Israel vehemently denies reports which suggest that Washington spied on its ally
Israel's Mossad chief David Barnea (C) attends an honour guard ceremony for Israel's incoming military chief, at the Israeli Defence Ministry in Tel Aviv, on 16 January 2023 (AFP)
By MEE staff
Published date: 9 April 2023
Leaked US intelligence documents allege that the Israeli spy body Mossad secretly encouraged people to join protests against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's proposed judicial overhaul.
The documents, dating back to "early to mid-February", state that Mossad's leadership had "advocated for Mossad officials and Israeli citizens to protest the new Israeli government's proposed judicial reforms including several explicit calls to action that decried the Israeli government".
The intelligence memo does not state who made the order to encourage Mossad employees and civilians to join the protests but notes that the intelligence came from signals intelligence - meaning the US spied on its closest ally in the region.
These latest leaks are part of a series of US intelligence documents posted online and given to the Washington Post and other newspapers. The FBI is investigating who is behind the leak. The authenticity of the documents is thought to be generally credible, though the information they contain is not necessarily factual.
The Israeli prime minister's office on Sunday condemned the report on behalf of Mossad and described them as "mendacious and without any foundation whatsoever".
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"The Mossad and its senior officials did not – and do not – encourage agency personnel to join the demonstrations against the government, political demonstrations or any political activity," the statement read.
"The Mossad and its serving senior personnel have not engaged in the issue of the demonstrations at all and are dedicated to the value of service to the state that has guided the Mossad since its founding."
The disclosure of these documents comes after pro-government Israelis accused the US of secretly orchestrating the protests against Netanyahu and supporting them.
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Last month, Netanyahu's son Yair, claimed the US State Department was "behind the protest in Israel, with the aim of overthrowing Netanyahu, apparently in order to conclude an agreement with the Iranians".
Washington denied these claims and said that any reports that it was "propping up or supporting these protests… is completely and demonstrably false".
Israel has been rocked by weeks-long protests and strikes since January against the judicial overhaul plan, which critics say will weaken the Supreme Court and remove checks on parliament.
Netanyahu paused the proposal last month to allow for dialogue with the opposition until late May before pressing on with the bills again.
The plan was publicly criticised by US President Joe Biden who urged Netanyahu to "walk away from it".
His remarks prompted criticism from Netanyahu and his partners, and exposed simmering tensions between the two administrations.
Last month, Netanyahu's son Yair, claimed the US State Department was "behind the protest in Israel, with the aim of overthrowing Netanyahu, apparently in order to conclude an agreement with the Iranians".
Washington denied these claims and said that any reports that it was "propping up or supporting these protests… is completely and demonstrably false".
Israel has been rocked by weeks-long protests and strikes since January against the judicial overhaul plan, which critics say will weaken the Supreme Court and remove checks on parliament.
Netanyahu paused the proposal last month to allow for dialogue with the opposition until late May before pressing on with the bills again.
The plan was publicly criticised by US President Joe Biden who urged Netanyahu to "walk away from it".
His remarks prompted criticism from Netanyahu and his partners, and exposed simmering tensions between the two administrations.
Israel: Protesters keep up pressure on Netanyahu despite policy pause
Protesters hold national flags amid ongoing demonstrations against the government's judicial reform bill, in Tel Aviv on 8 April (AFP)
By MEE and agencies
Published date: 8 April 2023
Israeli demonstrators crowded Tel Aviv late Saturday for another protest against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's plans to reform the judiciary, despite the process being put on hold.
Organisers said around 258,000 people attended, but police gave no figures of their own.
The demonstration came a day after an alleged car-ramming attack on the city's seafront killed an Italian visitor and injured seven other tourists.
Violence has surged since Israeli police stormed Al-Aqsa mosque in Jerusalem on Wednesday after they said Palestinians barricaded themselves inside.
Israel bombarded both Gaza and Lebanon after rockets were fired from Lebanon's south into Israel on Thursday afternoon.
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Protesters on Saturday brandished signs reading "Save democracy!", "Freedom for all!" and "Netanyahu is leading us to war".
Other, smaller, demonstrations took place in the central city of Kfar Saba, at Haifa in the north and in Jerusalem.
Thousands of protesters, sometimes tens of thousands, have been taking to the streets each week since the reform plans were announced in January by Netanyahu's government, which was formed in December.
On 27 March, he announced a "pause" to allow for dialogue on the reforms which were moving through parliament and split the nation.
Israelis want to stop their country becoming Poland. They may be too late
Around 258,000 people attended in Tel Aviv, say organisers, as other protests take place in central city of Kfar Saba, Haifa and Jerusalem
Protesters hold national flags amid ongoing demonstrations against the government's judicial reform bill, in Tel Aviv on 8 April (AFP)
By MEE and agencies
Published date: 8 April 2023
Israeli demonstrators crowded Tel Aviv late Saturday for another protest against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's plans to reform the judiciary, despite the process being put on hold.
Organisers said around 258,000 people attended, but police gave no figures of their own.
The demonstration came a day after an alleged car-ramming attack on the city's seafront killed an Italian visitor and injured seven other tourists.
