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Friday, March 20, 2026

On the Middle East crisis and the Philippines.

Thursday 19 March 2026, by IIRE Manila


The global order is currently grappling with a catastrophic escalation in the Middle East. Initiated without provocation by coordinated US-Israeli attacks on Iranian strategic targets on February 28, 2026, the conflict has rapidly evolved into a multi-front war.

In response, Iran retaliated by targeting US military bases in the region. With the death of Iran’s Supreme Leader and the subsequent blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, the Philippines finds itself in the crossfire of global war machines, a system it did not build but is now forced to fuel with the lives and livelihoods of its citizens.

The Human Costs

The immediate cost of this aggression is measured in blood. In only ten days, the conflict has descended into horrors that violate the core tenets of international humanitarian law. On the first day of the campaign, a guided missile struck the Shajareh Tayyebeh girls’ primary school in Hormozgan province. UN experts and Iranian authorities have confirmed the deaths of at least 165 schoolgirls, aged 7 to 12, who were killed when the roof collapsed mid-lesson. These same strikes claimed the lives of Iran’s highest leadership, including Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, his immediate family (wife, daughter-in-law, and granddaughter), and several high-ranking officials.

Beyond this massacre, verified reports indicate that over 1,675 people have been killed in Iran alone, while retaliatory strikes have claimed lives across the Gulf, including the confirmed death of a Filipino caregiver in Israel, while another Filipino crewman has gone missing after the United Arab Emirates (UAE)-registered salvage tugboat Mussafah 2 was struck by two Iranian missiles in the Strait of Hormuz. This violence treats workers, women, and children as mere collateral in a struggle for regional dominance. It is a stark reminder that aggression and violence can never bring democracy or peace; instead, they dig mass graves for the people and inflict huge losses on poor nations. While ordinary citizens suffer, the wealth of corporations investing in weaponry and armament complexes continues to grow, fueled by the rising demand for destruction.

Iranian Resistance Hijacked

For decades, the Iranian people have been engaged in an organic, grueling national struggle against the structural tyranny of the Ayatollahs—a movement rooted in the desire for secularism, economic dignity, and the restoration of stolen civic liberties.

However, this internal evolution is repeatedly “hijacked” by the aggression of the US-Israel alliance. When the primary tool of regime change shifts from supporting the voices of the Iranian streets to the deployment of flying bombs and targeted assassinations, it inadvertently hands the Islamic Republic its most potent survival manual.

By transforming a domestic crisis of legitimacy into a defensive war against foreign invaders, the regime is able to pivot from oppressor to protector. It weaponizes the deep-seated Iranian memory of foreign meddling, stretching from the 1953 Coup to the “Holy Defense” of the Iran-Iraq War (1980s), to consolidate power. In this atmosphere of high-alert militarism, the nuanced demands of the Iranian youth are silenced under the roar of flying jet fighters and bombs. Every explosion from the outside becomes a justification for more gallows on the inside; the regime frames every protester not as a citizen seeking rights, but as a Zionist asset or a Western agent.

Ultimately, this cycle of external aggression does not liberate the Iranian people; it entrenches their captors. It creates a siege mentality that allows the clerical leadership to bypass accountability for economic collapse and social repression by pointing toward foreign threats. By attempting to dismantle the regime through force, the alliance effectively hijacked the very organic movement that was already doing the hard work of eroding the Ayatollahs’ foundation from within.

Accounting by dollars

The current crisis in the Middle East is more than a tragedy of human life; it is a violent recalibration of the global economy and another impact of the lawless global order championed by US President Trump and Israel’s Netanyahu. We are watching a staggering $10.35 billion in military capital and $3.2 trillion in market value vanish into death machines, diverted from human progress toward systematic destruction.

Research noted that the United States-Israeli war on Iran is estimated to have cost Washington $3.7 billion so far in its first 100 hours alone, or nearly $900 million a day, driven largely by the huge expenditure of munitions, which has started as a $779 million opening salvo that spiked into soaring daily expenditures.

This isn’t just fuel and salaries; it’s the high cost of attrition. The US has already seen $2.55 billion in hardware erased from the ledger, including a $1.1 billion early warning system in Qatar and several F-15E Strike Eagles. As nations bleed, the military-industrial complex finds its grim profit, with contractors surging as governments race to replace the $4 billion in munitions spent in a single week.

Global Economy Choked

The global economy is reeling from a massive supply-side shock following the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, a move that has effectively severed the world’s primary energy artery. As the blockade of the world’s most vital maritime chokepoint enters its second week, the economic fallout is outpacing the 1973 oil embargo in both speed and scale.

The statistics are staggering. Brent crude has vaulted from the $70 range to nearly $120 per barrel, triggering a $3.2 trillion hemorrhage in global equities within the first 96 hours. In energy-dependent hubs like Tokyo and Seoul, market indices have cratered by as much as 8% as the reality of an energy famine sets in. With 20% of the world’s liquefied natural gas (LNG) now stranded, spot market prices have surged by 300%, threatening everything from European home heating to the global production of nitrogen-based fertilizers.

In the Philippines

For the Philippines, this geopolitical crisis is not a distant headline, it is a direct, systemic threat to the national interest. By March 2026, the country has entered a high-stakes economic emergency. Relying on imports for roughly 98% of its crude oil, much of which originates in the Middle East, the Philippines is currently witnessing the highest single-week price jump in its history.

With diesel, kerosene, and gasoline prices projected to surge by as much as ₱24, ₱38, and ₱22.80 per liter respectively this week, oil companies are reportedly staggering price hikes to prevent an immediate collapse of the domestic transport sector. Week after the war, kerosene per liter is at P78.90, diesel worth ₱55 and gasoline at P61 per liter. These increases surely effect prices of commodities and essentials for people’s sustenance. However, the economy faces a “double whammy” as the Philippine Peso nears the ₱60-to-$1 threshold. This currency depreciation forces the nation to deplete dollar reserves to cover ballooning import bills, which in turn further weakens the Peso and drives up the cost of subsequent fuel shipments. It seriously impacts on the country’s foreign debt (35% from the external source) which is based on US currency - which means the dollar value appreciation is an automatic increase of its foreign debt. For commuters and operators alike, this creates a punishing inflationary cycle. Furthermore, proposed fare hikes aimed at easing the burden on operators effectively shift these costs onto the most vulnerable sectors, forcing daily wage earners to shoulder a disproportionate financial strain for an essential service. It should be noted that the proposal for a nationwide P200 across-the-board wage increase, intended to help workers recover from COVID-19 pandemic losses, remains in the sidelines in both houses of Congress.

Beyond the pump, the crisis jeopardizes projected 2026 $36.5 billion Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) remittances, a lifeline provided by over 2.4 million stationed in the Gulf. As hostilities escalate between the U.S., Israel, and Iran, not less than 2.4 million OFWs face potential displacement or repatriation, threatening the primary pillar of Philippine consumption. Furthermore, the nation’s structural dependence on a labor-export economy and the reliance on remittances, which accounted for $6.48 billion (18%) from the Middle East in 2025, is now a critical liability.

In response to what many are calling a perfect storm, the Philippine government has officially triggered a State of Economic Alert. Emergency measures now in effect include: a mandatory four-day work week for executive offices; strict energy conservation rules, including the “24-degree rule” for public sector air conditioning; and legislative moves to grant the President emergency powers to suspend fuel excise taxes if Dubai crude remains above $80.

