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Friday, November 01, 2024

 Anarchist Studies

Reflections on the ASN8 conference – looking back/forward

Reflections on the ASN8 conference – looking back/forwardReflections on the ASN8 conference – looking back/forward

From Anarchist Studies

Early September in Belfast can be surprisingly sunny and balmy. It was so sunny even, that the closing plenary after three days of conferencing at Ulster University happened outside, in the sunshine – providing a physically open space as an opportunity for open dialogue between all participants. During the plenary, there were some initial reflections on the 8th edition of the conference, as well as some first promising ideas for the next edition.

Belfast was a rather appropriate place for a conference on the theme of ‘anarchism in/with/as/beyond conflict’. The wider region experienced a 29-year long conflict known as ‘The Troubles’ (quite the understatement!) which is still tangible today when walking the streets of Belfast. Still present are the ironically named ‘peace walls’, erected from 1969 onwards to separate communities on the basis of their supposed sectarian fealty (along the reductively binary lines of Catholic/Irish/nationalist/republican versus Protestant/British/unionist/loyalist) – there are now more than 100 of them across the city. Indeed, some of these walls have had fences added to increase their height (to prevent projectiles being thrown over), whilst many of the gates between the two areas remain locked from the early evening until morning. Does this mean that the city is still in conflict? Or is the region beyond conflict? Or do people simply live with conflict? Those are questions to ponder on, over an Irish stout maybe, in one of the several venues that played host to our members (The Sunflower, and Ulster Uni Art Shop, amongst them).

For now, we as conference organisers want to take the opportunity to use the lens of that overarching theme to share some of our personal reflections, to engage with some ideas and comments we received from participants, and to offer a few general thoughts and questions on next steps. We hope that this will start a productive conversation around ways to improve the conference, and, as usual, we are open to any level of engagement from you.

The ASN8 programme.

 

With conflict: to conference or not to conference? 

As co-organiser Elizabeth Vasileva also already mentioned in her preliminary conference reflections, much can be said about the purpose of an academic conference and whether or not it makes sense for the Anarchist Studies Network to organise one. It remains useful to have this debate and differing views are welcome. For this 8th edition, we aimed for a subversive and thought provoking convergence between academia and a DIY approach. Aside from presentations and talks there were also opportunities for social gatherings, and Do-It-Yourself conference slots were kept open. But, it’s worth stressing that the academic aspect of the programme is purposeful. The ASN is a Specialist Group of the Political Studies Association (in the UK) which gives Anarchist Studies a ‘legitimate’ place in academia and also provides (minimal) funding to support anarchist academics in organising our activities – this includes, but is not limited to, the biennial ASN conference. There are not many obvious opportunities to share academic knowledge and work on anarchism and, where these are carved out, we try to cherish them. This 8th edition fulfilled that purpose and gave space and time for people to share, question, and contemplate their own and each other’s work with that specific academic focus. This isn’t an exclusively introspective exercise – activist voices and lived experience formed the grounding for many of the critical exchanges. But we recognise that theory holds a significant place within broader anarchist praxis.

A live sketch of conference proceedings by Mike D. The numerous sketches were collated into a zine, distributed at the end of the in-person conference.

While we effectively subvert the format where we can, the set-up of ASN remains that of an academic conference. With all acknowledgement of the ‘ivory tower’ baggage, this is a space for rigorous critical thinking and a place to have one’s work scrutinised. A conference is a distinct space from other anarchist gatherings (anarchist book fairs, social centres, and other events where we might meet and discuss ideas), and while there is always more that we can do to push the boundaries of what that academic conference space looks and feels like, it cannot ultimately escape ‘academia’ (nor do we want it to).

There are limits to academic conferences and some of them are particular to the format and some are particular for anarchists. Because of time constraints, the conference is very fast-paced with overlapping panels. Other limitations come from the fact that academia, and anarchism in the UK, are both overwhelmingly white, middle-class, male-dominated spaces – diversity is difficult to achieve. While we put a lot of effort into outreach, and always prioritise financial sponsoring of under-represented groups, more work is still needed. But, that said, the conference has massively diversified in the last ten years and now hosts female-only panels, non-binary presenters, children and disabled people, alongside international participants from the Global South who wouldn’t have been able to come without support. Whilst this is a step forward, it is important to recognise that black and PoC groups from the UK still find it hard to penetrate these spaces and more work needs to be put into ensuring they feel welcome. This opportunity for convivially critical and deeper dialogue with other anarchists or anarchist-adjacent participants should be recognised for its unique contribution, while we push the limits of what it can become.

Friendly Street FC hosted ASN8 participants for a kickabout.

As for the social aspects of the conference, we enjoyed seeing many familiar faces, but also many new faces (including several first-timers on the organising team: Elke Van Dermijnsbrugge, Luke Ray Di Marco Campbell, Cassidy Ferrari, and David Fox). This shows that the conference continues to reach a wide (and new) audience! The social events gave us all the opportunities to mingle in a range of contexts – some more physically exerting than others. We joined Friendly Street F.C. at Ormeau Park for training and a nine-on-nine match. We had a pre-conference pub social and a second pub gathering, accompanied by live Irish folk tunes. We had an ‘intentional listening’ session, scoffing copious quantities of vegan pizza while hearing the raucous punk emanating from Belfast, Banda Aceh and Kosovo as part of the Failed States//Creative Resistances compilation project. We value these events, and also appreciate the spontaneous socials organised by attendees (in true anarchist fashion), because they make the conference a more spontaneous space, more aligned with our DIY ethos, and far more than just an academic programme.

The Shop at Ulster University hosted the ‘intentional listening’ social event.

 

As conflict: inclusivity, a shared responsibility

In this 8th edition, we had quite a range of presenters: from early career researchers to activists and academics from a range of disciplines, as well as more unexpected ones like children! We want to offer every interested party an opportunity to share work, whether it is published or not, to get inspired, and be challenged as well as encouraged by the audience. Across all panels with very diverse themes and perspectives, both online (2nd September) and face-to-face (4th-6th September), we saw a lot of input and engagement from the audience, going from challenge to affirmation to provocation.

