criminal activities of the Central Nacional de Informaciones (CNI) [5] during the Pinochet dictatorship, including their participation in civilian patrols alongside the regime’s repressive forces and in operations associated with serious human rights violations, including enforced disappearances.

José Antonio’s eldest brother, Miguel Kast—an economist trained at the University of Chicago [6]—held key positions during the dictatorship: he served as Minister of Labour and subsequently as President of the Central Bank. In his role as minister of the Oficina de Planificación Nacional (ODEPLAN, National Planning Office) between 1978 and 1980, Miguel Kast Rist was one of the principal promoters of the statistical category of ’extreme poverty’, which guided the targeting of social spending towards the most impoverished sectors. This definition institutionalised a policy of minimal social expenditure, oriented towards mere survival, fully consistent with the structural adjustment programme and dismantling of the social state promoted by the dictatorship.

Of ultra-Catholic family background and political formation, Kast identifies himself as a faithful disciple of the principal civilian ideologue of the Chilean dictatorship and founder of the UDI, the late senator Jaime Guzmán [7]. In keeping with this doctrinal framework, Guzmán held an extreme position on abortion: ’The mother must have the child even if it turns out abnormal, she did not want it, it is the product of a rape, or even if having it would result in her death.’

As a deputy, Kast systematically opposed the expansion of civil and sexual rights. He voted against marriage between same-sex couples and against anti-discrimination legislation, actively campaigned against comprehensive sexuality education, rejected the free dispensation of the morning-after pill, and defended the repeal of existing legislation permitting abortion in three circumstances [8].

This orientation was also reflected in his policy proposals. During his second presidential candidacy, Kast proposed the elimination of the Ministerio de la Mujer y la Equidad de Género (Ministry for Women and Gender Equality), its replacement with a Ministry of the Family, and the restriction of certain social benefits—particularly relevant for impoverished women—exclusively to married women.

In 2017, during his first presidential bid, his wife, Pía Adriasola, recounted in an interview that, upon expressing her desire to postpone a pregnancy before having their third child—the couple have nine—she consulted a doctor who prescribed oral contraceptives. Upon informing Kast of this decision, according to her own testimony, he reacted with the phrase ’Are you mad? That’s not allowed’ and subsequently took her to see a priest, who told her that the use of such pills was forbidden.

In August of that same year, José Antonio Kast was proclaimed candidate by associations of retired military personnel and by organisations of relatives of those convicted of crimes against humanity. At an event held at the Teatro Caupolicán, he declared: ’My name is José Antonio Kast, and I do proudly defend the work of the military government, I do believe that many military personnel and members of the Armed Forces are being persecuted, and I do commit, if I become President, to protecting the Armed Forces’, pledging to pardon ’all those who are unjustly or inhumanely imprisoned.’

Amongst those convicted is Miguel Krassnoff Martchenko, a brigadier in the Army at the time of the 1973 coup d’état [9], subsequently an agent of the Dirección de Inteligencia Nacional (DINA) [10]—the dictatorship’s secret police—and sentenced to more than 1,060 years in prison in twenty-seven cases of kidnapping, torture, and enforced disappearance. Kast, who has visited Krassnoff in prison, was repeatedly asked during this latest presidential campaign whether he maintained his intention to pardon him. He consistently refused to answer.

All of the above allows us to characterise José Antonio Kast as an explicit and consistent defender of the work of the Pinochet dictatorship, not only in terms of a symbolic vindication of the anti-communist feat of the past, but as a conscious attempt to recover the Pinochetist programmatic framework to confront the multiple crises currently traversing Chilean society. His proposal combines a heavy hand to restore ’the rule of law’, deregulation and commodification of social services to ’improve conditions for investment and job creation’, and a conception of society founded on the centrality of the family, the preferential right to private property, individual entrepreneurship, and patriarchal control over women and children.
What to expect from the next government?

In 2023—following the defeat of the constituent process that emerged from the social uprising [11]—a second attempt at constitutional reform took place. This new process was, in practically every sense, the antithesis of the previous one. The body called the Consejo Constitucional (Constitutional Council) was composed of fifty councillors, of whom twenty-two belonged to the Partido Republicano, a force which also presided over the body.