The immediate reality for the average Filipino is a rapid, painful spike in the cost of basic goods, electricity, and transport. National inflation is now tracking toward a “doomsday” forecast of 7.5%, while global GDP growth projections for 2026 have already been slashed from 3.2% to 2.2%. If the blockade persists beyond a month, exposed Asian economies could see up to 2% of their total growth evaporate.

The domestic agriculture sector, already “dying” from decades of neglect, under-investment, and trade liberalization, faces imminent collapse if the crisis is prolonged. Relying on the capitalist development orientation that enriches only the few and the bigger nations, allowing vast natural resources to be exploited and the Philippines to be used as a pawn in global power competitions, leads down a road to perdition.

The crisis in the lives of the people of Mindanao and the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) in the Philippines has particularly forced them into a compounding struggle, requiring them to shoulder a massive economic burden while still in the fragile stages of recovery from a relentless series of climate disasters. The final quarter of 2025 saw a convergence of catastrophic events, beginning with Typhoon Tino (Kalmaegi) in November and the massive Super Typhoon Uwan (Fung-Wong), which together inflicted over ₱5.16 billion in agricultural damages and left the Mindanao River Basin under record-breaking floodwaters. This environmental onslaught persisted into the start of 2026 with Tropical Storm Ada in January, which saturated the soil across Caraga, followed in February by Typhoon Basyang, which brought 100-year rainfall (according to experts) to Northern Mindanao, killing 12 people and dealing an additional ₱1.48 billion in losses to Surigao del Sur alone.

Consequently, the 7.5% inflation forecast and the projected ₱24 per liter fuel spike will not land on a stable economy, but on a population whose agricultural yields were already slashed, where workers are struggling with low wages, and living conditions are precarious. For Mindanao’s farmers and across the country, the fuel famine or scarcity of fuel would make irrigation and mechanization unaffordable, and prices of farm inputs will certainly increase, making the already hard lives even more difficult, while fisherfolk are increasingly grounded as the cost of a single fishing trip now exceeds their potential catch. Policies that liberalized agricultural imports while failing to invest in rural infrastructure and land reform have steadily declined the resilience of Philippine agriculture, and it leaves the farmers dangerously exposed to global market shocks.

Amidst the escalating turmoil, the BARMM government is in a high-stakes race to safeguard over 250,000 Bangsamoro OFWs currently in the Middle East, many of whom are located in high-alert zones like Dubai and Kuwait. The Office of the Chief Minister (OCM) and the Ministry of Labor have activated emergency protocols to provide logistical and financial lifelines to families who have lost contact with relatives in these volatile areas, coordinating with the national Department of Migrant Workers (DMW) and Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA). As of March 8, DMW reported 1,979 official repatriation requests from the region, including 633 in Kuwait, 312 in Bahrain, 285 in Abu Dhabi, 231 in Dubai, 173 in Qatar, and 90 in Saudi Arabia.

However, these figures raise a haunting question: out of more than 2 million OFWs in the region, why have only a fraction requested to return? This suggests a desperate calculation, that many workers may prefer the physical dangers of a conflict zone over the economic uncertainty and lack of opportunity awaiting them back home.

The vacuum of systemic neglect

On the other hand, this economic strangulation and the perceived regime change by bombs could be viewed as systemic neglect, creating a dangerous vacuum that threatens the Mindanao peace process. Disgruntled armed groups and fragmented remnants of local extremist networks may find new grounds in a narrative of abandonment, neglect, and exclusion.

What the Crisis Calls For?

Caught in the crossfire of the U.S.-China rivalry, the Philippines faces an existential security threat due to the posturing of the rival USA and China competing for their interests in the trade route since the Philippines is a U.S. military host and a Chinese economic partner. This geopolitical tension necessitates an independent foreign policy and a shift in priorities. The government must move beyond extractive economics, instead prioritizing national industrialization and an ecological transition that safeguards domestic production and sovereignty over strategic trade routes.

The current crisis calls for a tangible comprehensive political, economic, and social transition program with extreme urgency. The existing elitist political setup, characterized by dynasties and domestic tyrants who plunder the environment and government coffers, is incapable of protecting the people. There is an urgent need to advance concrete democratic programs—moving from mere procedural reforms to a total system change of the political and socioeconomic systems and apparatus.

This crisis must compel social movements to find creative ways of articulating our political and economic visions and connect to the mass populations. It is an opportunity to center public discourse on sustainable development and ecological alternatives. This can substantiate more sweeping reform campaigns, including the repeal of the oil deregulation law, trade liberalization, and the Mining Act, for example, while dismantling political dynasties and the institutionalized systems that permit environmental plunder and bureaucratic neglect.

Solidarity on what grounds?

This crisis demands a response that goes beyond one country’s waters. This calls for radical people-to-people solidarity that transcends national borders. The struggle of the Filipino farmer against fuel hikes is the same struggle faced by Iranian women and Palestinian children against bombardment, and the American worker whose taxes are diverted to the military-industrial complex.

We need a radical, direct alliance between the working classes and social movements of both occupied and imperialist nations, bypassing the corporate and financial intermediaries that traditionally dictate the terms of trade. By asserting that workers and movements of occupied and imperialist countries must directly establish economic exchange and solidarity, we reject the extractive logic of global capital in favor of horizontal cooperation.

In this model, the exchange of products, modeled on the historical efficacy of barter trade and deep-seated consumer-producer solidarity, can be improvised today as a resilient alternative to volatile global markets. Let us transform the act of consumption into a political commitment to producers’ sovereignty; this solidarity functions as a grassroots tool for mutual aid, prioritizing communal well-being and collective autonomy over the accumulation of profit. Alternative trade should be strengthened.

True solidarity requires clarity of our socio-economic and political goals. We must refuse the temptation of sectarianism and the urge for movements to outmaneuver each other for temporary political leverage. Instead, we must build a unified front based on:

• An Anti-War Solidarity from Below by uniting the democratic and productive forces and the poor of both “occupied” and “aggressor” nations against the elites who profit from war and oppression.

• Recognizing that people, nature, and the poor must be the center of our transition, not the bottom line of armament corporations and capitalist interests.

• Integrating the fight against foreign and imperialist interference with the struggle against domestic tyrants.

Finally, the time calls to move beyond critique and toward concrete proposals for democratic governance, climate justice, food sovereignty, ecological transformation, and strengthened solidarity from below. We do not start from zero; for decades, social movements, Indigenous peoples, and activists have pioneered alternatives to profit-driven, elitist models, grounding their work in ecology and human necessity. Central to this mission is the cultivation of a collective working-class consciousness, empowering the people to spearhead the transition toward a more equitable political order.

 

‘Care is the basis that makes life possible’: Interview with LevFem about socialist feminist struggles in Bulgaria


LevFem

First published in Turkish in Ã‡atlakzemin. Translation from Red Threads.

LevFem is a socialist feminist organization that emerged as an informal collective from a small group of women and queer people who came together around left-wing publications and movements throughout the 2010s. It arose in Bulgaria in 2018 amid the political climate created by the mass reaction against the adoption of the Istanbul Convention. During this period, the exclusion of the concept of gender from the public sphere and the direct targeting of the feminist movement predominantly led to a “new wave of feminist organizing.” Shaped within these conditions, LevFem today acts as a political subject that intertwines feminist struggle with the stance taken against capitalism and racism, and seeks to expand this space. Defining themselves as a socialist feminist organization, they engage with both the possibilities and the baggage of socialist history in Bulgaria.