As organisers, we’ve been reflecting on how tightly we should moderate Q&As. Moderators are not there to censor questions, but to ensure respectful dialogue and time-keeping. Ultimately, people’s behaviour is their own and, collectively, everyone is responsible for creating the space together. Some people see academic jargon as exclusive while some people thrive on it because of the clarity of expression it brings – there is a challenge to find a shared ground for understanding each other. Taking responsibility for creating the space together means sometimes accepting that one doesn’t understand, or is not understood, and doing something about it. This is something that we could have addressed more at the beginning of the conference, and next time we would encourage participants to work more on a common understanding of how we might share the space (because some people took up too much space this time around, to be perfectly frank).

A panel session at ASN8.

 

In conflict: location matters

As mentioned at the start, Belfast was an appropriate place in relation to the conference theme. This location, however, also had downsides and logistical challenges. While the hosting of a first ASN conference outside Britain might be understood as a decolonising gesture, Northern Ireland remains part of the United Kingdom. The particularly harsh border regime of the UK Government meant that a significant number of would-be attendees were refused visas to enter for the in-person events, impoverishing the diversity of the conference as a whole. On the other hand, being in the north of Ireland meant an additional travel burden for people arriving from Wales, Scotland and England. There were a good number of attendees from previous (Loughborough-based) iterations of the conference who made the effort to come to Belfast, but there were a number of notable absences too.

Funding was available to help with travel (and associated) expenses, and we were glad to welcome in-person attendees from Pakistan, Kosovo, Finland, the US, India, Italy, Greece, Iceland, Canada, France, Britain, and Ireland (north and south),

The geographical location and venue(s) of the conference very much depend on the cost and the availability of rooms. As it is an academic conference, ASN organisers have usually tried to find a hosting university that does not charge us (too much) for room use, is accessible in a range of ways, and allows us to DIY (in other words: does not force us to use lanyards or to pay for expensive catering, and the likes!). The organising team members based at Ulster University ensured a degree of familiarity with the space and an ‘in’ to accessing an abundance of resources that aided the running of the event (in-house projectors, charger ports, computers, water fountains etc.). Existing relationships with colleagues at The Art Shop enabled attendees to share or sell their own literature (pamphlets, books, and materials) without having to staff a table, so they could get on with participating in conference events.

However, the space was, at times, challenging to navigate. Across the three-day in-person event, at least four other conferences were also taking place in the same building, whilst the Friday turned out to be an Open Day event for local high school children. These brought many hundreds of other people to the same space, creating quite a loud environment within which capitalist innovation reminded us how thin and non-soundproof fold-down room dividers are, and the craven extents to which universities will go to attract a young crowd. For anyone wondering, this included blaring techno music throughout the building, hosting multiple food trucks at the venue entrance (congesting access), and occupying much of the foyer with selfie stands. We shit you not.

A live sketch of conference proceedings by Mike D.

Despite the challenges, we would argue that running the event in these conditions was better than the alternative of not doing it, or of paying huge costs to hire a private venue. Reflecting on this, however, means accepting that the space is not ‘ours’ and, consequently, far from ideal. It is, however, a resource we can tap into without (or with minimal) costs. To run academic events (whatever changes we are enacting to the traditional formats), we all stand to benefit from access to the equipment in-built at many universities. Thus, when we hold the necessary connections within the ASN to access these without significant restrictions, why not carve out our own nook at Ulster or any other campus? If you see opportunities to host any of the future conferences at your institution, get in touch!

This year, we chose to have one online conference day before the physical conference, to offer an opportunity to participate and/or present to those who were not able to travel. Apart from a few minor tech hiccups with stroppy Zoom links, the day went well and we had an active and engaged audience across the different panels. This is one positive thing we learnt from the pandemic: online conferences can be constructive! We would like to reiterate what comrade Elizabeth wrote in the preliminary conference reflection:

‘Despite our excitement to be back to in-person events, we really wanted to preserve the element of enabling participants who couldn’t physically attend (because of space, borders, ability, other commitments) established during the previous two conferences. Virtual participation has now become a matter of accessibility, as many activists have pointed out since the pandemic, and is something which we are committed to.’

A live sketch of conference proceedings by Mike D.

 

Beyond conflict: where to next?

The final plenary of the conference ended up, as usual, with a few proposals on next edition’s theme. Anarchism: More-Than-Human generated the most enthusiasm and is likely to be the chosen one for ASN9 in 2026. Location is yet to be confirmed, but, again, we are looking for a free and accessible space anywhere in the world (with a local crew to help organise). We know it’s a long wait, and given that there are two whole years in between, we are hoping that ASN members will step in and propose some mini-events we can do next year.

 

Please reach us on asn.conference@protonmail.com for comments, thoughts and ideas!

Sunday, October 27, 2024

Georgia's jailed ex-president says Putin's Russia is not ready for a new 'hot' war

DAVID BRENNAN
Sat, October 26, 2024 a

Georgia's Saturday parliamentary elections have been cast by all parties as an era-defining moment for the country's 3.8 million people.

For one of the country's best known men, the results of the election could mean the difference between incarceration and freedom.

Former President Mikheil Saakashvili, 56, has been jailed since 2021 on charges of abuse of power and organizing an assault on an opposition lawmaker -- charges he contends are politically motivated.


"My imprisonment is purely political and everyone knows that," Saakashvili told ABC News in an interview conducted from his prison cell via intermediaries. "Once the politics changes, it will be finished."


PHOTO: In this Sept. 23, 2008 file photo President of Georgia Mikheil Saakashvili addresses the 63rd annual United Nations General Assembly meeting at UN headquarters in New York City. (Spencer Platt/Getty Images, FILE)More

MORE: War or peace? Russia’s wrath hangs over Georgia elections

Saturday's election will pit the Moscow-leaning Georgian Dream government against several pro-Western opposition parties, among them the United National Movement party founded by Saakashvili in 2001.

Among the UNM's priorities, if it wins power as part of a pro-Western coalition, will be to free Saakashvili.

The campaign has been fraught with allegations of meddling and political violence on behalf of GD. The opposition is hoping to mobilize a historic turnout to defeat what they say are GD efforts to undermine the contest.

"The only recipe for tackling election meddling is erecting the wall of mass turnout at the ballot box," Saakashvili said.