The constitutional proposal that emerged from this body, crafted in the image of the Republican ideology, consisted of a sort of return to the original text of the Pinochetist Constitution of 1980, stripped of the reforms introduced during the democratic period. The project was rejected in the plebiscite of December 2023 with 55.7% of the vote. With that result, the constitutional cycle opened in 2019 came to a close. However, the process allowed for testing the degree of dogmatism of the Republican project and brought to prominence several political figures who, with high probability, will play a significant role in the coming four years of government. [12]

On the evening of Sunday, in his first speech as president-elect, Kast opted for a moderate tone. He declared his respect for democracy, for political opponents, and for pluralism, expressed an apparent commitment to consensus-building, and acknowledged the contribution of the presidents who preceded him. At times, he seemed to be appropriating the so-called ’politics of agreements’ that characterised post-dictatorial governance: a framework sustained by a centre-left that had accepted the social market economy and by a right that had progressively attempted to distance itself from the explicit legacy of Pinochetism in order to manage the democratic transition.

However, this conciliatory rhetoric contrasts markedly with the first programmatic definitions from his team. The plan announced for the first three months of government aligns with the Kast known during the campaign and is structured around four central axes: tax counter-reform, deregulation, an offensive against labour, and fiscal adjustment.

In tax matters, Kast proposes reversing the reform implemented during the second government of Michelle Bachelet, through tax reductions for medium and large enterprises and the elimination of tax on the individual profits of business owners. This represents an orientation that reinforces the regressivity of the tax system and consolidates a transfer of income towards higher-income sectors.

In regulatory matters, Kast’s programme aims to dismantle existing limits on the power of capital, with particular emphasis on the deregulation of environmental protection frameworks and the relaxation of restrictions on the property development business. This is an agenda long promoted by big business, which in recent years has popularised the neologism ’permisología’ [13] to delegitimise environmental impact assessment processes applied to projects with potential negative effects on assets protected by current legislation.

On the axis of the attack on labour, the central objective consists of reducing the inspection and sanctioning capacities against anti-union and anti-worker practices, through the weakening of the Dirección del Trabajo (Labour Directorate). To this is added the explicit intention to limit the application of the 40-hour law, approved during the current government, reversing even the limited advance that this legislation represented for placing the question of vital time at the centre of the labour movement’s struggle.

Finally, regarding the reduction of public spending, the proposal has been deliberately attention-grabbing: a cut of 6 billion dollars (approximately EUR 5.7 billion). The magnitude of this figure rapidly generated suspicions and demands for clarification. In response, one of the campaign spokespersons was explicit in justifying the refusal to detail the adjustments: ’Obviously, we’re not going to say which ones because they’d paralyse us the next day. If you say "I’m ending programme X", we’re going to have the streets on fire.’

Beyond this cynical frankness, the first announced measures are reduced to vague formulations: promises to limit so-called ’political expenditures’, increase the efficiency of public spending, strengthen the powers of the Contraloría General de la República (Comptroller General) to audit municipal spending, and dismiss civil servants categorised as ’political operatives’. Taken together, this represents an adjustment agenda whose concrete content remains deliberately opaque, but whose foreseeable effects fall upon public employment, social policies, and the regulatory capacities of the state.
The first day: protocolar and international Kast

On Monday 15 December, on his first day as president-elect, Kast visited the Palacio de La Moneda and held meetings with the teams of the parties that supported his candidacy. Nothing out of the ordinary in institutional terms.

The most significant political signals of the day came, however, from the international sphere. Kast received explicit congratulations from central figures of the so-called ’fascist international’: Javier Milei [14], Donald Trump, and Benjamin Netanyahu openly celebrated his electoral victory and presented him as an ally in the offensive against Latin American socialism. The Wall Street Journal expressed itself in the same register, interpreting Kast’s triumph as part of a ’bad democratic season for socialism in Latin America’, suggesting that the wave of ’leftist violence’ and economic stagnation was entering retreat.