Historical context is also crucial for the relationship between Turkey and Bulgaria. This relationship reflects not only the migrations between the two countries since the 1950s, but also the unequal labor systems, nationalist state policies, and oppressive border regimes that connect the Balkans and Türkiye. Today, in both countries, women’s and migrant labor is systematically devalued, particularly in the care, agriculture, and service sectors; while capitalist, authoritarian, and anti-gender equality discourses serve as one of the primary tools for making this exploitation invisible. In such a political conjuncture, making the ongoing empowering struggles and resilient voices of feminist organizations as visible as possible becomes essential.

Driven by these curiosities, we met LevFem, who explained their political orientation and how they organize resistance on everyday fronts in a remarkably clear and powerful way. Their narrative also touches upon the political context shaped by the recent rise of anti-corruption protests in Bulgaria. Below, we listen to LevFem, a group that continues its work within its own unique social/historical context:

How did LevFem emerge, and what political and social context shaped its beginnings? In relation to this, how would you describe the broader landscape of feminist organising in Bulgaria today, and what strategies or tensions define the work of feminist organisations in the country?

LevFem emerged in 2018 in a very specific moment of upsurge and renewal in the history of the Bulgarian feminist movement. This was the year in which we experienced a massive, well-organized reactionary wave against the adoption of the Istanbul Convention (aka “Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence”, which reactionaries in Eastern Europe have accused of introducing “gender ideology”). Religious and conservative organisations, parties, and political actors were leading this campaign, and within only a couple of months, they managed to dramatically shift the public narrative around gender justice, women’s rights, and the rights of LGBTQI+ people. The campaign was deeply homophobic, transphobic, and misogynistic in its nature and specifically attacked the definition of gender as a social construct that is rooted in the Istanbul Convention. As a result, even the Constitutional court of the country declared that gender in Bulgaria is, apparently, a biological dichotomy, which makes it very hard to talk about gender, gender roles, gendered division of labor, gender specific policies, etc. As a direct aftermath of this reactionary wave, feminist and especially LGBTQI+ rights have been under a massive attack in the years since, and the lives of queer and trans people have been increasingly put in danger.

However, also as a result of this backlash, since 2018, there has been a surge in newly founded feminist organisations because we saw how organised and powerful the reactionary movements were, and still are. LevFem is part of this “new feminist wave” in Bulgaria in the aftermath of the lost battle for the adoption of the convention. LevFem was initiated as an informal group that included a handful of women and queer people from a few New Left groups that formed around the social centres, left-leaning publications, and movements in the 2010s. Its first action was a small online campaign that we issued around November 25th, 2018 - the International Day Against Violence against Women. We called on comrades to write short articles on violence against women. Our goal was to broaden the public discussion around the topic and thematise structural violence as gender-based violence: a topic and aspect that was ostensibly lacking from the public discussion. In the modern history of the Bulgarian feminist movement after 1989, violence against women has been very narrowly defined as domestic violence in a romantic relationship, and most of the efforts of the big women’s organisations in the past have been focused on lobbying and providing social services for survivors of domestic abuse. However, we know violence against women is much more than that. The exploitation in the capitalist system is a form of violence against women; racial capitalism adds the layer of racist policies and racist border regimes, which are also forms of violence against women; poverty is a form of violence; and so on. The issue is much bigger, and we knew that if we wanted to address it, we needed to address the systems that enable all aspects of gender-based violence — patriarchy, capitalism, and racism. This is the context in which we emerged and the message we have been trying to convey ever since.

You bring feminist, socialist, and anti-racist perspectives together in your work. In a country with a socialist past and a complex post-socialist transformation, why is it important for you to hold these struggles jointly? What specific tensions or challenges arise from working across these perspectives in such a context?

We see our organisation as part of a lineage of especially autonomist Marxist feminism where patriarchy, capitalism, and racism are seen as systems of oppression that have been intersecting historically, socially, and politically to shape the specific forms of subordination that women and other marginalized groups experience. We see this tradition as important within the post-socialist New Left, because it allows us to both keep a deeply structural analysis, acknowledge structural advancements in the socialist past, as well as recognise some of the structural limitations of ‘really existing socialism’ in which actual policies and practices fell short of necessary deep structural change to combat capitalism, patriarchy, and racism. For us, then, naturally, as part of this political tradition, not acknowledging the complex ways in which these systems interact means that we would never be able to understand the roots of the problems and effectively fight them. For instance, it is impossible to fight for the liberation of women from patriarchal expectations and stereotypes if we don’t acknowledge how capitalism requires free labor of women (e.g., child care, cooking, cleaning, etc.) to guarantee the social reproduction of the workforce, which puts a double shift on the shoulders of the women workers. Similarly, it is futile to just fight for women’s rights without understanding how institutional racism guarantees that there is a supply of racialised workers who have worse chances to get a decent job and are thus easier to exploit — especially if they are women.

Basing our political activism on such a theoretical standpoint poses some challenges to navigating the present-day Bulgarian feminist field. The dominant political alignment among feminist organisations in Bulgaria in the last 30 years has been liberal feminism. We acknowledge and respect what these organisations have achieved, especially when it comes to legislative reforms against gender-based violence. Yet, we also see how this worldview limits the potential for a more daring feminist agenda that goes beyond fighting domestic violence and being on friendly terms with those in power to lobby for minor legal changes. Moreover, we are an openly socialist feminist organisation — this brings many negative associations because of the widespread cliche that socialism necessarily and always means repression and lack of democratic initiative. Anti-communist sentiments are very prevalent among the Bulgarian liberal middle class; this also affects some of the feminist organisations (especially the ones active before the 2018 wave of feminist mobilising around the Istanbul convention). In their reading, socialism achieved certain positive changes for women, but they were introduced from the top down, thus the “real” feminist movement (e.g. one that is similar to Western European feminism) started in the 90s. We dare to disagree. Socialism in Bulgaria (and elsewhere) is anything but a monolithic block of 45 years — there were more liberatory and progressive periods, as well as more conservative ones. The decision-making process within the Bulgarian Communist Party was much more complex and nuanced, and women were actively fighting within the ranks of the party for one or another feminist achievement. To completely erase these struggles is disrespectful to the work and achievements of generations of women.

However, our socialist identity does not mean that we have it easy with the contemporary left-wing political actors either. Bulgaria’s only prominent nominally left-wing party — the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) — has taken a very conservative course since 2016 and was among the parties who were most vocally against the Istanbul convention. The ideological development of the BSP mirrors to an extent the development of SMER in Slovakia, even if the electoral results of the BSP in Bulgaria are tragic (currently polling between 5-7%), while SMER is governing Slovakia. It is easier for us to communicate with some members and factions within the BSP on the anti-capitalist axis and about women’s rights, however, the moment we mention LGBTQI+ justice, things get very ugly. The non-party left is small, fragmented and not very powerful: at the moment, LevFem is among the bigger, better-recognised, and organised collectives in this context.

Finally, as you can imagine, we are a target for different sorts of reactionary and conservative actors as we represent everything they hate — class-conscious feminists and anti-racists, who fight for queer liberation.