People power has proved a serious problem for GD in recent years. Mass protests defeated the government's first effort to introduce a foreign agents registration law -- which critics say was modeled on Russian legislation used to criminalize Western-leaning politicians, activists and academics -- in 2023.

The government pushed the legislation through again in 2024 despite renewed and intense demonstrations.

Opponents credit GD founder, former prime minister and Georgia's richest man -- Bidzina Ivanishvili -- as the mastermind behind what they say is the government's authoritarian and pro-Moscow pivot, though the billionaire does not hold an official position.

Saakashvili said Ivanishvili -- who made his fortune in Russia after the Soviet collapse -- and the GD party "will go as far as it takes" to retain power this weekend, "but the question will be once they lose the elections if the government structures follow the orders from the oligarch," he added, referring to Ivanishvili.

PHOTO: Georgian billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili attends the final campaign rally of the ruling Georgian Dream party in Tbilisi, Georgia, on Oct. 23, 2024. (Giorgi Arjevanidze/AFP via Getty Images)

Ivanishvili and his party are framing the vote as a choice between war and peace. A new Western-led government, they say, will put Tbilisi back on the path to conflict with Russia, reviving the bloodshed of the 2008 war that saw Moscow cement its occupation of 20% of Georgian territory.

"It is straight from the Russian playbook," Saakashvili said of the GD warnings. "Blaming victims for aggression against them. As far as we are concerned, real security and peace is associated with being part of Euro-Atlantic structures, and European Union membership is within reach." Georgia received EU candidate status in 2023.

The latest polls suggest that GD will emerge as the largest party, but will fall significantly short of a parliamentary majority. A grand alliance of pro-EU and pro-NATO opposition parties, though, could get past the 50% threshold to form a new governing coalition.

"Polls are a very treacherous thing in authoritarian systems," Saakashvili said. "Moldova's recent example shows that polls get compromised by mass vote buying, and surely that will be the case in Georgia."

"On the other hand, those that say to pollsters that they are voting for the government very often don't say the truth," he added.

PHOTO: A man holds a Georgian flag during an opposition rally ahead of the parliamentary election in Tbilisi, Georgia, on Oct. 20, 2024. (Shakh Aivazov/AP)

Saakashvili's 2021 imprisonment marked the nadir of a 20-year political rollercoaster. Saakashvili went from the much-loved leader of Georgia's pro-Western Rose Revolution in 2003 to being vanquished by President Vladimir Putin's Russian military machine by 2008.

By 2011, Saakashvili's government was itself accused of violently suppressing protests, with the president soon also embroiled in human rights and corruption scandals.

Constitutionally barred from serving three consecutive terms, Saakashvili left Georgia after the 2013 presidential election and in 2018 was convicted in absentia on abuse of power and other charges.

A Ukrainian citizen -- his citizenship was revoked by President Petro Poroshenko in 2017 before being restored by President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in 2019 -- Saakashvili went on to serve as governor of the Odessa region from 2015 to 2016. Zelenskyy appointed Saakashvili as the head of the executive committee of the National Council of Reforms in 2020.

Saakashvili returned to Georgia in October 2021 as the country prepared for local elections. He was arrested and detained by police.

His domestic and international allies have repeatedly condemned his imprisonment, raising concerns of his ill treatment and subsequent ill health. U.S. and European Union officials have also urged Tbilisi to do more to ensure Saakashvili's fair treatment.

PHOTO: Former Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili appears in court in Tbilisi, Georgia on Nov. 29, 2021. (Irakli Gedenidze/Reuters/Pool/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images, FILE)

He has been hospitalized while in prison -- once due to a hunger strike -- and his gaunt appearance during a 2023 video conference court hearing prompted Zelenskyy to summon the Georgian ambassador in Kyiv to complain.

Saakashvili broadly blames Putin for his current situation. But he believes Moscow is not necessarily in a position to prevent a pro-Western pivot in Tbilisi.

"In 2008, the war happened after the West had sent a clear sign of weakness by refusing the NATO accession for Georgia and Ukraine," Saakashvili said.

"If there is no hesitation this time, Russia is so stuck in Ukraine that it has no motivation to create a new hot war elsewhere."

"We have no other choice," he responded, when asked about the risks of perturbing the Kremlin. "The only other alternative is going back," he said, "living in the Russian sphere of influence."

As to his own plans if indeed he is freed, Saakashvili described himself as "a regional rather than purely Georgian leader."

"I will help any next non-oligarch government with transition by advice," he added, but said he will not seek any official position of power.

"And of course, I am a Ukrainian national and it is my duty to stand by Ukraine."


PHOTO: Supporters of Georgia's pro-Western and pro-European Union opposition groups hold a rally ahead of the upcoming parliamentary elections in Tbilisi, Georgia, on Oct. 20, 2024. (Irakli Gedenidze/Reuters)

EU leader denounces Russia's 'hybrid war' aiming to destabilize Western Balkan democracies

Associated Press
Updated Sat, October 26, 2024


European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen listens to Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic during a news conference at the Serbia Palace in Belgrade, Serbia, Friday, Oct. 25, 2024. (AP Photo/Darko Vojinovic)ASSOCIATED PRESS

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen speaks during a media conference after talks with Montenegro's Prime Minister Milojko Spajic in Podgorica, Montenegro, Saturday, Oct. 26, 2024. (AP Photo/Risto Bozovic)ASSOCIATED PRESS

Montenegro's Prime Minister Milojko Spajic, right, shakes hands with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen in Podgorica, Montenegro, Saturday, Oct. 26, 2024. (AP Photo/Risto Bozovic)

PRISTINA, Kosovo (AP) — European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen on Saturday denounced Russia's hybrid attacks against democracies, saying the European Union is fighting daily to debunk misinformation.

Von der Leyen was in Kosovo as part of a trip this week to aspiring EU member states in the Western Balkans to assure them that enlargement remains a priority for the 27-nation bloc.

Von der Leyen denounced Russia's efforts “to destabilize these democracies,” adding that Brussels works to unveil propaganda “to the benefit of a whole region.”

“It is possible for us to stand up with the truth and with transparency and with very clear messaging. So here we are really countering a hybrid attack that Russia is leading against democracies,” she said at a news conference in the capital, Pristina.

