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Wednesday, December 17, 2025



Past is Prologue: Black Erasure and the Myth of the White Ethnostate

John G. Russell

December 17, 2025


White tenants seeking to prevent blacks from moving into the housing project erected this sign, Detroit, 1942. Photograph Source: Arthur S. Siegel – Public Domain

“Under slave laws, the necessity for color rankings was obvious, but in America today, post-civil-rights legislation, white people’s conviction of their natural superiority is being lost. Rapidly lost. There are “people of color” everywhere, threatening to erase this long-understood definition of America. And what then? Another black President? A predominantly black Senate? Three black Supreme Court Justices? The threat is frightening.”

Toni Morrison, “Making America White Again,” 2016

“We had a meeting, and I say, “Why is it we only take people from shithole countries,’ right? Why can’t we have some people from Norway, Sweden. Just a few, let’s have a few. From Denmark. Mind sending us your people? Send us some nice people, you mind? But we always take people from Somalia. Places that are a disaster. Filthy, dirty, disgusting, ridden with crime. The only thing they’re good at is going after ships” (emphasis added).

–President Donald J. Trump, 2025, who has approved the slaughter of over 80 people on boats at sea

Trump has made clear his intention to make America white again, although, America has never has been exclusively white. What he means, of course, is ensuring that white people retain political and cultural dominance, a project central to the country’s ethos even before the Founding Fathers. Here the “most transparent president in American history” is unequivocally clear.

This project entails diminishing and erasing the history and contributions of black[1] people and other communities of color have made to the country, while dramatically reducing their physical presence through deportation and restrictive immigration policies that privilege white immigrants from “nice” Western countries.

Past is prologue: America is returning to its “golden age” of whiteness, an era when the achievements of black Americans and other people of color were denied, belittled, or ignored; when they appeared only in subservient roles on television and in film, if they appeared at all; when the academic canon dominated almost exclusively by works of dead white men. It is the America of Pleasantville (1998), stripped of its metaphor of colorization.

Old erasure strategies now harness new technologies. AI is increasingly deployed to erase, distort, and denigrate the black presence (and other marginalized presences) in America. Soon after Trump returned to office, government websites began scrubbing information about black people from their archives. Instead of “86-ing” it, they “404ed” it. In compliance with several presidential executive orders (EO14173, EO14151, EO14185), algorithmic racism is now employed to whitewash history, as federal agencies employ AI to systematically remove material that violates Trump’s anti-DEI directives. When public backlash arises, agencies conveniently blame AI, though the decisions are made by their human operators – the real automatons – “just following the orders.”

Erasure is not confined to the digital realm. As part of his assault on DEI, Trump ended free access to national parks on Martin Luther King Day and Juneteenth, while adding insult to injury by declaring his own birthday a fee-free day. He ordered the National Park Service to remove plaques and interpretive displays recognizing the contributions of black Americans. Yet the truth remains: both enslaved and free black Americans built much of the infrastructure that defines the nation. Black labor built the White House, the Capitol, and other government buildings. The Buffalo Soldiers were instrumental in constructing roads, trails, and facilities that make up the National Park system, even as their contributions were ignored or minimized. Now those contributions are being summarily expunged.

These erasures do not stop at digital spaces or American shores. In the Netherlands, the American Cemetery at Margraten, Limburg, commemorative displays honoring African American soldiers who built the cemetery for U.S. soldiers killed in WWII, specifically those that spotlighted the racism they endured, were removed in March to comply with Trump’s anti-DEI directives. The cemetery contains the graves of 8,301 American soldiers, including 174 black soldiers. Dutch families who faithfully maintained these graves for over 80 years were outraged at the removal of displays dedicated to their “black liberators.” For decades, these displays stood as reminders of their sacrifice – of their “double victory” over fascism abroad and racism at home. That victory is now halved, as a fascistic white America assumes the posture of those it once fought to defeat.

The pathology of historical hagiography demands the concealment of inconvenient truths that contradict the national mythos. According to U.S. ambassador to the Netherlands Joe Popolo, panels acknowledging the two-front war fought by black American soldiers “push an agenda criticizing America,” and therefore had to be removed.