So we need to be smart and resourceful when navigating the field and searching for allies, but it is not mission impossible and we have had our successes — among some more progressive (feminist) organisations, politicians, unions, workers and younger activists.

How do you understand the feminist labour struggle in Bulgaria today? What challenges do women workers face? As a feminist organisation, what has your engagement with trade unions and labour organisations been like? How have feminist perspectives been received in those spaces?

The feminist movement and the labour movement are fighting their battles separately, which is a dangerous development with long-lasting consequences in our reading. This is a direct result of the liberal understanding of the world that separates “human rights” (where feminism is usually positioned) from labour rights and tries to convince us that equality is achievable without challenging capitalist exploitation. For example, around March 2019, there were the March 8th feminist protests, nurses went on a national protest to fight for better labour conditions, and mothers of children with disabilities were taking to the streets the demands for better public care for their children. All these struggles were fought separately; there wasn’t a big joint demonstration. Now, some feminist organisations approached the nurses and the mothers of children with disabilities, but the latter decided not to join forces, as key actors in the nurses’ mobilisation were also affected by the ongoing conservative anti-gender wave that emerged around the adoption of the Istanbul Convention and saw the feminists as a threat. Here we clearly push for a feminist-and-labour movement that is able to see that beyond the liberal notion of separation between struggles. However, we also feel like the powerful reactionary agenda contributes ever more towards dividing the working class and weakening our power.

The lack of feminist reading within the contemporary organised labour movement in Bulgaria makes it harder for workers to understand the specific ways in which gender affects their experience at the workplace. For instance, very often we hear from women workers statements like “we have achieved equality, we have all the rights that men have, why should we bother about feminism”. Behind such statements, however, there is the same old story of invisible, underrecognised and poorly remunerated women’s labour: women predominantly work in fields that are badly paid; their salaries stagnate after maternity leave; discrimination is rampant towards women with small children during the jobhunt period (“she is a woman with small children, they get sick, she will be constantly taking leave to care for them, I can’t deal with this”); women shoulder the burden of the domestic, child care and elderly care labour at home and in their extended families and neighbourhoods; women’s pensions are lower than those of men because of the persistent gender pay gap and as pensions are calculated on the basis of lower salaries they got throughout their active years; and of course, sexual harassment at the workplace is a gendered experience that usually affects women.

In this context, Levfem is trying to act as the political agent that actively introduces labour issues and class consciousness within the feminist movement and pushes the feminist viewpoint within the labour movement. While our union organisations are usually acting as enclosed environments that solely focus on their specific agenda, we have managed to establish connections and have sporadic joint events and initiatives with some more progressive unions or feminised unions, which represent social and public workers, nurses and medical staff, and agricultural workers. We often invite their representatives as speakers to our events, and participate in their protests, and they have shared some of our content and have connected us to workers for interviews. Yet, while we see some increased sensitivity towards feminist viewpoints among some of the union members and workers, for the time being, the effects are predominantly on an individual level. We recognise, of course, that this is a long process and requires a lot of trust-building and work alongside the unions and movements. Our dream is that one day we will have a big feminist workers’ movement in Bulgaria that challenges the patriarchal capitalist system. But it is a rocky road ahead of us if we are serious about achieving this goal.

Your report “Who Cares? Feminised Care Labour and the Crisis of Social Reproduction in Post-Socialist Bulgaria” offers a strong analysis of paid care labour in the country. Based on this work, where do you see the key sites of struggle around care today? And what practical steps do you think are needed to move toward public, accessible, and dignified care?

Given what we spoke about earlier, our report on the care sector in Bulgaria, based on 40 interviews with care sector workers, was published in a vacuum of political and public discourse and awareness about what we see as absolute core topics in the feminist and labour movement: care work and social reproduction, and their deficit and dire conditions in Bulgaria. First of all, we define the paid care sector rather broadly by including the systems of social reproduction — pre-clinical healthcare, early years, primary education, and social services. Very often, care work is defined even among feminists as the act of taking care of someone physically, but in our understanding care needs to be seen through the lens of social reproduction — the systems that make life possible. Having this theoretical understanding is useful to see the connections between seemingly very different sectors, but it also makes it very hard to highlight specific recommendations, as the situation in the healthcare system is different than the one in the education system, and elderly care takes many formal and informal forms.

Still, there are certain common traits that can be observed in all spheres of the care sector in Bulgaria. For instance, all of these spheres have a very feminised workforce and moreover — it is usually older women (50+) who predominantly find occupation in the care domain. Young people rarely choose these professions as the salaries are usually very low. In addition, many care workers choose to migrate to Western and Southern Europe in search of better pay, where they usually continue to perform care labour and are once again subject to harsh working conditions and racialised discrimination. These two processes result in a massive workforce shortage in Bulgaria, putting additional stress on the workers who remain in the system and creating a severe care deficit. As a consequence, people in Bulgaria have less and less access to decent care, as women working in the sector have all but decent working conditions. The lack of access to decent public care puts additional pressure on individual families (and specifically on women) to perform further unpaid care labour at home, while private providers are also invited to “fill in the gaps”, thus making access to decent care dependent on the financial situation of those in need. These aren’t problems specific to Bulgaria; many other Eastern European and Balkan countries face similar issues, while the deficit of care workers is a global phenomena. Yet, Bulgaria is specific as it shares some of the vices of both core and peripheral countries in the global economy. As a peripheral country, it sends care workers abroad. Yet, while it has the ageing population of a core country, currently it also has a particularly restrictive migrant labour regime which does not allow it to fill in the gap of emigrant care workers with immigrants.

Beyond this, we see two other major challenges ahead of us. First of all, there is no collective understanding of the care sector, except as ‘humane professions’ in which women’s ‘altruistic’ self-denial or even self-sacrifice is taken for granted. Equally absent is a shared public recognition of care as a human right and as a public good/interest. Furthermore, within a very re-traditionalising discourse that has soared since the conservative mobilisation around the Istanbul Convention, women are seen as possessing ‘natural qualities’ that make them more suited to providing care. These notions are not just prejudices, but have an impact on the material conditions of care work in both the workplace and the home. The result is, firstly, the feminisation of care professions and a shortage of male workers; secondly, low pay and low status, as well as poor working conditions in these sectors; and last but not least, the unequal distribution of care work at home, which is mainly performed by women.

There isn’t a silver bullet solution to address all these complex issues, but we need to start somewhere. In our analysis, we identify a number of steps that need to be taken in the short-term, middle-term and long-term for progress on this complex situation to be achieved. First of all, there is a need for a widespread information campaign that raises awareness of the challenges faced by care workers. It should address the links between ‘naturalised’ female care work, the poor conditions of pay and work in the care sector, and the nation-wide care deficit, and articulate concrete demands for financial remuneration and public recognition of work in this field. To this effect, one of our units is now engaged in the presentation of the report across the country and tailoring such demands together with members of feminist groups and labour unions in the care sector. Secondly, it is imperative to increase the pay of care workers as a whole, but also to reduce the differences between the private and public sectors and the differences in job hierarchies in certain sectors, particularly healthcare. We see it as unacceptable that the powers-that-be vote budgets that heavily subsidise military production and securitisation, not least as this is a direct pathway to austerity in all other sectors, including the care sector. And specifically for Bulgaria, there is a need for taxation reform, as we have suffered under a flat tax policy for the good part of two decades. We need a progressive taxation that puts the tax burden on the shoulders of businesses and economic elites instead of the working poor, as it is now. So a feminist initiative that wants to promote care as the basis that makes society possible should also engage with political demands for an economy that at least puts militarised capitalism in check (and at a later stage dismantles it entirely, of course). Third, there is also a need for effective policies, agreed upon by those working in the sector and their representative associations, aimed at tackling discrimination based on gender, age, ethnicity, etc. Finally, in our analysis, on an international level, there is a need for a solidarity care tax paid by wealthier countries attracting care workers to poorer countries like Bulgaria which send care workers in migration and experience a massive care deficit. We need to close the care work gap. We would like to oversee such a campaign first developing within the European Union, where Bulgarian trade unions, NGOs, and politicians have the opportunity to make this issue central to their mobilisation and lobbying efforts. Yet, if successful on the EU level, such a campaign should also be scaled up on a global level, within a larger struggle for reparation within colonial capitalism: we dream big.