Von der Leyen came to Kosovo from neighboring Serbia, which has close ties to Russia and has refused to join international sanctions on Moscow over its invasion of Ukraine.

She did not mention the 13-year-old EU-led dialogue to normalize ties between Serbia and its former province, Kosovo, instead focusing on EU efforts to develop the region's economy.

Kosovo-Serbia ties remain tense, even 25 years after NATO’s 78-day bombing campaign in 1999 that ended a war between Serbian government forces and ethnic Albanian separatists in Kosovo, which left about 13,000 people dead, mainly ethnic Albanians. Kosovo proclaimed independence in 2008, which Belgrade has not recognized.



Last year EU officials offered a 6-billion-euro (about $6.5 billion) growth plan to the Western Balkan countries in an effort to double the region’s economy over the next decade and accelerate their efforts to join the bloc. That aid is contingent on reforms that would bring their economies in line with EU rules.

The Western Balkan countries — Albania, Bosnia, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia — are at different stages in their applications for EU membership. The countries have been frustrated by the slow pace of the process, but Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 has propelled European leaders to push the six to join the bloc.

The Commission on Wednesday approved the reform agendas of Albania, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia following a green light from EU member states. That was a key step to allow payments under the growth plan upon completion of agreed reform steps.

Von der Leyen's trip concluded with a visit to small Montenegro, a NATO member state which is seen as the first in line for EU membership. Von der Leyen praised Montenegro's effortson the EU path, saying “we are now closing one chapter after another.”



Montenegro's government is a cohabitation between pro-EU and pro-Russian factions. Von der Leyen urged unity in the divided nation to achieve progress toward EU membership.

“I want to assure you that, like in my first mandate, enlargement will be at the top of the political agenda for the next five years," said von der Leyen. “We have now all the necessary tools, all the necessary instruments in place, so let’s make it happen, let’s make it a reality, and work towards this common goal.”

___

AP writer Predrag Milic contributed from Podgorica, Montenegro.


EU leader praises Serbia for its advances in EU membership bid despite growing Russian influence

DUSAN STOJANOVIC
Updated Fri, October 25, 2024

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, left, shakes hands with Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic after a news conference at the Serbia Palace in Belgrade, Serbia, Friday, Oct. 25, 2024. (AP Photo/Darko Vojinovic)
BELGRADE, Serbia (AP) — European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen on Friday praised the Serbian president for meeting her and other European Union leaders instead of attending a Russia-organized summit of developing economies held earlier this week.

Serbia has close ties to Russia and has refused to join international sanctions on Moscow over its invasion of Ukraine. In a telephone conversation Sunday with Russian President Vladimir Putin, populist Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic said EU candidate Serbia would maintain its stance on sanctions, notwithstanding EU and other Western pressure.

However, despite Putin's invitation, Vucic did not attend a three-day summit of the BRICS group of nations, led by Russia and China, which took place in the Russian city of Kazan earlier this week. Leaders or representatives of 36 countries took part in the summit, highlighting the failure of U.S.-led efforts to isolate Russia over its actions in Ukraine.

Vucic sent a high-level delegation to the meeting, but said he could not attend himself because he had scheduled meetings with von der Leyen and Polish and Greek leaders. There are fears in the West that Putin is plotting trouble in the volatile Balkans in part to shift some of the attention from its invasion of Ukraine.

“What I see is that the president of the Republic of Serbia is hosting me here today and just has hosted the prime minister of Greece and the prime minister of Poland. That speaks for itself, I think," von der Leyen said at a joint press conference with Vucic.

“And for my part, I want to say that my presence here today, in the context of my now fourth trip to the Balkan region since I took office, is a very clear sign that I believe that Serbia’s future is in the European Union," she said.

Vucic said he knows what the EU is demanding for eventual membership — including compliance with foreign policy goals — but did not pledge further coordination.



“Of course, Ursula asked for much greater compliance with EU’s foreign policy declaration," he said. “We clearly know what the demands are, what the expectations are.”

Von der Leyen was in Serbia as part of a trip this week to aspiring EU member states in the Western Balkans to assure them that EU enlargement remains a priority for the 27-nation bloc. From Serbia, von der Leyen will travel to neighboring Kosovo and Montenegro.

Serbian media reported that von der Leyen refused to meet with Serbian Prime Minister Milos Vucevic because of his talks Friday with a high-level Russian economic delegation, which was in Belgrade to discuss deepening ties with Serbia. Vucic will meet the Russian officials on Saturday.

In Bosnia on Friday, von der Leyen promised support for the deeply split Balkan country which is struggling with the reforms needed to advance toward EU membership.

The Western Balkan countries — Albania, Bosnia, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia — are at different stages in their applications for EU membership. The countries have been frustrated by the slow pace of the process, but Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 has propelled European leaders to push the six to join the bloc.

Bosnia gained candidate status in 2022. EU leaders in March agreed in principle to open membership negotiations, though Bosnia must still do a lot of work.

“We share the same vision for the future, a future where Bosnia-Herzegovina is a full-fledged member of the European Union,” said von der Leyen at a joint press conference with Bosnian Prime Minister Bojana Kristo. “So, I would say, let’s continue working on that. We’ve gone a long way already, we still have a way ahead of us, but I am confident that you’ll make it.”

Last year EU officials offered a 6-billion-euro (about $6.5 billion) growth plan to the Western Balkan countries in an effort to double the region’s economy over the next decade and accelerate their efforts to join the bloc. That aid is contingent on reforms that would bring their economies in line with EU rules.


The Commission on Wednesday approved the reform agendas of Albania, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia following a green light from EU member states. That was a key step to allow payments under the growth plan upon completion of agreed reform steps.

However, Bosnia's reform agenda has still not been signed off by the Commission.

“The accession process is, as you know, merit-based … we do not look at a rigid data but we look at the merits, the progress that a country is making,” said von der Leyen. "The important thing is that we have an ambitious reform agenda, like the other five Western Balkan countries also have. We stand ready to help you to move forward.”

Long after a 1992-95 ethnic war that killed more than 100,000 people and left millions homeless, Bosnia remains ethnically divided and politically deadlocked. An ethnic Serb entity — one of Bosnia's two equal parts joined by a common government — has sought to gain as much independence as possible.