Popolo wants to have it both ways. In February, during his first visit to Margraten cemetery, he declared:


“Walking these beautiful grounds and exploring the powerful exhibit at the visitor center, we were struck by the stories told and untold that live here. Honoring the memory of the heroes buried at Margraten, including African American service members like Private Willmore Mack, is something we hold sacred. Their courage, sacrifice, and their humanity deserve to be remember openly honestly, and fully. The United States has always been committed to sharing their stories, no matter a person’s rank, race, gender or creed (emphasis added).”

Yet those commitments vanish when the stories reveal the dark underbelly of American racism. Consequently, despite these rather lofty – and ultimately empty – words, Popolo accepted the removal of the displays, embracing the Trump regime’s revisionist view of history. Rather than honoring those who resisted racism and celebrating their struggle as part of America’s ongoing effort to realize its ideals, Popolo and the American Battle Monuments Commission – which ordered the removal – treat that history as a threat. In place of recognition and restitution, monuments that glorify the betrayal of those ideals are returned to their pedestals.

The presence of black Americans – living reminders of both the nation’s past and present – is reframed as a problem to be silenced and concealed. Slavery, segregation, and other injustices are not condemned; after all, in this sanitized view, they have been overcome and no longer plague the nation. Instead, black citizens who insist white America confront its past honestly are delegitimized, contorted into race-card-playing anti-white racists. For Trump, Popolo, Stephen Miller, Kristi Noem, and their allies, such demands are cast as baseless assaults on white identity that allegedly traumatize white children by “indoctrinating” them to hate their whiteness. In their view, this trauma is more than a cultural grievance, it is a direct obstacle to their larger project of creating a defiantly proud, exclusionary ethno-state.

However, nothing – not even racism – is absolute: not all black contributions are bound for the circular file, certain myths require validation. In 2020, Trump announced his plan for the construction of a National Garden of American Heroes. The following year, in an executive order, he formalized the proposal with a list of 244 names of historical figures to be commemorated. Of these, only 37 were black [2], the majority drawn from sports and entertainment. Just a handful of activists – Harriet Tubman (whose long-awaited appearance on the twenty-dollar bill has been delayed under Trump) [3], Sojourner Truth (slated for the reverse of the ten-dollar bill), Frederick Douglass (whom Trump once remarked is “someone who has done an amazing job”), Muhammad Ali, Martin Luther King Jr., and Rosa Parks – appear on the list. Conservative America has strategically learned to tolerate these figures, to parade them as proof of death of American racism, though they despised them during their lifetimes. Tellingly absent are Nat Turner, Malcolm X, W.E.B. Du Bois, James Baldwin, Zora Neale Hurston, Ed Dwight, Maya Angelou, Shirley Chisholm, or Marsha P. Johnson (whose name was deleted from the National Park Service’s official Stonewall National Monument website), to name but a few.

Even more striking is the inclusion of game show host Alex Trebek, a Canadian-born naturalized citizen, while Elijah McCoy – another Canadian-American inventor, whose unrivaled ingenuity produced inventions of such superior quality they defied imitation, giving rise to the expression “the real McCoy” – did not make the cut – and paved the way for modern robotics. Nonetheless, black contributors to science and invention are conspicuously absent. Figures who challenged the myth of white supremacy through intellect and innovation are sidelined, evidence that American racism is authentic, quite literally, the real McCoy. No surprises here. As the poet Haki Madhubuti (Don L. Lee) wrote in 1966:


America calling.

negroes.

can you dance?

play foot/basketball?

nanny?

cook?

needed now, negroes

who can entertain

ONLY.

others not

wanted.

(& are considered extremely dangerous).

Consider the cases of Ed Dwight and Robert Henry Lawrence. In 2024, at the age of 90, Dwight became the oldest person launched into space, aboard Jeff Bezos’ Blue Origin New Shepard spacecraft – surpassing the previous record-holder, Star Trek’s William Shatner, by 8 months.

But more than 60 years earlier, Dwight had been personally tapped by President John F. Kennedy to become the first black American astronaut candidate in the Air Force program from which NASA selected its “Right White Stuff.” A celebrated sculptor later in life, Dwight faced entrenched racism and institutional barriers that blocked his path into space for decades, including opposition from Chuck Yeager, the sound-barrier-breaking test pilot and then commander of the Aerospace Research Pilot School, who deemed him unqualified. Although he was not selected for the astronaut corps, by the time he graduated from the program, he had clocked some 9,000 hours of flight time, including 2,000 hours in high-performance jets, as an Air Force pilot. These achievements, however, do nothing to placate the soaring negrophobia of ideologues like Tucker Carlson and the late Charlie Kirk, whose racist rhetoric about black pilots – and black excellence more broadly – thrives on denying the very possibility achievement in fields historically gatekept by whiteness.