Everything indicates that Kast will become one of the pieces in the realignment of the Latin American right in power, with at least two consequences that function as warning signs. First, an unqualified adherence to the new orientation of United States foreign policy, the so-called ’Trump corollary to the Monroe Doctrine’, whose immediate objective is regime change in Venezuela and the appropriation of its energy resources. Second, the beginning of a process of re-normalisation of relations with Israel, even at the cost of endangering Chile’s historic commitment to the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination. This commitment has recently been expressed in Chile’s participation in the case brought by South Africa against Israel before the International Court of Justice for genocide, as well as in the suspension of certain instances of diplomatic and military cooperation with the occupying state.

In the dissonant concert of the global far right, each country contributes its own tradition and specific form of legitimation. In Chile, everything indicates that this form is Pinochetism. There the far right finds its glorified past, its most successful governing experiences from the perspective of the ruling classes, and the strategic memory—economic, military, and cultural—that allows it to take root in the new global scenario. [15]
What does Kast’s triumph mean in Chile’s historical trajectory?

The government of José Antonio Kast will be the first democratic government of Pinochetism. With his victory, the aspiration long held by the founders of the Unión Demócrata Independiente, the party created by Jaime Guzmán together with Miguel Kast and other central cadres of the authoritarian Catholicism of the dictatorship, is realised for the first time. Kast embodies the return of this project, now updated by the experience of the international reactionary wave and by the new sensibilities of a younger, ideologically cohesive, and politically uninhibited far right.

It is worth paying attention to the role that historic UDI cadres play in the formation of the cabinet and ministerial teams. Just as a still inexperienced Frente Amplio [16] once turned to Concertación cadres to sustain the functioning of the state apparatus, it is likely that a relatively young Partido Republicano will need to rely on its old comrades: former ministers of the dictatorship and of Piñerismo [17], bearers of key experience for governing under conditions of social conflict and conservative restoration.

But Kast’s triumph does not express only the electoral victory of Pinochetism. In this election, anti-communism also prevailed as the articulating axis of political common sense. There is no doubt that the centre of the campaign revolved around fear of violence, unemployment, and the rising cost of living—phenomena systematically attributed to crime, drug trafficking, corruption, and migration. The decisive question is why these anxieties managed to be politically organised around Kast and against Jeannette Jara.

We argue that the backbone unifying these fears was a simple and persistent idea: that, regardless of any disturbing aspect of Kast, ’communism is worse’ and that a communist government would inevitably lead to more misery. The ideological glue binding these induced fears was the threat—non-existent in real terms—of a government headed by a communist, mechanically associated with Venezuela, Cuba, the Unidad Popular [18], or the Soviet Union. In this way, criticisms that were in many cases reasonable—of governmental management and of the everyday difficulties facing broad social sectors—were subsumed under a profoundly irrational argument: anti-communism as a living inheritance of the dictatorship, forged in the context of the Cold War and still effective in the Chilean popular imagination.

In the weeks following the defeat, retrospective analyses and the distribution of blame will abound. Once this initial phase has settled, the Chilean left will find itself obliged to start over. The tactical adjustments attempted in recent years will no longer suffice. The scenario is highly complex and could become even more contradictory if an increase in investment in the copper industry is confirmed, driven by greater global demand, opening a potential supercycle favourable to the incoming government. At the same time, the absence of elections for at least three years gives Kast significant room to impose his agenda as the central axis of national politics.

In this context, the immediate challenges for the working class in Chile will concentrate on two closely linked fronts: resistance to the regressive reforms of the new government and the capacity to articulate a social opposition that does not remain subordinated to the same progressive leadership that presided over what now appear as four lost years in the struggle against the advance of the far right. The cycle that is opening demands something more than partial defences: it demands a strategic recomposition of the Chilean left commensurate with the new historical moment.

16 December 2025

Translated by Adam Novak for ESSF from Jacobin America Latina.