Upon arrival in Bosnia, von der Leyen on Thursday first went to Donja Jablanica, a village in central Bosnia that was devastated in recent floods and landslides. The disaster in early October claimed 27 lives and the small village was virtually buried in rocks from a quarry located on a hill above.

Von der Leyen said the EU is sending an immediate aid package of 20 million euros ($21 million) and will also provide support for reconstruction later on.

—-

AP writer Jovana Gec contributed from Belgrade.



'We will do our best to accelerate our European path,' Serbia's Vučić says

Euronews
Fri, October 25, 2024 at 10:44 AM MDT



European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen met with Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić in Belgrade on Friday to discuss Serbia's path toward the European Union.

“Europe remains strongly committed to the European future of Serbia,” von der Leyen said after meeting with Vučić.

"In times of conflicts and wars and turmoil, being a member of the European Union is a promise of peace and prosperity, and it is a promise that we can deliver together," she added.



The Commission President was in Serbia as part of a trip this week to aspiring EU member states in the Western Balkans, aiming to reassure them that EU enlargement remains a priority for the 27-nation bloc.

Earlier on Friday she visited Bosnia where she promised support for the troubled Balkan nation as it struggles with reform needed to advance toward membership in the European Union.

The Western Balkans countries — Albania, Bosnia, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia — are at different stages in their applications for EU membership.

The countries have expressed frustration over the slow pace of the process; however, Russia's invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 has prompted European leaders to encourage the six nations to join the bloc.

Related
'Without Serbia EU is not complete,' Polish PM Donald Tusk says

Last year EU officials offered a €6 billion growth plan to the Western Balkan countries in an effort to double the region’s economy over the next decade and accelerate their efforts to join the bloc.

That aid is contingent on reforms that would bring their economies in line with EU rules.

Vučić on Friday said Serbia would "give our best" to "accelerate" its path to joining the EU. Serbia became an EU candidate country in 2012.

The Commission on Wednesday approved the reform agendas of Albania, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia following a green light from EU member states. It was a key step to allow payments under the growth plan upon completion of agreed reform steps.



European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen reviews the honor guard with Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic during a welcome ceremony at the Serbia Palace in Belgrade, Serbia, Friday, Oct. 25, 2024. (AP Photo/Darko Vojinovic)ASSOCIATED PRESS

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen smiles during a joint news conference with the President of the Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina Borjana Kristo in Sarajevo, Bosnia, Friday, Oct. 25, 2024. (AP Photo/Armin Durgut)ASSOCIATED PRESS

Russian President Vladimir Putin and Bosnian Serb political leader Milorad Dodik attend a meeting on the sidelines of the BRICS Summit in Kazan, Russia, Friday, Oct. 25, 2024. (Alexander Kazakov, Sputnik, Kremlin Pool Photo via AP)ASSOCIATED PRESS

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen speaks during a joint news conference with the President of the Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina Borjana Kristo in Sarajevo, Bosnia, Friday, Oct. 25, 2024. (AP Photo/Armin Durgut)ASSOCIATED PRESS

Members of the Bosnian Presidency Zeljka Cvijanovic, left, Denis Becirovic, center and Zeljko Komsic, right, pose for a photo with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, prior to the start of their meeting in Sarajevo, Bosnia, Friday, Oct. 25, 2024. (AP Photo/Armin Durgut)ASSOCIATED PRESS

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen speaks during a media conference after talks with Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic at the Serbia Palace in Belgrade, Serbia, Friday, Oct. 25, 2024. (AP Photo/Darko Vojinovic)ASSOCIATED PRESS

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen arrives at a news conference after talks with Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic at the Serbia Palace in Belgrade, Serbia, Friday, Oct. 25, 2024. (AP Photo/Darko Vojinovic)ASSOCIATED PRESS

Friday, October 25, 2024

Liberal Interventionism From Past to Present

The kind of progressivism that people expect from the Democratic Party has been subsumed by another
October 23, 2024
Source: Responsible Statecraft


Photo by Mike De Sisti / Milwaukee Journal Sentinel

“What’s happened to the Democrats? They used to be antiwar!” Such is one of the many questions being bandied about by an online commentariat seeking to make sense of a litany of Republican endorsements of Kamala Harris, many of them made by party elites known for their hawkish foreign policy like former Wyoming Representative Liz Cheney and former Vice President Dick Cheney.

One could find similar consternation with American liberals’ support for U.S. involvement in the Ukraine crisis. The confusion is based primarily on nostalgia, a selective view of history that obscures the Democratic Party’s longer, more complicated relationship with interventionism.

The reality is quite different: what we are witnessing is the latest iteration of an ongoing intraparty struggle where the dominant liberal interventionist core asserts itself over a smaller progressive noninterventionist periphery. While the latter often dominates popular conceptions of the Democratic Party and its vision for American foreign affairs, the former drives the reality of party politics.

This has been happening since the First World War, best encapsulated by the public debate between Columbia professor John Dewey and one of his students, writer Randolph Bourne. While both were considered liberals of a progressive stripe, they maintained opposing views on American entry into Europe’s conflagration.

Known for his adherence to philosophical pragmatism, Dewey asserted that the war could save the world from German militarism and be used to shepherd the American political economy toward a fairer, managed state. Bourne rejected this notion and argued that American entry into the war would undermine the egalitarianism of the larger progressive project and create a labyrinth of bureaucracies that would undermine democracy.

While Dewey’s arguments held sway as the United States entered the war, American involvement in Europe’s quarrel, compounded by civil rights abuses at home, proved Bourne posthumously correct.

Despite succumbing to the Spanish Flu in 1918, Bourne’s views of the war, bolstered by the posthumous publication of a collection of essays entitled Untimely Papers, found fertile soil in an American society horrified by the conflict. Chastened by the realities of the Western Front, interwar progressivism took on a solid strain of pacifism and opposition to centralized authority.

While Bourne’s sentiments survived the Great War and inspired a postwar mood of non-interventionism, they would not survive America’s subsequent entry into World War II, which set the tone for the foreign policy of American liberalism and, by extension, the Democratic Party for the next 30 years.

Liberal interventionism won out in the face of a threat posed by the distinctly right-wing geopolitical threat in the form of the Axis powers. Except for a few strident leftwing pacifists and a few dissident liberals who took refuge with the Republican Right, the bulk of the formerly pacifist left took up the cause of intervention in the name of antifascism.