When you think about feminist organising in the Balkans, what shared challenges and possibilities come to mind? And how do you imagine solidarity and collaboration between movements in neighbouring countries such as Bulgaria, Turkey, and Greece, which often face similar political and social backlashes?

The Balkans is a very specific place with 12 countries (depending on how you count), at least 4 different language groups, and diverse ethnic and religious communities spread across a very small territory. We don’t even share a common language the way, say, Latin Americans do, and coordinating and organising among ourselves needs to happen in English. At the same time, we have countries with vastly different political pasts: imperial projects, anti-imperial struggles, former Eastern Bloc countries with diverse experiences with socialism, former Western Bloc countries, military dictatorships and coup d’état, genocides, wars and ethnic cleansing among neighbors, and more recently divisions across the lines of NATO and EU membership. Every 200 km, you have buried skeletons from past violent conflicts, which makes political organising incredibly challenging and nationalist sentiments very prevalent. All that being said, we can clearly see that we face some very similar threats — conservative waves that practically copy the same anti-gender narratives from Croatia through Bulgaria to Türkiye; increasingly more right-wing and even authoritarian governments; increased state violence on the borders to counter migration; deeply rooted corruption and oligarchic capitalist structures capturing the states.

The Balkans is also a place that has produced some powerful mobilisation waves in the last years — the Serbian students and their movement; the Romanian and Bulgarian anti-corruption protests; the Greek farmers strikes; the Turkish anti-Erdogan protests as well as the workers and feminist mobilisations around the withdraw of the country from the Istanbul convention; the Slovenian (and pan-European) My body, my choice campaign that took Europe by storm. There have been initiatives in the past that try to connect the struggles we face, most notably the migrant solidarity campaign across the Balkan route that has been active for about a decade, and more recently — the feminist network Essential Autonomous Struggles Transnational (EAST). EAST is a project that LevFem was heavily involved in as one of the coordinating collectives. It was an attempt to connect feminist, labour, and migrant organisations from Eastern Europe and beyond in the immediate aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic, so that we have a space for exchange on the struggles in the social reproduction sector that we face. It was a common infrastructure via which we were able to better understand what was going on in different countries in the region, to show solidarity with each other, and learn from the strategic experiences of others. Unfortunately, the network is no longer active, but this type of common coordination and exchange space is clearly needed in our region. So we should probably start there.

Finally, in the last 30 years, at least in many post-communist countries, we have been convinced that we need to “catch up” with the West and be more (Western) European to have a decent life. However, the current protests in Bulgaria show a shift in this notion. While calls for Bulgaria to become a “decent European country” are popular among many of the protestors, there is something beyond this. For instance, we see how the protests are being described as “Gen Z” protests. While this description is in itself highly problematic and not at all representative of what is going on in the streets (where Gen Z is definitely not the most populous group among the protestors), it is an attempt to create and mobilise a collective identity that goes beyond the national and the European and ties Bulgaria to a global wave of protests among young people mostly in the Global South. We think that this shift in the collective imagination might be productive for the region more broadly. Maybe we can start thinking of identities that go beyond the national and the (white) European and tie us not so much to the hegemons and the powerful, but rather to the struggles of other ‘wretched of the Earth’ — the same way the Soviet Union was supporting the anti-imperialist and anticolonial struggles worldwide. Maybe a more productive way forward could entail building a collective Balkan identity that is rooted in our experience with historical complexities and traumas, but goes beyond the past and searches for connections with other pariahs of the world whose pain we can relate to and fight together.

Looking ahead, what are LevFem’s main priorities? What kinds of political and organisational efforts do you hope to focus on in the coming period?

We would want to continue expanding our work on the care economy and possibly do a campaign with demands for better conditions in the care sectors around March 8th, hopefully in coordination with a bigger coalition of organisations. March 8th is usually a small demonstration in Sofia done by urban activists - this is a good starting point, but it needs to be much, much bigger, with women from all walks of life (care workers, office workers, self-employed, poor women, etc.) joining and demanding the dismantling of oppressive patriarchal, capitalist, and racist systems. We don’t have experience with bigger, more recognisable campaigns, so this will be challenging and exciting at the same time. Also, we would like to expand our capacities to fight against the anti-feminist and anti-gender movement: this has always been a priority of ours, but we have rather been reactive — the conservatives attack us, and we respond. We need to think about proactive strategies, too — and part of a proactive strategy needs to include political education that allows us to enlarge our base and convince more previously not politically active people to join the movement.

‘Beyond the Pale’: General Says US Military Will Create a ‘Camp’ at Gitmo to ‘Deal With’ Cubans Fleeing Trump Blockade

One foreign policy expert noted that fears of a “mass exodus” of refugees come “as the US starves Cuba of energy and food.”



US Marine Corps Lt. Gen. Francis L. Donovan, then the nominee for commander of US Southern Command (SOUTHCOM), testifies during a Senate Committee on Armed Services hearing on his nomination on Capitol Hill in Washington, DC, on January 15, 2026.
(Photo by Brendan Smialowski/AFP via Getty Images)



Stephen Prager
Mar 20, 2026
COMMON DREAMS


As the Trump administration sows chaos with a crushing fuel blockade of Cuba, a general told Congress that the military will “set up a camp” at Guantánamo Bay to detain those who try to flee the humanitarian crisis inflicted by the United States.

The phrase “humanitarian crisis” was used by Sen. Tom Cotton (R-Ark.) to describe the situation in Cuba during a Senate Armed Services Committee hearing on Thursday, as he questioned US Marine Corps Gen. Francis Donovan, the commander of the US Southern Command (SOUTHCOM).

Donovan, a 37-year Marine veteran, took command of SOUTHCOM in February after being tapped by President Donald Trump. His predecessor, Adm. Alvin Holsey, abruptly resigned in December reportedly after he’d raised concerns about the Trump administration’s bombings of alleged drug trafficking boats in the Caribbean, which have been widely described as illegal under international law.

On Thursday, Cotton asked Donovan, “Are we prepared for any kind of humanitarian crisis in Cuba—the possible flow of refugees, other civil disorder that may threaten our interests, especially if the decrepit, corrupt Castro regime finally falls or flees?”

“Senator, yes we are,” Donovan responded. “SOUTHCOM... We have an [executive] order to be prepared to support [the Department of Homeland Security] (DHS) in a mass migration event. They would take the lead, we would follow.”