Violence has surged since Israeli police stormed Al-Aqsa mosque in Jerusalem on Wednesday after they said Palestinians barricaded themselves inside.
Israel bombarded both Gaza and Lebanon after rockets were fired from Lebanon's south into Israel on Thursday afternoon.
Stay informed with MEE's newsletters
Sign up to get the latest alerts, insights and analysis, starting with Turkey Unpacked
Protesters on Saturday brandished signs reading "Save democracy!", "Freedom for all!" and "Netanyahu is leading us to war".
Other, smaller, demonstrations took place in the central city of Kfar Saba, at Haifa in the north and in Jerusalem.
Thousands of protesters, sometimes tens of thousands, have been taking to the streets each week since the reform plans were announced in January by Netanyahu's government, which was formed in December.
On 27 March, he announced a "pause" to allow for dialogue on the reforms which were moving through parliament and split the nation.
Israelis want to stop their country becoming Poland. They may be too late
Read More »
Netanyahu last month had announced the firing of his defence minister, Yoav Gallant, who cited a threat to national security because "the growing social rift" had made its way into the army and security agencies.
The proposals would curtail the authority of the Supreme Court and give politicians greater powers over the selection of judges.
Opponents have raised fears for Israel's democracy but the government, a coalition between Netanyahu's Likud party and extreme-right and ultra-Orthodox Jewish allies, argues the changes are needed to rebalance powers between lawmakers and the judiciary.
Israel's attorney general had warned Netanyahu, just prior to the pause, against any intervention in changes to the judicial system because of conflicts of interest. The prime minister is on trial over charges of bribery, fraud and breach of trust, which he denies.
Netanyahu last month had announced the firing of his defence minister, Yoav Gallant, who cited a threat to national security because "the growing social rift" had made its way into the army and security agencies.
The proposals would curtail the authority of the Supreme Court and give politicians greater powers over the selection of judges.
Opponents have raised fears for Israel's democracy but the government, a coalition between Netanyahu's Likud party and extreme-right and ultra-Orthodox Jewish allies, argues the changes are needed to rebalance powers between lawmakers and the judiciary.
Israel's attorney general had warned Netanyahu, just prior to the pause, against any intervention in changes to the judicial system because of conflicts of interest. The prime minister is on trial over charges of bribery, fraud and breach of trust, which he denies.
Israel was never a democratic state, from 1948 to now
Anton Shulhut
5 April 2023
To fully understand the ongoing crisis, we must look at the failed attempts to create a democratic constitution after Israel was established
Protesters rally outside the Israeli consulate in New York on 27 March 2023 (AFP)
In the wake of the political crisis in Israel over the “judicial reforms” proposed by the government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, debate has emerged over how the state can avoid falling into total dysfunction.
Today, Israel is at best a deficient democracy, paralysed and handcuffed.
Many have warned that Israel’s “democratic” model is in danger under the new far-right government. The former president of Israel’s Supreme Court, Aharon Barak, has described the government’s planned judicial overhaul as a “coup without tanks” that could turn Israel into a “hollow democracy”.
Last month, amid a massive public outcry, Netanyahu agreed to put the plan on pause.
Digging deep into the roots of the Zionist doctrine upon which Israel was established, we can better understand what led to this point. Israel was founded in 1948 as a “Jewish state”, and deemed as such in the country’s Declaration of Independence. This principle was further enshrined in the 2018 Jewish nation-state law.
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The 2018 law also stipulated that a “united Jerusalem” was the capital of Israel, and confirmed that Hebrew was the state language and the Hebrew calendar was the official state calendar.
Early decisions by Israel’s founding fathers included a failure to produce a constitution. Although the Declaration of Independence set out a timeframe for adopting a constitution by October 1948, elections to the Constituent Assembly did not take place until the following year, and the assembly held just four meetings.
In February 1949, the assembly approved a transitional law, transforming itself into the first Knesset - and the task of drawing up a constitution fell to parliamentarians.
Cross-party denial
Debate continued until June 1950, when the Knesset adopted a compromise resolution known as the Harari proposal, under which a parliamentary committee was designated to prepare the constitution.
The proposal noted: “The constitution will be made up of chapters, each of which will constitute a separate basic law. The chapters will be brought to the Knesset, as the Committee completes its work, and all the chapters together will constitute the constitution of the state.”
But this task was never finished, and the Knesset has passed only 13 basic laws since. In the meantime, what lessons can be drawn from these years of debate?
Israeli crisis: This is not about democracy, it's about liberal Zionist supremacy
Anton Shulhut is a researcher of Israeli affairs and a literary critic. He translated political and literary books from Hebrew and is the author of several books including; The Oslo Collar, 2018; Israeli security persecution as a political tool, 2017; and Benjamin Netanyahu: The No-solution Doctrine, 2015.
Anton Shulhut
5 April 2023
To fully understand the ongoing crisis, we must look at the failed attempts to create a democratic constitution after Israel was established
Protesters rally outside the Israeli consulate in New York on 27 March 2023 (AFP)
In the wake of the political crisis in Israel over the “judicial reforms” proposed by the government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, debate has emerged over how the state can avoid falling into total dysfunction.