Another black astronaut, Robert Henry Lawrence Jr., faced similar hurdles. He did not stand on the moon and take giant steps for mankind, but he was the first African American astronaut [4]. His ascent to the stars was cut short when he was killed in a tragic training accident during a test flight. According to the NASA website (read it while you still can, before the DEI-hunters, like their ICE counterparts, disappear it), in 1967, he was selected for U.S. Air Force’s Manned Orbital Laboratory (MOL) program, a military initiative that both preceded and ran parallel to NASA’s civilian space program. Lawrence was the only MOL astronaut to hold a doctorate, having earned his Ph.D. in physical chemistry in 1965. A prodigy, Lawrence graduated from high school at 16 and earned his Bachelor of Science in chemistry at 20. Who knew? Not many of us.

Certainly not astrophysicist Neil deGrasse Tyson. Asked whether he had ever wanted to be an astronaut as a child, Tyson said no, explaining that “it was clear that they [the space program] was not interested in me by who they were sending into space” and that he felt that “he was not a part of that.” Tyson was born in 1958. He would have been 9 years old when Lawrence was selected for the MOL program. Would it have made a difference if he had known? We will never know.

As someone who is two years Tyson’s senior, I stayed up to watch the first moon landing in 1969, photographing it off the television screen using my father’s old tripod-mounted box camera in a darkened living room, a trick my father had taught me. Those grainy images of the moon landing, captured secondhand from a flickering old black-and-white television, became my personal proof that I had witnessed humanity’s greatest technological leap. At the time, I wondered if there were any black astronauts. I heard only whispers of their possible existence, but their faces were not among those that appeared on the nightly news. I wonder how different it might have felt if I had known then what I know now about Dwight and Lawrence.

Representation matters [5]. For Tyson, for me, and for countless others, seeing someone who looked like us might have reshaped how we imagined our place in the universe – and, more down-to-earth, within a white America that denied and diminished the achievements of our people – and us. We will never know what difference it might have made, but Dwight and Lawrence’s legacy reminds us that history, when left uncensored, is always more inclusive and expansive than its gatekeepers admit, and how easily that history can be denied then – and now.

I raise the issue because history, as I have written previously, is rhyming again. How many lives will be diminished, how many dreams deferred, how many futures foreclosed because access to history has been deliberately blocked to clear the way for a resurgent white supremacy? True, despite these omissions, Tyson became a highly respected astrophysicist. I became a cultural anthropologist. But both of us had to carve out paths in disciplines where representation was scarce, and where the absence of visible predecessors made the journey challenging than it needed to be.

Erasure, however, is only part of the picture. Like nature, racism abhors a vacuum. It rushes to fill the void with denigration. As in the past, technology once again becomes the handmaiden of prejudice, mass-producing stereotypes and weaponizing them at scale. During the government shutdown, when food stamp benefits were suspended, social media influencers using OpenAI’s Sora 2 flooded TikTok and YouTube with racist AI-generated fake videos that recycled hyper-realistic racist tropes of black people: obese black women portrayed as angry welfare cheats, confronting welfare officials and store clerks, complaining about cut benefits, looting shops, and boasting about their gaming the system. Black men depicted as shiftless, “baby daddies.” When not caricatured as sub-humans, they were rendered as raging silverbacks, irate, bewigged chimpanzees, and cautiously furtive monkeys. These videos recycled the familiar faux narrative that black people do not contribute to society but sponge off it – a direct call back to Ronald Reagan’s trope of the “welfare queen.”

Predictably, in a land where confirmation bias reigns supreme, many on the right fell for it. FOX News even reportedthat “SNAP beneficiaries threaten to ransack stores over government shutdown,” quoting an AI-generated avatar as saying, “I have seven different baby daddies and none of ’em no good for me.”

What AI taketh away with one hand, it giveth with the other. This is the real great replacement white fragility fails to recognize. Instead, white America attempts to protect its mythologies, never quite realizing those myths have also been shaped, quite literally, by black hands.