Donovan said this would include using the US military base at Guantánamo Bay, “where we would set up a camp to deal with those migrants or any overflow from any situation in Cuba itself.”



Trump signed an executive order during his first month in office last year directing DHS and the Pentagon to “expand the Migrant Operations Center at Naval Station Guantánamo Bay to full capacity,” which the administration said meant scaling the facility up to more than 30,000 beds.

The base, which houses a prison infamous for the extrajudicial torture of detainees during the global War on Terror, was designated under Trump’s order to hold “high‑priority criminal aliens unlawfully present in the United States.”

But Donovan suggested it may now be used to hold Cubans fleeing chaos and deprivation following Trump’s own acts of economic warfare.

Cotton’s question followed a warning that same day from Republican Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis of a “possible mass exodus out of Cuba,” which experienced an island-wide electricity blackout earlier this week following the Trump administration’s blockade of fuel entering the island, which a group of UN rapporteurs said in January was “a serious violation of international law and a grave threat to a democratic and equitable international order.”

DeSantis, whose state is home to about 1.6 million Cuban-Americans, said, “[W]e don’t want to see a massive armada of people showing up on the shores of the Florida Keys.”

He said he believed the Trump administration “would rather see people in Florida go help… hopefully get a new government going” in Cuba, possibly referring to the long-held hope of some right-wing Cuban exiles to take over the island.

Following more than 60 years of an embargo that has strangled Cuba’s economic development, the Trump administration tightened the noose even more in January, signing an executive order that would slap harsh tariffs on any country that provides oil to Cuba.

As a result of the blockade, explained Juanita Goebertus, Americas director at Human Rights Watch, “people don’t have reliable access to drinking water, hospitals can’t operate safely, basic goods are becoming increasingly difficult to obtain, and garbage is piling up in the streets.”

Trump first described his blockade as part of an effort to carry out regime change against Cuba’s Communist Party leadership, but this week, he made the imperialist declaration that he may seek to outright “take” the island and that he could “do anything I want” with the “weakened nation.”



Erik Sperling, the executive director of Just Foreign Policy, emphasized that the possible “mass migration event” described by Donovan was only coming “as the US starves Cuba of energy and food.”

“Trump and [Secretary of State Marco] Rubio are to blame for any refugee crisis from Cuba, as the US intentionally harms civilians with an oil blockade,” said Just Foreign Policy in a social media post responding to Republican warnings of Cuban mass migration. “US sanctions and meddling in Latin America have always been a leading cause of migrant flows.”

Immigration journalist Arturo Dominguez explained that “What [Donovan] essentially said was, ‘We’re ready to accommodate the flow of refugees by putting them in camps.’” He added that “the way these military goons jump right in to ‘accommodate’ atrocity is beyond the pale.”

Trump’s blockade of Cuba is unpopular with the American public, according to a YouGov poll released earlier this week. Just 28% of adult US citizens said they approved of the US blocking oil shipments to the country, while 46% said they opposed it. The same survey found that just 13% want the US to use military force to attack Cuba, while 61% would oppose it.

Just Foreign Policy said, “The American people do not want their government to starve Cubans and cause a ‘mass migration event.’”


Stop the Sadistic Trump Administration Policies Choking Cuba

Instead of threatening the island further, the president must ask Congress to end the embargo that began in 1960 so that the economic reconstruction of the country can begin.


People wait at a bus stop in Havana during a blackout on March 16, 2026.
(Photo by Adalberto Roque/ AFP via Getty Images)

Steve Minkin
Mar 20, 2026

Common Dreams


President Donald Trump told reporters at the White House, “I think I can do anything I want with it” referring to Cuba. His remarks are reminiscent of his recorded Access Hollywood statement to host Billy Bush, “When you’re a star they let you do it. You can do anything... Grab them by the *****.” No, Mr. President, you have no right to despoil Cuba as you please.

Cuba is being choked by this administration’s sadistic policies. The best we can do for the 10 million people living there is not to rape the island but rather end the embargo—and reset the opening of relations that had been the hallmark of progress during the Obama administration.




As Trump Tightens US Chokehold on Cuba’s Economy, Rubio Says Fix Requires ‘New People in Charge’



Jayapal Rips ‘Cruel and Failing’ US Policy After Trump Says ‘Cuba Is Gonna Fall’

I led educational tours to Cuba before Trump destroyed rapprochement, increased sanctions, and suffocated the blossoming of enterprises tied to tourism and small business entrepreneurship. Unfortunately, the Biden administration chose to follow Trump rather than returning to Barack Obama’s approach aimed at improving relations between the two countries and supporting the emerging free market economy.

There is growing popular sentiment in Canada, Mexico, Spain, and other countries that are providing humanitarian aid to Cuba for their governments to show their independence from Trump’s chaos by breaking the blockade and dispatching lifesaving fuel. It is time to end the embargo of Cuba.

Decades of US policies aimed at destabilizing Cuba hurt ordinary citizens and set back progress within Cuba.

Vermont’s Sen. Peter Welch has been a leading voice of reason with respect to Cuba. He is clearly concerned about the terrible price ordinary people are paying as a result of the blockade of fuel supplies. I urge readers to listen to Sen. Welsh’s recent speech.

Senator Welch has proposed a forthright plan to end the suffering of the Cuban people:

First, Trump should end restrictions on the rights of Americans to travel to Cuba. Welch says, “The American and Cuban people should freely interact with one another.”

Second, the president should maximize support to Cuba’s private sector, particularly small businesses.

Third, Cuba must be removed from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. As Sen. Welch pointed out, “No other country agrees that it applies.”

Fourth, the president must ask Congress to end the embargo that began in 1960 so that the economic reconstruction of the country can begin.

Sen. Welch does not mince words about the need for political reforms in Cuba, beginning with the release of political prisoners and the right to speak freely about the society and government. But he also makes it clear that decades of US policies aimed at destabilizing Cuba hurt ordinary citizens and set back progress within Cuba and in the development of healthy relations between the US and Cuba.



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Steve Minkin
Steve Minkin is the author of "Blood, Race, and the Missing History of AIDS" and of two poetry collections, "Moral Oblivion" and "Where People Are Trees."
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The U.S. is Still Making Life Miserable for Cubans


 March 20, 2026


While halfway around the world Hezbollah and Iran are beating the living daylights out of Israel, here in our own hemisphere, superintended by a bilious potentate, a much different story is unfolding. Donald Trump’s garish kidnapping of the Venezuelan president, followed by his ferocious starvation blockade of Cuba and his announcement March 16 that “I can do anything I want with Cuba,” are white house depravities about which there seems little the world can do. Sadly, the other two mega-powers, China and Russia, leave the U.S. to rampage in its backyard, though currently its maniacal crimes have simmered down. The U.S. is now supposedly in talks with Cuba, but no one in their right mind thinks this means life has improved for the average person on the island.

Cuba suffers from widespread blackouts and an expanding energy crisis. According to RT March 14, Cuban president Miguel Diaz-Canel confirmed the talks with the Trump cuckoo birds, though on the evening of March 16, those psychopaths repeated their demand that Diaz-Canel step down. This high-handed command and the talks follow “weeks of power cuts, fuel shortages and growing public anger after the halt of Venezuelan oil shipments…and as Washington stepped up efforts to block other suppliers. Trump has repeatedly threatened a ‘total oil blockade’ of Cuba and warned that countries selling crude to the island could face tariffs.”