Today, Israel is at best a deficient democracy, paralysed and handcuffed.
Many have warned that Israel’s “democratic” model is in danger under the new far-right government. The former president of Israel’s Supreme Court, Aharon Barak, has described the government’s planned judicial overhaul as a “coup without tanks” that could turn Israel into a “hollow democracy”.
Last month, amid a massive public outcry, Netanyahu agreed to put the plan on pause.
Digging deep into the roots of the Zionist doctrine upon which Israel was established, we can better understand what led to this point. Israel was founded in 1948 as a “Jewish state”, and deemed as such in the country’s Declaration of Independence. This principle was further enshrined in the 2018 Jewish nation-state law.
Stay informed with MEE's newsletters
Sign up to get the latest alerts, insights and analysis, starting with Turkey Unpacked
The 2018 law also stipulated that a “united Jerusalem” was the capital of Israel, and confirmed that Hebrew was the state language and the Hebrew calendar was the official state calendar.
Early decisions by Israel’s founding fathers included a failure to produce a constitution. Although the Declaration of Independence set out a timeframe for adopting a constitution by October 1948, elections to the Constituent Assembly did not take place until the following year, and the assembly held just four meetings.
In February 1949, the assembly approved a transitional law, transforming itself into the first Knesset - and the task of drawing up a constitution fell to parliamentarians.
Cross-party denial
Debate continued until June 1950, when the Knesset adopted a compromise resolution known as the Harari proposal, under which a parliamentary committee was designated to prepare the constitution.
The proposal noted: “The constitution will be made up of chapters, each of which will constitute a separate basic law. The chapters will be brought to the Knesset, as the Committee completes its work, and all the chapters together will constitute the constitution of the state.”
But this task was never finished, and the Knesset has passed only 13 basic laws since. In the meantime, what lessons can be drawn from these years of debate?
Israeli crisis: This is not about democracy, it's about liberal Zionist supremacy
Read More »
The first is that there is cross-party denial among Israeli Zionist political movements about the nature of the modern civil state. Many would argue that the state cannot be seen as an instrument of enforcement for a particular ethnicity, cultural group or religion. Such visions contradict the notion of the state as a sovereign system of government committed first and foremost to the safety and well-being of its citizens, regardless of their religion or ethnic affiliation.
Secondly, Israel is based on the rule of an ethnic majority, rather than a political majority. While in other countries such as the US, the political majority changes after elections, Israel is always devoted to serving the needs of its ethnic majority, regardless of electoral outcomes - a concept that is antithetical to democracy. The nation-state law only codified Israel’s preexisting oppressive and discriminatory practices.
Thirdly, as long as Israel is an occupying state, it cannot possess the legitimacy provided by the term “democratic system”, and it is acting in contravention of international laws and norms.
Finally, in a true democracy, the political system is generally constrained by a constitution or a political culture of restraint. Neither applies in the case of Israel.
The subject of the essence of Israeli democracy is beyond the scope of a single article, but an instructive example comes from the 2008 book of late Meretz leader Shulamit Aloni, titled Democracy in Shackles. Stressing the need to preserve Israel’s democratic character more than its Jewish character, Aloni cited various threats to this model, including the rise of far-right extremism.
The country’s veins have been corrupted by the poison of religious fundamentalists and settlers, she noted, highlighting how Israel has failed to grasp the true meaning of democracy. Today, this warning resounds more than ever.
The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.
The first is that there is cross-party denial among Israeli Zionist political movements about the nature of the modern civil state. Many would argue that the state cannot be seen as an instrument of enforcement for a particular ethnicity, cultural group or religion. Such visions contradict the notion of the state as a sovereign system of government committed first and foremost to the safety and well-being of its citizens, regardless of their religion or ethnic affiliation.
Secondly, Israel is based on the rule of an ethnic majority, rather than a political majority. While in other countries such as the US, the political majority changes after elections, Israel is always devoted to serving the needs of its ethnic majority, regardless of electoral outcomes - a concept that is antithetical to democracy. The nation-state law only codified Israel’s preexisting oppressive and discriminatory practices.
Thirdly, as long as Israel is an occupying state, it cannot possess the legitimacy provided by the term “democratic system”, and it is acting in contravention of international laws and norms.
Finally, in a true democracy, the political system is generally constrained by a constitution or a political culture of restraint. Neither applies in the case of Israel.
The subject of the essence of Israeli democracy is beyond the scope of a single article, but an instructive example comes from the 2008 book of late Meretz leader Shulamit Aloni, titled Democracy in Shackles. Stressing the need to preserve Israel’s democratic character more than its Jewish character, Aloni cited various threats to this model, including the rise of far-right extremism.
The country’s veins have been corrupted by the poison of religious fundamentalists and settlers, she noted, highlighting how Israel has failed to grasp the true meaning of democracy. Today, this warning resounds more than ever.
The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.
Anton Shulhut is a researcher of Israeli affairs and a literary critic. He translated political and literary books from Hebrew and is the author of several books including; The Oslo Collar, 2018; Israeli security persecution as a political tool, 2017; and Benjamin Netanyahu: The No-solution Doctrine, 2015.
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