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Footnotes


[1] Johannes Kaiser is a far-right politician and leader of the Partido Nacional Libertario (National Libertarian Party), known for his libertarian and ultra-conservative positions.


[2] The UDI is a right-wing political party founded in 1983 by Jaime Guzmán during the Pinochet dictatorship. It was the principal civilian political vehicle of Pinochetism during the democratic transition.


[3] On the 2021 presidential election and the rise of Kast, see Dave Kellaway, "Fascist wins first round of presidential elections in Chile", Europe Solidaire Sans Frontières, November 2021. Available at: http://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article60270


[4] The Madrid Charter was a declaration signed in 2020 by representatives of far-right parties from Europe and Latin America, including Spain’s Vox party, convened to oppose what they termed the ’advance of communism’ in the Ibero-American sphere.


[5] The CNI was the secret police agency of the Pinochet dictatorship, created in 1977 to replace the DINA. It was responsible for political repression, including torture, disappearances, and extrajudicial killings until its dissolution in 1990.


[6] The ’Chicago Boys’ were a group of Chilean economists who studied at the University of Chicago under Milton Friedman and Arnold Harberger. They played a central role in designing and implementing the neoliberal economic policies of the Pinochet dictatorship.


[7] Jaime Guzmán (1946–1991) was a lawyer and politician who served as the chief ideologue of the Pinochet regime. He was the principal author of the 1980 Constitution and founded the UDI. He was assassinated by the Frente Patriótico Manuel Rodríguez in 1991.


[8] Chile’s 2017 law decriminalised abortion in three specific circumstances: when the mother’s life is at risk, when the foetus is unviable, and when the pregnancy is the result of rape.


[9] On 11 September 1973, the Chilean armed forces, led by General Augusto Pinochet, overthrew the democratically elected government of Salvador Allende. The coup inaugurated seventeen years of military dictatorship characterised by systematic human rights violations. See Oscar Mendoza, "Chile 1973 — The Original 9/11", Europe Solidaire Sans Frontières, September 2023. Available at: https://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article67743


[10] The DINA was the secret police of the Pinochet dictatorship from 1973 to 1977, responsible for the systematic persecution, torture, disappearance, and murder of political opponents both within Chile and abroad.


[11] In October 2019, Chile experienced the largest social uprising since the return to democracy, triggered by a metro fare increase but rapidly expanding into a broad rejection of the neoliberal model inherited from the dictatorship. See "¡Fuera Piñera! — Revolt in Chile", Europe Solidaire Sans Frontières, 2019. Available at: http://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article53004


[12] On the constitutional process and the stakes of the second round, see Soumya Sahin, "Chile’s Presidential Election: A Political Future Oscillating Between Fear and Promise", Europe Solidaire Sans Frontières, November 2024. Available at: https://europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article77064


[13] A portmanteau of ’permiso’ (permit) and ’ología’ (study/process of), used pejoratively by business interests to criticise environmental and planning regulations as excessive bureaucracy.


[14] Javier Milei is the far-right libertarian President of Argentina, elected in November 2023, known for his radical free-market positions and alliance with international far-right movements.


[15] On the historical significance of Pinochetism, see "Remembering September 11, 1973: the US‑backed Pinochet coup in Chile", Europe Solidaire Sans Frontières, September 2023. Available at: https://europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article67698


[16] The Frente Amplio (Broad Front) is a coalition of left-wing parties formed in 2017, which supported Gabriel Boric’s successful presidential bid in 2021.


[17] Sebastián Piñera served two terms as Chile’s president (2010–2014 and 2018–2022), representing the traditional right-wing coalition.


[18] The Unidad Popular (Popular Unity) was the coalition of left-wing parties that supported Salvador Allende’s government (1970–1973).

Chile
From progressive decline to reactionary advance in Chile
After the 1973 Coup in Chile
The coup in Chile
The Chile Coup and after
The rising class consciousness of the proletariat and the problem of power

Karina Nohales
Karina Nohales is a lawyer, member of the Chilean Committee of Women Workers and Trade Unionists and the Internationalist Committee/March 8 Feminist Collective. She is in the editorial collective of Jacobin América Latina

Pablo Abufom
Pablo Abufom is Editor of Posiciones, Revista de Debate Estratégico, founding member of Centro Social and Librería Proyección and part of the editorial collective of Revista Jacobín.