That bluster about tariffs no doubt accounts for Cuba’s oil drought and for el jefe’s prediction last week that Cuba “is gonna fall pretty soon.” What can you call this besides Washington’s fascist doctrine?—undermine or overthrow every leftist government in Latin America from Honduras to Venezuela to Cuba in the hopes that Bukele-style rightists seize power. I’ll tell you what else you can call it: the U.S. obsessive compulsive fixation on communists who have been minding their own business and done absolutely zip to bother Washington besides simply exist, something the white house finds intolerable.

But some people have other ideas. Some people are not commie-hating Neanderthals who fancy themselves disrupting Cuban five-year plans. Those people are not to be found in the Trump regime. They are to be found…in the Vatican. You read that right. According to Responsible Statecraft March 13, “the Holy See is hoping to revive its place as a key mediator between Washington and Havana.” Apparently, the Vatican is “re-emerging as a potential facilitator of a bilateral deal.” Of course, there’d be no need for a bilateral deal if a certain power, let’s call it the Fourth Reich, aka Berlin on the Potomac, had not unilaterally blockaded Cuba to begin with. But, to please the Vatican, Havana released some prisoners and a backchannel has opened for Cuba and the U.S. This “comes as President Trump has been floating a ‘friendly takeover’ – ‘or not’ – of Cuba.”

Other moves are afoot, too. The Fourth Reich Washington has mentioned many sweeteners and incentives to USA Today that will be on the table if the Cuban president obliges white house gangsters by resigning. Who knows if that will happen. The article cites “a recent decision to allow fuel sales to Cuba’s private sector…as well as the delivery of $9 million in humanitarian aid through the Catholic Church…Cuban authorities…[legalized] public private partnerships…and [floated] an increased role for the country’s private sector.”

Also, pow wows occurred between a state department official and Catholic leaders in Cuba. “Cuban authorities deny that talks are occurring” beyond informational exchanges, but Trump insists secretary of state Marco “Regime Change” Rubio “is talking to high-ranking Cuban leaders” among them members of the Castro family. Clearly on the Trump Show the idea is to nudge the Cuban economy away from communism and closer to the free market, because this will be great for ratings. You naturally ask, what ratings? The ones that come from things such as privatizing Cuba’s infrastructure, so airheads like Commerce Secretary Scott Bessent can help his associates make money off it. Privatizing infrastructure is always a lucrative, anti-social-welfare scam, battle-tested on numerous luckless free market economies. So keep your eyes peeled for that, I’d bet anything it’s next on the private sector agenda for Cuba.

Meanwhile, Responsible Statecraft reports that people like Mexico’s president Claudia Sheinbaum “offered to serve as mediators for U.S.-Cuba talks, while others, notably Colombia’s Gustavo Petro, have apparently tried to send oil to the island. But upcoming elections in both Colombia and neighboring Brazil, along with Trump’s penchant for retaliation, have subdued any greater regional efforts to deter further escalation.” RS notes that this fear led Jamaica and Guyana to ditch Cuban doctors, on whom their health care systems had long relied. This is a true loss for both countries, as Cuban medics are the heroes of the Global South. That in and of itself is naturally enough to make them persona non grata to the boss of bosses in the white house.

So threats, lies, blockades, attempted government overthrow – there’s evidently nothing Berlin on the Potomac won’t stoop to in its witch-hunt against communist influence in the Americas. “Cuba has been grappling with an energy crisis since January, when U.S. forces abducted Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro and halted fuel exports from Caracas to Havana,” reports Al Jazeera March 10. “White House officials have suggested that Cuba is facing an economic collapse.” Maybe. Or this could be Trump’s wishful thinking. No doubt things are dire in Cuba, but Cuban communists have been around a long time, and Yankee assaults are nothing new for them.

What’s new is the arrival of a very ambitious, obsessively communist-fixated, self-promoter in the white house, namely Marco “Root Out Commies” Rubio, who loves to claim his family fled Cuba for Florida, eliding the fact that they did not flee Castro, they fled Batista. Rubio never explains that; he just lets his listeners draw the wrong conclusion, to wit, that communism victimized his family. It didn’t. He victimized communism, with his relentless drive to advance his nauseating career on the back of the so-called communist menace in the Caribbean. It’s no secret that Rubio has presidential ambitions, and he clearly regards immiserating 10 million Cubans as a convenient stepping stone into the Oval Office. This is disgusting. As is he. But it’s of a piece with Trump regime strategy: generate headlines by starting war. Except the gangsters in the white house aren’t exactly starting war on Cuba: They’re starving the people of fuel and everything else.

If you think this supposed strategy started with Rubio, I guess you may be onto something. Just like the Venezuelan caper. Not that Trump needed a lot of encouragement for any of these adventures, but they all bear the Marco “Overthrow Leftists” Rubio signature. He made his career preening as some kind of South Florida anti-commie fanatic, and now he’s making good on those claims.

Problem is, this plumage may not fly well outside of South Florida, given that your average American is now more concerned about the price at the pump hitting five dollars a gallon than what the collectivos are doing in Caracas. In fact, come next election, Rubio might actually get blamed for our lousy economy, caused by his state department starting a war nobody wanted with Iran. And if you don’t remember, well, I do: Rubio was the imbecile who said we had to attack Iran because Israel was going to do it first. So he confessed that his state department allowed the fanatics in Jerusalem to drag Washington into a wildly unpopular war on Tehran, a war Iran is now winning and that has already enabled it to kick the U.S. out of the Gulf.

So what’s Cuba to do? It’ll tell you: sit tight, negotiate and keep channels open to China and Russia, neither of which like seeing their Latin American allies get creamed. My guess is if Xi Jinping shipped some vital cargo to Havana, the thugs to the north wouldn’t do much about it. Why? Because what’s Trump gonna do – slap tariffs on China? I don’t think so. Not when Beijing can hit back by restricting more rare earths. Washington’s already got a problem in that department, namely its weapons producers can’t function without the rare earths that Beijing has a near monopoly on. So a couple of Chinese ships to Cuba are probably not worth the headache to Trump. As for cowardly Rubio – well he likes to scream about communists, but I notice he’s pretty quiet about China. Maybe he actually recognizes when he’s out of his league.

Eve Ottenberg is a novelist and journalist. Her latest novel is Booby Prize. She can be reached at her website.

The Global Convoy to Cuba: Response to Washington’s Strangling of Cuba



Since 1962 the US imposed an economic blockade on Cuba designed “to bring about hunger, desperation and overthrow of government.” Until 1990 this brutality was greatly alleviated by the solidarity of the socialist countries which provided the Cuban people with essential trade and aid. That provided some protection, but as 638 Ways to Kill Castro illustrates, the US had other tools, including many acts of terrorism and biological warfare.

Despite decades of resistance to the blockade by solidarity organizations in the US, despite polls consistently showing most people being against the blockade, despite the United Nations General Assembly votes for the last 33 years to demand the lifting of the US blockade, Washington has not only been oblivious, but has ramped up the economic warfare. Washington again declared Cuba a state sponsor of terrorism, providing no basis for this allegation. This designation allows the US to use its control over the world financial system (e.g., SWIFT, IMF, World Bank, and the US dollar as the international currency) to sanction or block trade and transactions with Cuba. Countries, banks, and companies having business relations with Cuba face sanctions for supporting “terrorism.” This severely restricts Cuba’s ability to trade, receive foreign investment and credit.