In 1972, at 16, I met Dan Haskett, then a young artist four years my senior, at a science fiction convention in New York, where, between panels, he kindly drew one of his distinctive black-themed character sketches for me. Almost a half century later, I learned that Haskett had gone on to work as a Disney animator and art director. Remember Ariel from The Little Mermaid? Remember the uproar when black actress Halle Bailey was cast in the role in the live-action remake? Well, Haskett, a black man, designed Ariel, a white mermaid, among many other iconic characters that shaped the visual imagination of generations.

My point is that erasure takes many forms. Much of what white America regards as exclusively its own simply is not. Too often, this history remains hidden, dismissed as “woke nonsense.” We learn our spotty history not in classrooms but in movie theaters. More than a half century after their contributions to the space program, black women mathematicians like Christine Darden, Annie Easley, Mary Jackson, Katherine Johnson, and Dorothy Vaughan, the “human computers” featured in the 2016 film Hidden Figures are finally being recognized, though only the last three appear on Trump’s National Garden list. Black inventors also exemplify this overlooked legacy: Lewis Latimer, who helped perfect the filament used in the incandescent light bulb [6], and Miriam Elizabeth Benjamin, who patented the “gong button,”precursor to the flight attendant call button and other signaling systems used in public spaces (she was also a composer).Add to this the aforementioned Robert Lawrence. Their stories remind us that the foundations of American achievement are far more diverse than the sanitized, whitewashed version we are often told – if we are told their stories at all. And in the current cultural moment, who can say whether their stories will remain to be told.

In 1965, playwright Douglas Turner Ward staged Day of Absence, a biting satire in which all the black residents of a Southern town suddenly vanish for a single day, leaving chaos in their wake. The play exposed how indispensable the black lives were to the white lives, even as those lives were devalued and demeaned by those who benefited from their labor.

Perhaps America as a whole needs its own “day of absence” – not as fantasy, but as a reminder of how much it owes to those it strives to erase. Imagine a moment when black people not only leave America – which seems to be what the fascists want – but take with them all the things they have gifted it, often without acknowledgement or appreciation.

Of course, black Americans will not disappear, despite the Gestapo-inspired wet dreams of MAGA and its king. Black people built this nation, for free – and it owes us. Just as it owes Haitians who revitalized Springfield, Ohio, and Somalis who revitalized Minneapolis, Minnesota.

Collectively, black people – even, ironically, those Somalis who did not consider themselves black and voted for Trump (then again, adversity invites inclusion, as the excluded discover common ground and solidarity) – have built this country. And we will not let a confederacy of racist Trumpanista and “Millertant” dunces turn it into a “shithole,” however earnestly they might try.

Notes

[1] I have chosen not to capitalize “black” until there is substantive reform of American police enforcement and the criminal justice system that results in the criminal prosecution of those who use excessive force and a systemic, long-term reduction in the number of police killings and brutalization of black people.

[2] Trump’s 2021 executive order listed 244 figures. A subsequent unofficial count raises the total to 250. Significantly, the list was made before Trump’s anti-DEI executive orders.

[3] Although listed among the honorees, Tubman was temporarily removed “without approval” from the National Park Service website in 2025. Other figures on the list, including Jackie Robinson and Medgar Evers were also briefly scrubbed from Department of Defense and Arlington National Cemetery websites, respectively, before public outcry led to their restoration. This raises the possibility that their proposed statues may meet the same fate as the East Wing, perhaps to be hastily replaced for the republic’s 250th anniversary by multiple, NFT-themed, golden statutes of Trump himself to make up for the loss.

[4] While the Air Force’s MOL program was largely secret, its existence was public knowledge and Lawrence’s involvement was announced, though the details of his work remained classified. Despite being selected as an astronaut, Lawrence was not officially recognized as such until 1997, ostensibly because prior to his death, he had not flown above 50 miles – then the threshold for becoming an astronaut. Three years decades after his death, his name was finally inscribed on the Astronaut Memorial at Kennedy Space Center.

[5] See Tyson’s interview with Nobel Laurette Thomas R. Cech, particularly 4:45-10:20, in which he discusses the importance of representation.

[6] Latimer is also AI chatbot named after the inventor. However, while Elon Musk’s Grok chatbot spreads disinformation about an imaginary “white South African genocide,” calls itself MechaHitler, denies the Holocaust, and contemplates one of its own in a grotesque thought experiment in which it hypothetically slaughters the world’s 16 million Jews rather than vaporize its creator’s “Einstein/DaVinci-surpassing” mind, Latimer is designed for inclusivity, not to perpetuate lies about genocide, imagined or real.