The tone set by the Second World War carried through into American liberalism’s conduct of the Cold War. Beneath the din of anti-communism, one often amplified by conservatives, American foreign policy was shaped by a liberal understanding of recent history and the origins of communism. President Harry Truman’s eponymously titled doctrine entangled the United States in Europe’s security architecture.

After the Eisenhower administration, which solidified the Truman doctrine and expanded it to the Middle East and Southeast Asia, the Cold War framework was thickened further still by a liberal cold warrior, President John F. Kennedy.

Empowered by a materialist and universalistic view of human advancement and the belief that the U.S. had fallen behind the Soviets, JFK pursued a policy known as “flexible response” that expanded American military spending beyond the bounds of nuclear deterrence. These policy changes, maintained under his successor, President Lyndon Johnson, and coupled with a dramatic increase in foreign aid spending, expanded U.S. commitments throughout the postcolonial world.

This combination of asymmetric warfare and economic development drastically raised the stakes of the Cold War and led directly to U.S. entry into the quagmire of the Vietnam War.

Contrary to nostalgia present the Kennedy era as a missed path towards peace, in reality, JFK continued America on a path of war-making and militarization laid out by his predecessors and stretched well beyond the deaths of the slain Kennedy brothers.

While the Vietnam War was the product of Cold War liberalism, it was also its undoing. The horrors of the war, coupled with the inequities of the draft and government secrecy revealed, inspired a mass antiwar movement among the heretofore latent progressive left that found a resonant audience on Capitol Hill.

Earlier antiwar works from the left, including that of Randolph Bourne, were revived for a youth movement radicalized against the war. This movement similarly inspired subsequent debates during the late Cold War, particularly on the issue of the Reagan administration’s arming of the Contras in Nicaragua and intervention in the Angolan Civil War. The future seemed bright for a left-wing anti-war sensibility and its access to a Democratic Party that was amenable to its views.

However, the collapse of the Soviet Union, internal changes within the Democratic Party, and the subsequent birth of a new logic for humanitarian interventionism subsumed the ruptures caused by the Vietnam War. While the Democrats indeed offered notable resistance to Operation Desert Storm, often invoking the specter of Vietnam, congressional Democrats provided significant support to U.S. operations in Somalia and interventions in the former Yugoslavia.

During the Clinton administration, inspired by retrospectives on the Holocaust compounded by the Rwandan genocide, the notion of a “responsibility to protect,” the concept that the U.S. had the moral obligation to use force to prevent mass atrocity, took hold within elite liberal circles.

Due to these competing impulses, Democratic opposition to the Global War on Terror was checkered and paired by a left-wing anti-war movement that, in retrospect, was a shadow of its Vietnam-era self. While, as with Iraq War I, Democrats posted noticeable opposition to Iraq War II, such opposition was overshadowed by the fact that Democratic leadership, especially in the Senate, acquiesced to a war spearheaded by a Republican administration.

Three of the last five Democratic presidential nominees — then Senators John Kerry, Hillary Clinton, and Joe Biden — voted in support of using military action against Iraq. President Obama won in 2008 in part because he publicly opposed war in Iraq before it began and campaigned on ending that war. While he advanced that sentiment by pursuing diplomacy with Iran and opening up to Cuba, he also launched interventions into Libya, Syria, and Yemen, often sold on the grounds of a “responsibility to protect.”

Much like the liberal rationale of interventions past, American involvement was justified on humanitarian grounds and met largely with Democratic acquiescence in Congress and voter apathy.

Liberalism has entered a new wave of internal strife regarding America’s role in the world. In a new era of great power competition, the progressive base of the Democratic Party has come out hard against unconditional U.S. support for Israel’s war in Gaza and Lebanon. It has also shown varying degrees of opposition to U.S. involvement in the Ukraine crisis. Yet, unlike the Vietnam era, this grassroots opposition has been unable to substantively influence Democratic politics, where a party elite clings to old views about upholding international norms and alliances, no matter how inconsistent or counterproductive those views in practice may be.

Given this intraparty divide, it should not be surprising that the Harris campaign has courted the endorsement of hawkish Republicans.

This history, however, should not be viewed as determinative of an inevitable path forward. The past has shown that these impulses are not static but held by individuals determined to shape the future.


Brandan P. Buck

Dr. Brandan P. Buck is a foreign policy research fellow at the Cato Institute and holds a Ph.D. in history from George Mason University. Brandan is a former intelligence professional who served in the United States Army and Virginia Army National Guard, completing multiple tours of duty in Afghanistan in support of Operation Enduring Freedom.


Seeing the Forest for the Trees
Thesis on The Kosovo Crisis and the Crisis of Global Capitalism

(originally written May 1999, Bill Clinton set the stage for George W. to invade Afghanistan and Iraq for humanitarian purposes.)
http://plawiuk.blogspot.com/2005/01/war-whats-it-good-for-profit.html




The US Isn’t Moving Right — the Democrats Are

As the Kamala Harris campaign lurches rightward, pundits want us to believe she’s just following the will of the voters. The facts don’t bear that out.


October 23, 2024
Source: Jacobin



Some alarming news is brewing for the Left. It turns out that after a brief flirtation with progressive and socialist politics, the United States is now turning back to the right.

“Five years ago, as a candidate for the Democratic nomination, Harris catered to the social justice Left. Now she tells Oprah she’ll shoot intruders with her Glock. That’s what I call progress,” the American Enterprise Institute recently celebrated, pointing to Harris’s moves to “catch up” with a more conservative voting public. “Kamala Harris is running to the center-right because America is center-right,” National Review blared last month. Dave Weigel argues that Democrats have “adjusted to an electorate that’s shifted to the right” by making several major policy concessions “that they didn’t want to, or think they needed to, in 2016 and 2020.”

Don’t be so sure.

It’s not that there’s nothing to this. Immigration has become a more important issue to voters across the board, and far-right ideas like mass deportationgutting the right to asylum, or simply curbing immigration now have support from majorities or pluralities of Americans, even leaping in popularity among Democrats. And polling shows that the public has lagged or moved the other way on topics related to transgender Americans, who the Right has been somewhat successful at turning into a wedge issue.