The blockade cost Cuba $7.5 billion in 2025, $20.5 million per day. Since 1960, this de facto fine for exercising its right to national self-determination has cost Cuba $170 billion. On January 29, the US squeezed Cuba much more, imposing a blockade on all oil to Cuba, ready to economically punish any country that ships oil. Because of US world economic power, no country challenges this. Last year Mexico supplied 44% of Cuba’s imported crude oil, and Venezuela 34%. Cuba has received no oil since mid-December.

Obviously, these US actions violate international law, as did the attack on Venezuela, the kidnapping of President Maduro, and imposing control over its oil exports. And as did the slaughter in Gaza, the war on Iran and assassination of Ayatollah Khamenei. But, like the yearly UN vote calling for removal of the US blockade on Cuba, the US feels powerful enough to simply ignore this.

Without living there, we still cannot really grasp how all-encompassing this US war on Cuba is. Marta Jiménez, a hairdresser in Holguín, explained the present oil blockade on Cuba to CodePink’s  Medea Benjamin:

You can’t imagine how it touches every part of our lives. It’s a vicious, all-encompassing spiral downward. With no gasoline, buses don’t run, so we can’t get to work. We have electricity only three to six hours a day. There’s no gas for cooking, so we’re burning wood and charcoal in our apartments. It’s like going back 100 years. The blockade is suffocating us — especially single mothers … and no one is stopping these demons, Trump and Marco Rubio.

Now, the US is even working on criminal indictments against Cuban leaders, not before the International Criminal Court for violating international law, but in US courts for breaking US laws, as it is doing to President Nicolas Maduro right now. The US Treasury is even looking into charging Cuban leaders with violation of the US blockade on their country!

Having visited Cuba about 15 times between 1979 and 2019, I have seen how US economic warfare on the island has devastated Cubans’ standard of living after the collapse of the Soviet bloc. It has seriously undermined many aspects of the inspiring example of their socialist model. Compared to 1979, the tightening US blockade has brought much more inequality, fewer social services, more poverty. The US delivers Cubans deteriorating general health by denying medicines and medical materials. Even hunger, long ago eliminated, the US has reintroduced. The oil blockade aims to disable the electrical system, all transport, and water pumping equipment, recreating the desperation the US and Israel inflicted on Gaza.

Cuban President Díaz-Canel added, “Right now in the country there are tens of thousands of people waiting for surgery that cannot be performed due to the lack of electricity.” Mothers now see their babies fighting for their lives in incubators that have been turned off because of the oil blockade. Diesel runs short, garbage trucks stop. Trash piles up. Mosquitoes spread. Disease follows. This, Washington says, will bring freedom and democracy to Cuba.

Raúl Antonio Capote, the Cuban state security agent who infiltrated the CIA, recently wrote that the Cuban economy now faces a deep crisis.  But does that mean that the collapse of the Cuban government is imminent or that “regime change” is about to occur?  Cuba’s Deputy Prime Minister Oscar Perez-Oliva Fraga says absolutely not: “This is an opportunity and a challenge that we have no doubt we will overcome. We are not going to collapse.”

Cuba does carry unresolved problems from the past that the US weaponizes against them. Cuba succeeded little in becoming self-sufficient in food, unlike Nicaragua and even Venezuela, which imported 80% of its food 15 years ago. A country that must import its basic food – and we now witness, energy – hands the US powerful tools for control and “regime change.” Henry Kissinger noted, “Control oil and you control nations. Control food and you control people.” Cuba still spends more than $2 billion a year to import 70-80% of its food, even sugar and coffee.

Today Cuba struggles with the US empire using the energy weapon against them, having relied heavily on imported oil. Cuba belatedly turned to solar power, whose production has jumped from 5.8% in early 2025 to over 20% of its total energy generation, most thanks to China’s aid. Renewable energy now accounts for 50% of daytime electricity generation.

Another problem President Diaz-Canel recently spoke out against: “we are still held back too much by centralism, the excessive centralization that stifles the creative initiative of individuals, groups, and municipalities.” Decentralization of planning is a priority, moving toward a more market-based set of production decisions and incentives.

Now Deputy Prime Minister Oscar Perez-Oliva Fraga says Cuba is open to allow those of Cuban origin living abroad to open and invest in private business on the island. This hardly means restoring capitalism. A socialist economic system does not demand the abolition of the market nor private property. It means the abolition of the hegemony of capital. The socialist economic system of the Soviet Union (and Cuba during the Soviet period), the state planning and control of all production and distribution, represented only one model. In the present Chinese or Vietnamese model, the “commanding heights of the economy” lie in the nationalized state sector, under control of the Communist Party. Widespread non-state sector business flourish in other spheres. Cuba itself, since 2021, has slowly moved in this direction, and now over 11,000 private and state-owned Micro, Small, and Medium-sized Enterprises (MSMEs) to revive a struggling economy. Today about 38% of the Cuban workforce are said to be in private MSMEs and cooperatives.

Yet the overwhelming problem for Cuba remains the genocidal US oil blockade, on top of the US State Sponsor of Terrorism listing that criminalizes all trade, on top of the 65 year US blockade. Today many organizations are stepping up to counter US strangulation. Organizations around the world are raising funds and materials for Cuba. In the US, prominent among them are Global Health PartnersMediccPeoples ForumCode Pink, and Hatuey Project. Probably thousands, like Greta Thunberg,  are coming with the Global Convoy to Cuba, arriving March 21, bringing desperately needed material aid. This will be a rebuke to Washington’s brutality and will hopefully inspire nations around the world to act.

David Adler, Progressive International organizer of the Global Convoy, explained:

When governments enforce collective punishment, ordinary people have a responsibility to act…break the siege, bring food and medicine, and show that solidarity can cross any border, land, or sea. The first aim is to deliver critical aid to the Cuban people that can redress the humanitarian consequences of the January 29 US executive order, which establishes a fuel blockade around the island.” For instance, “the executive order means that if a fire broke out, there’d be no fire truck to reach it. It’s a crisis with consequences that rise exponentially as its effects multiply across sectors.

The primary threat that Cuba represents [to Washington] is its example to the world, about the nature of solidarity and the nature of self-determination.” The US “actively seeks retribution on those who dare to rebel. And no country, no revolution, no political project has been more rebellious in the face of that imperial violence than Cuba…So the resistance against this, the solidarity with Cuba, is also about stopping the US government’s ability to isolate and punish anyone who dares to stand up against it.

The Cuban Revolution represents an example for our human future: it nationalized the country’s wealth and resources and placed them under the rule of the direct representatives of workers and peasants and has stood up to imperialism for over 65 years. It played a world historic role in dismantling Israel’s twin apartheid state, South Africa. Destruction of the Cuban Revolution would be painful setback for the world movement against imperialism, for the world anti-war movement, for the world human rights movement. It would embolden US imperial aggression even more, everywhere. For our own self-preservation, we must do what we can to aid Cuba.

Stansfield Smith, ChicagoALBASolidarity.org. Stan has worked in the Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua solidarity movements for close to half a century. He also has put out the Venezuela & ALBA Weekly News since 2013. Read other articles by Stansfield.