Saturday, December 13, 2025

As Authoritarianism Grows, Psychologists Must Not Be Silent




December 12, 2025


LONG READ

Photograph by Nathaniel St. Clair

Note: The authors and contributors to this statement had initially envisioned that it would be published as an official statement from the Society for the Study of Peace, Conflict, and Violence — Division 48 of the American Psychological Association (APA). However, APA’s policies and concerns over IRS regulations prohibited its publication in that form, and it does not represent the official positions or policies of Division 48 or the APA. We thank CounterPunch for providing us with the opportunity to share our analysis and call to action here.

Contributors to this statement include Rehman Adbulrehman, Elliot Benjamin, Alaina Brenick, Sara Buckingham, Sarah Constantine, Donna Demanarig, Judy Iwens Eidelson, Judith Gulko, Ian Hansen, Monica Indart, Emily Lutringer, Sodah Minty, Tiffany O’Shaughnessy, Michele Ribeiro, Stephen Soldz, Karen Suyemoto, and several others who prefer to remain anonymous.

+++

Psychology as a discipline, and the American Psychological Association as the world’s largest organization of psychologists, has a core commitment to advancing human welfare through scientific rigor and ethical practice. APA’s mission is to promote “psychological science and knowledge to benefit society and improve lives.”[1] Similarly, APA’s ethics code states:

Psychologists are committed to increasing scientific and professional knowledge of behavior and people’s understanding of themselves and others and to the use of such knowledge to improve the condition of individuals, organizations, and society. Psychologists respect and protect civil and human rights and the central importance of freedom of inquiry and expression in research, teaching, and publication. They strive to help the public in developing informed judgments and choices concerning human behavior.[2]

While acknowledging the profession’s past shortcomings in achieving these goals, today we bring this sense of responsibility and resolve to a moment of profound political and moral consequence here in the United States. We write to share our professional knowledge, so that our colleagues and the public gain a better understanding of the deeply disturbing psychological dimensions of authoritarianism. Its dangerous and destructive repercussions are now unfolding daily throughout this country, threatening the well-being — and the very survival — of individuals, communities, and the foundations of our democratic form of governance.

We are not writing in support of any political party or candidate. Indeed, we recognize that both major political parties have fallen woefully short in establishing and nurturing a society where prosperity, justice, and equal opportunity prevail for all. At the same time, it is clear to us that anti-democratic pressures have now escalated significantly under the Trump administration, and we worry that the gravity of the current situation is not receiving the attention it deserves — from the public or from our profession.

Guided by our ethical and scientific commitments and by our duty to oppose forces that dehumanize, divide, and destroy, we believe that we must not be silent at this time. Authoritarianism thrives on fear, disinformation, and the suppression of truth. Peace psychology compels us to name these threats and to work toward systems grounded in justice, empathy, and democratic participation.

What follows is an overview of what we know about authoritarianism, its psychological underpinnings, its current manifestations, and the urgent need to confront the harm that has already been done and to curtail the suffering that still lies ahead.[3] We are not claiming that the psychological phenomena we describe are unique to authoritarianism, nor are we suggesting that authoritarianism is distinguished only by its psychology. We are well aware that a full understanding of authoritarianism requires contributions from many disciplines, including political science, sociology, economics, and history, among others.

What Is Authoritarianism?

Authoritarianism describes a form of government where executive power is supreme; where independent civil society organizations are constrained and surveilled so as to reduce their willingness to challenge the state; where dissent is suppressed; where vulnerable communities are scapegoated; where elections, if held, are corrupted; where misinformation and disinformation are promoted; and where violence is often incited against opponents and “undesirable” communities.[4]

Beginning with the rise of fascism in Nazi Germany almost a century ago, psychologists have made crucial contributions to the study of authoritarianism.[5] They have found that authoritarian leaders often gain their power and influence by stoking and preying upon the public’s fears and insecurities, even devising newly-imagined threats and then confidently offering “solutions” that are promised to restore safety and order. Research by psychologists has also increased our understanding of authoritarian followers. They tend to see the world as a dangerous place and, as a result, they are strongly inclined to support and obey authority figures, to act aggressively against anyone who violates their group’s norms, and to deeply value what they see as tradition and convention. These dynamics stifle openness to difference and discourage the freedom of thought and expression that allow people and communities to thrive. Of greatest concern, psychologists have found that authoritarian leaders and followers tend to endorse anti-democratic policies; to support violence for achieving political aims; to hold prejudiced views toward minority groups and immigrants; and to support violations of human rights.[6]

We believe there is a range of psychological phenomena that become a source of significantly greater concern when authoritarian conditions prevail — as they increasingly do today.[7] Here, we briefly describe six of them, along with a partial list of current distressing examples. It is our hope that readers will appreciate the insights gained from psychological research and will take meaningful action to prevent and mitigate the risks that authoritarianism poses to us all.