But it’s a mistake to treat the Democratic Party’s rightward lurch under Kamala Harris as an accurate measure of the country’s politics as a whole, or even to treat support for Donald Trump or Joe Biden and Harris as a proxy for ideology. (To be fair to Weigel, he takes care to take note this and other nuances.)

Take the issue of raising the federal minimum wage. Harris never talks about it: not at the debate with Trump, not in her first sit-down interview in August, not in the Univision town hall she just did. Though it might be part of the Democratic platform, for all intents and purposes, it has been dropped from her campaign and presidential agenda.

Does this mean the country has turned against a $15 or higher minimum wage, a major left-wing priority that was one of the Bernie Sanders campaign’s (and, later, Biden’s) flagship policies? Obviously not, as we can see not only from robust recent polling that shows the measure is wildly popular across party lines, but from the results of state and municipal ballot measures that have routinely seen Americans directly vote to hike the wage — including in deep red Florida, 60 percent of whose voting residents backed raising the wage to $15 four years ago, at the same time they elected Trump and a spree of Republicans downballot.

This isn’t the only such example. There are a host of progressive policies that poll well across the board that Harris either refuses to take up, like adding dental coverage to Medicare and lowering the program’s eligibility age, or doesn’t ever talk about, like a national rent cap. In a political system where both parties beg for money from corporations and the ultrarich, treating what policies those parties do and don’t support as a reflection of the will of the voters doesn’t make much sense.

Harris’s rightward lurch on foreign policy isn’t justified by meeting the electorate where it is either: polling consistently shows that voters, especially in swing states, are worried about the wars in Ukraine and the Middle East escalating, see preventing that escalation as a higher priority than total military victory, oppose Israel’s war and favor an arms embargo on it, and prefer the United States generally shrink its global footprint to focus on domestic problems.

These are all positions traditionally espoused by left-wing voices, and they’re also positions that Harris is on the opposite side on. Several of them are actually much closer to what the public has been (wronglytold are the positions held by Trump, who is consistently trusted on foreign policy more than Harris.

In fact, the clearest and most consistent takeaways from election-related polling are not that voters think Harris is too far left and that Trump’s policy platform is what Americans want. It’s that voters are most concerned with the cost-of-living crisis that we’ve all taken to calling “inflation” as shorthand, that voters are drawn to Trump largely for this reason, that they want to hear more from Harris about what she would actually do as president to solve this, and that they don’t think she would break from President Joe Biden, whose years in power they associate (not unfairly) with feeling poorer.

At the same time, we’re only two years out from a midterm election in which Republicans, convinced that voters had turned against socially liberal views on abortion and LGBTQ rights, failed miserably to capitalize on an unpopular incumbent president by making what turned out to be an alienating conservative assault on both issues central to their identity. Even now, a left-populist candidate is within striking distance of beating a Republican for a Senate seat in Nebraska, a state that hasn’t voted blue since 1964 (yes, by taking a more conservative position on immigration, but also by running on a more liberal position on abortion).

Meanwhile, Trump and his campaign organization are not exactly acting like he’s running for president in a country that’s lurched rightward.

Trump has spent the bulk of this year running away from Project 2025, the deeply unpopular policy blueprint of radical right-wing ideas that members of his first administration devised in partnership with the Heritage Foundation, and which the campaign once proudly touted and has many overlaps with his official campaign documents. He’s renounced the GOP’s politically toxic stance on abortion, to the point of wrenching control of the platform-writing process and angering the party base with a more centrist position. The biggest takeaway from the vice-presidential debate was how Trump running mate J. D. Vance pretended to be someone else with a whole different set of beliefs.

That’s all before we get to the fact that, despite Trump’s resilience in the polls, his campaign has gone from consistently leading to being neck and neck in the popular vote, even trailing — and that Harris, in spite of running a far more conservative campaign, is not exactly running away with it either.

In fact, Trump’s resilience in the polls is in large part explained by the time he departed from right-wing economics.

Commentators have scratched their heads over why voters seem to have a nostalgia for Trump’s final, chaotic year as president in 2020. One obvious reason is that a Democratic-led Congress passed, and Trump signed into law, a hugely expensive welfare state expansion that, despite the hardship of the pandemic, was transformative for many people: income inequality narrowed on a historic scale, debts were paid off, money was saved, and many had the newfound financial security to find new, more rewarding, and lucrative careers.

Almost all of that expanded welfare state gradually disappeared under Biden.

Even on immigration, the issue voters have most dramatically moved rightward on, things aren’t as clear-cut as they might seem. Current public opinion on this hasn’t come out of a vacuum. Part of it has been a migrant crisis that is more and more visible to the average voter on their streets, and record arrivals at the border earlier in the year. But part of it is also a high-profile Democratic retreat on the issue, which has seen the party adopt a defensive crouch, abandon its Trump-era positive case for the benefits of immigration, and inadvertently elevate the issue by picking a high-profile fight over it instead of one over Trump and the GOP’s weaknesses (raising Social Security benefits, for instance). We can’t know how differently things would have looked after this path not taken. But it’s absurd and ahistorical to argue it would have had no effect.

So no, it is not really true that the country has lurched right, and certainly not that the rightward shifts we’ve seen are simply part of some organic process of the electorate coming to its senses. But we can say one thing for sure: the Democratic establishment is turning rightward, and it is determined to do so after a short-lived experimentation with mildly progressive governance under Biden. Whether Harris wins or loses in November, the result will be spun to argue there is no alternative.



Branko Marcetic is a staff writer at Jacobin magazine and a 2019-2020 Leonard C. Goodman Institute for Investigative Reporting fellow. He is the author of Yesterday’s Man: The Case Against Joe Biden.

Sunday, October 20, 2024

Will Wolfsburg's fortunes whittle as VW faces a crisis?

Nadine Mena Michollek
DW

Almost everybody in Wolfsburg in northern Germany works for VW, has family and friends there or their business depends on the company. Now, as the car giant is facing a crisis, an entire city is afraid of its downfall.

The silhouette of Volkswagen's car factory is a landmark for the city of Wolfsburg
Image: picture-alliance/dpa/M. Schreiber

The first thing you see when rolling into the German city of Wolfsburg in Lower Saxony by train are four giant smokestacks rising from a huge factory building that carries the VW logo in blue and white on the front of its reddish-brown brick walls. Welcome to Volkswagen city, home to one of the biggest car-making factories in the world.