 Mapuche Resistance, a Beacon of Hope in Chile


Source: Ojalá

When Chile’s social uprising erupted in October 2019, we had no idea that six years later, we’d find ourselves where we are today. The December 14 presidential elections saw 7.2 million people (58 percent of voters) vote for José Antonio Kast, the favoured, far-right candidate who is now president elect.

The days of the 2019 uprising are fresh in my memory. I remember the huge Mapuche star that was installed in Dignity Plaza—as we called Plaza Italia at the time—the epicenter of the capital city of Santiago. Hundreds of thousands of us chanted afafanes (protest slogans) as Mapuche flags waved in the wind.

If there was a symbol that embodied the rebellion and resistance of the uprising, it was the Mapuche flag. Its star brought up our deepest feelings around the injustices that plague our country.

It’s true that no one can take away what we experienced during the Estallido, as the uprising is called in Chile. But the way in which our shared collective sense has been diluted weighs on me when I recall how the right began to claw back votes beginning in May 2023. Since then, the far right’s ability to capitalize on exhaustion, fear, and depoliticization in a country that had just a few years earlier demanded profound changes has been on full display.

When I left Chile in late 2020, the priorities were the same as those raised in 2019 under the rallying cry “until dignity becomes the norm.” We sought decent wages, an end to the AFP pension system, free public education without university debt, universal public healthcare, decent housing, freedom for political prisoners jailed during the uprising, and the recognition of Mapuche territorial and political rights.

I returned to Chile four months ago, and today, it feels like a different country. One could be convinced that the main problems now are security, order, and immigration. Social inequality is no longer discussed, nor is the uprising, or the thousands of times the Mapuche flag was raised as an emblem of dignity.

In this context, as debates are stifled and election campaigns imposed a polarizing agenda, it’s worth paying close attention to how the ruling class has regrouped. The counteroffensive, now led by the far right, has been remarkably effective in reinstating the neoliberal order that the Estallido threw into crisis.

The 2025 election is but the latest chapter in a plan to seal shut the cracks that opened up in 2019, and to uphold a regime of colonial and extractivist violence that is especially harsh here in Wallmapu (Mapuche territory). 

This violence did not end with Gabriel Boric’s government; on the contrary, he reinforced it through further militarization, legal persecution, and the banalization of repression. The disappearance of Julia Chuñil is a key thread we can use to understand that continuity.

A year without Julia Chuñil

Julia Chuñil is a papay (elder), leader, and Mapuche land defender from the rural area of Máfil, in the Los Ríos region of southern Chile. She was  disappeared over a year ago in lands reclaimed by her community. Her whereabouts remain unknown. 

The investigation by the Public Prosecutor’s Office has been marred by irregularities: the family has been kept completely in the dark, there’s been a lack of transparency, and evidence has been lost. Officials have failed to carry out critical protocols and made explicit attempts to depoliticize her role as a land defender, as well as participating in the unlawful coercion and incrimination of one of Chuñil’s daughters.

I arrived in Wallmapu on September 30, the same day Karina Riquelme, the lawyer for the Chuñil family, shared some terrible news.

That day, Riquelme condemned irregularities in the investigation and disclosed the fact that two phone calls had been intercepted from one of the main suspects—forestry tycoon Juan Carlos Morstadt Anwandter, the legal owner of the land recovered by Chuñil’s community—in which he claimed that she had been burned.

The news caused an immediate outcry. 

The next day, we took to the streets in cities and towns across the country to protest, demanding truth and justice for the papay. Her name is constantly on our lips, and she has been honored in marches, vigils, ceremonies, cultural events, and rallies organized by Mapuche, feminist, and environmental organizations.

Chuñil’s disappearance is another in a devastating historical pattern that continues on repeat. The cases of Nicolasa Quintremán (2013), Macarena Valdés (2016), and Emilia Bau (2021), all Mapuche defenders murdered in the last two decades, demonstrate the persistence of a regime of colonial extractivist violence that targets Mapuche women who defend their territory.

Incessant militarization in Wallmapu

The presidential elections on November 16 and December 14 were not experienced the same way across the country. Not everyone voted under the same conditions.

Wallmapu has been under a state of exception since October 2021. First declared by Sebastián Piñera’s government, it was extended without interruption by Gabriel Boric’s administration. This enabled militarization, especially in so-called “conflict zones” where Mapuche territorial recovery efforts have gained momentum.

There’s no public, up-to-date information on the total number of police and military personnel, their bases, checkpoints, or intelligence teams operating in Wallmapu. What we do know about are the special reinforcements, like the 2,500 military personnel sent to guard polling stations in La Araucanía, and the repeated reports of police violence and abuse, especially against Mapuche children and young people.

We also know that daily life has changed, and not only in the stigmatized “conflict zones.” In cities such as Temuco, finding public transportation after nine at night is a challenge. The streets empty out, and shops and restaurants close, as if under an undeclared, de facto curfew.

Although this wave of militarization has been going on for more than four years, it’s nothing new for the Mapuche people. It also took place during Pinochet’s dictatorship (1973-1989), and if we go back a little further, just three generations earlier, in the mid-19th century, the Mapuche suffered invasion by the Chilean army, the dispossession and colonization of nearly 95 percent of their ancestral territory, and annexation. This open and persistent structural wound continues to mark the present.

This is compounded by the criminalization of the Mapuche through the creation of a political, media, and legal climate in which being Mapuche, defending the territory, being a community leader, or participating in restitution processes is considered a threat or a crime against private property, public order, and national security.

The most alarming expression of this is the fact that there are more than 100 Mapuche political prisoners in Chilean prisons, according to Radio Kurruf. That number has increased steadily since the post-dictatorship period, as well as during Boric’s administration.

In order to understand the full picture, we must also consider impunity. By this I mean not only criminal impunity, but also political and structural impunity: the slow investigations, the procedural omissions, the tacit cover-ups, and the absence of punishments for businesspeople, and employers who arm themselves and benefit from dispossession. We are deeply affected by the case of Julia Chuñil because in it, these aspects are all operating simultaneously in a way that’s fully visible to the public.

Militarization, criminalization, and impunity are not isolated or circumstantial phenomena. They’re parts of a strategy of territorial control deployed by the state to protect the interests of extractive, colonial capital. Together they produce counterinsurgency strategy based on territorial, legal, and media control, as well as militarized accumulation that seeks to neutralize the defense of the territory and the ways of life that the Mapuche people sustain and resist.

Seeing the present, beyond the elections

Having clarity about this allows us to understand that what Alondra Carrillo calls the neoliberal consensus is, in reality, inseparable from a  colonial consensus: a tacit agreement that government after government, will normalize violence against Mapuche people, and enable criminalization, silencing, and impunity.

We are confronted with this uncomfortable truth in the Chuñil case. Despite the reactionary offensive and the closing of the horizons opened up by the social uprising, Mapuche resistance persists, anchored in a long memory of territorial defense against colonial projects that never fully disappear.

Faced with the advance of the far right—and the realignment of elites seeking to protect the neoliberal order—embracing Mapuche struggle as a political north star is not a symbolic gesture, but rather a guide to the present. It calls up practices that do not yield to state violence, and that weave community networks in the face of militarization and extractivism.

Today, Julia Chuñil’s name challenges more than just the state. Her memory is a living force that nourishes struggles to come, in a context in which, under Kast’s government, promises to become even harsher. Her name illuminates a horizon of dignity, autonomy, and territorial defense. Perhaps that—and precisely that—will become the brightest beacon as we navigate the dark times ahead.Email

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Born in Santiago de Chile, with Mapuche roots and a weichafe heart. Currently an activist researcher interested in anti-patriarchal struggles based in Puebla, México.