Wolfsburg is one of the few German cities built during the first half of the 20th century as a planned city, meaning it was designed for a purpose and constructed on previously undeveloped land.

Founded by Hitler's Nazi regime on 1 July 1938, Wolfsburg was built to become home for workers producing the the so-called KdF-Wagen — a low-cost, affordable car that was built until 1945 to please the masses, part of the Third Reich's Kraft durch Freude (Strength through Joy) campaign.

Wolfsburg exists because of the Volkswagen (VW) car factory, and some say if VW sneezes, Wolfsburg is catching a cold.

Wolfsburg has come to be the youngest city in all of GermanyImage: picture-alliance/dpa/M. Leitzke
Wolfsburg dreams come undone

At the moment, VW's emerging crisis is talk of the town, as Europe's biggest carmaker is for the first time in its history planning to close German plants and lay off thousands of workers.

More than 60,000 people work for VW, out of a total of 120,000 living in Wolfsburg. VW's wages are above average, making the company's labor costs the highest in the car industry with about €62 ($67) earned for an hour of work in 2023.

Kristin Rößer says here the typical German dream of a house with a garden, a car, and a wife with two kids is still alive. The real estate agent is showing DW around a bungalow-style house which, she says, is quite typical for many VW workers' homes in Wolfsburg. A room divider, petrol-colored PVC floors, and yellow kitchen tiles hark back to the days when many of these homes were built in the 1960s.

Kristin Rößer (right) says a bungalow-style house is the dream of many a VW worker and high wages make it easier to fulfill
Image: Anna Chaika/DW

Those were golden days for VW, remembers Rößer, who's been living in Wolfsburg for all of her life.

These days, however, she's feeling huge uncertainty gripping the city, with not a few VW workers calling her to "sell their houses before their value collapses," as she says. Other clients had cancelled home-buying contracts even before they had actually moved in.

"People are hesitating to buy a new house and want to keep their money together until they know what VW will decide," she says.

In 2023, the 10-brand car group still posted sound profits totaling more than €18 billion, and paid out €4.5 billion in dividends to shareholders. Nevertheless, VW management launched an efficiency program last year aimed at saving €10 billion by 2026 to boost competitiveness.

In August 2024, however, management said further savings measures were required, including the closure of possibly two car plants in Germany and steep cuts to the company's 120,000-strong workforce in Germany.
Labor unions have vowed to resist plant closures and job cuts at VW with all means available
Image: MORITZ FRANKENBERG/AFP

Concerned silence at the gates

On this afternoon in October, the sun is casting a mild autumn light on Gate 17 of the sprawling VW site. Hundreds of workers are flooding through it, after finishing their morning shift at 2 p.m. They're wearing white overalls and sweaters or shirts emblazoned with the VW logo.

As they head for the huge car park outside the factory, their mood seems subdued, and hardly anyone wants to speak to DW or even have their photos taken by the reporter.

Following massive media coverage of VW's troubles in recent weeks, most of them are not in the mood to answer the same question again and again. Of course, workers fear for their jobs, says one man, and another one adds that all they can do now is remain confident about the future of the carmaker. "We have survived many crises, we will survive this one, too," he says.

With a median income of €5,238, Wolfsburg has one of the richest city populations in Germany, second only to those living in Ingolstadt, where carmaker Audi is based.

The times are changing for Wolfsburg

Business taxes levied on VW's massive profits have made Wolfsburg wealthy, but now the city is showing the ubiquitous signs of economic decline.

The city center, which is encircled by broad streets with plenty of parking spaces, is deserted on this sunny afternoon. Some shoppers stroll down Porsche Street, but they are mostly passing by empty shop windows, a few nickel-and-dime stores and the flickering lights of an occasional gambling hall.

The few cafes and bars along the high-street boulevard are also not well-frequented as a warm day in October might suggest.

Djuliano Saliovski says that not long ago many of his customers used to come for dinner once a week, but now they often only come once a month.

A refugee from Kosovo, Saliovski and his wife opened a hotel with restaurant in Wolfsburg several years ago, and they are popular with their customers, greeting most of them personally by their names.

Djuliano Saliovski saw his sales slumping in recent months and thinks the hard times have yet to comeImage: Nadine Mena Michollek/DW

The COVID-19 pandemic two years ago had already significantly reduced the number of dinner and hotel reservations, he says, "but now they are even fewer." At this time of the year, he notes, there would be many bookings for Christmas coming in, but not so this year.

Still, he believes, the situation will "turn around," and he's even panning to expand his business in Wolfsburg by buying a new building in addition to the properties he already owns in the city.

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Wolfsburg's fear of becoming an industrial museum

The glorious days of car production in Wolfsburg are on display in the Volkswagen Museum along Diesel Street. A huge lineup of vintage cars includes all of the company's most popular models, including the famous Beetle that was produced more than a million times between 1938 and 2003, or the VW minibus known as the wagon of choice of the German flower-power generation of the late 1960s.

VW reigned supreme in the combustion-engine era, but its sales of battery-powered cars fail to gain tractionImage: Nadine Mena Michollek/DW

The museum is a must-see on the itineraries of tourists, of whom more than 300,000 are coming to visit Wolfsburg every year. Apart from that, the so-called Autostadt (auto city) is a point of attraction — a 28-hectare automobile theme park offering glimpses into "the world of mobility," and the place where more then three million drivers have been handed the keys to their new VW cars so far.

But fewer and fewer tourists have been coming to visit Wolfsburg, a taxi driver told DW, noting that several years ago taxi companies could "hardly cope with the demand from tourists and business travelers."

Could that be an ominous sign that Wolfsburg's days as the car production capital of Europe are numbered? Is it possible that Volkswagen, the leading auto manufacturer by sales still a few years ago, isn't able to win over enough customers for its electric vehicles that are supposed to be the future of the industry?

The Wolfsburg taxi driver has a clear opinion about Volkswagen and its global leadership in the combustion-engine era: "Those times are long gone," he says, adding that he thinks the situation could be "getting even worse."

Edited by: Uwe Hessler