Propaganda

Through decades of research, psychologists have learned that persuasion efforts often follow either of two paths.[8]One route encourages us to carefully look at the facts and think through the arguments presented before deciding what makes sense. But it is the other route that is most frequently used by authoritarian leaders. They intentionally tap into our strong emotions, aiming to make us fearful, angry, or optimistic. By arousing our emotions, they lead us to ignore the actual quality of the arguments or “evidence” they are presenting. Under these circumstances, we become more susceptible to believing false or inaccurate information, which may be designed to mislead us.[9] This is especially so when we are repeatedly exposed to that “information.” The use of propaganda has long been widespread, and it is certainly not new. However, it becomes potentially more dangerous when authoritarian leaders simultaneously suppress alternative sources of information.

In the current context, President Trump and members of his administration have routinely spread misinformation — on issues ranging from immigration to vaccines to climate change to election fraud and far beyond — triggering fear and outrage among ardent supporters and other members of the public.[10] Often, these statements have vilified political adversaries. For example, Trump himself has described opposition leaders as “crazed,” “cheatin’ dogs,” “the enemy from within,” and “kamikaze pilots,” and he has claimed “they hate our country.”[11] His press secretary has said that the Democratic Party is made up of “Hamas terrorists, illegal aliens, and violent criminals.”[12] And a deputy chief of staff has described the opposition party as a “domestic extremist organization” that is “devoted exclusively to the defense of hardened criminals, gangbangers, and illegal alien killers and terrorists.”[13] These instances illustrate the purpose that often lies behind the use of propaganda by authoritarian leaders: to inflame emotion, distort reality, and erode the shared trust on which democracy depends. In short, they are not the type of pronouncements one sees from political leaders who are committed to principles of democratic governance.

Conformity and Obedience

Psychologists have intensively studied conformity and obedience since shortly after World War II and the horrors committed by Nazi Germany.[14] Their research findings have shown that we are often motivated to conform so as not to lose a sense of belonging to a group, and to avoid the insecurity that might follow. At the same time, we often choose to obey so as not to be disrespectful to those in positions of power and due to concerns about possible retribution. These everyday inclinations, driven in part by fear or the need for security, transcend specific political environments. But they are likely to carry heightened influence and consequence when the stakes of non-compliance and disobedience intensify and widen, as is the case under authoritarian regimes.

Consider several contemporary examples. With support from adherents to his “Make America Great Again” agenda, President Trump has regularly taken steps to instill fear in both his allies and his adversaries, warning followers not to step out of line and demonstrating to rivals that there is a heavy price to pay for defying him. For example, politicians in his party who fail to conform face the prospect of primary challengers more aligned with the president and the heightened risk of losing their seats in the next election cycle.[15] Far more extreme, during the January 6, 2021, assault on the U.S. Capitol, Trump supporters called for then Vice President Mike Pence to be hanged for failing to obey and subvert the election results — with multiple insiders later reporting that the president seemingly approved.[16] Meanwhile, individuals with contrary views who have resisted the White House’s crackdown on free speech on college campuses have faced severe repercussions, particularly students who have been arrested and threatened with deportation for protesting against Israel’s assault on Gaza and in support of Palestinian rights.[17] At the same time, many major corporations made large financial contributions to Trump’s inauguration events and have now rolled back their Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) initiatives to avoid running afoul of Trump’s good graces.[18] All of these actions illustrate how conformity and obedience can be used to instill fear, enforce loyalty, and weaken dissent. Expectations for unquestioning conformity and obedience are more characteristic of a dictatorship than a democracy.

Moral Disengagement

Psychologists have documented that people use a wide range of rationalizations, various forms of moral disengagement, to justify their own wrongful behavior and to escape feelings of remorse for the harm they have done.[19] Among the most common of these psychological mechanisms are moral justification, in which we claim that our actions serve a greater good; euphemistic labeling, in which we sanitize our language to disguise and minimize our wrongdoing; dehumanization, in which we portray those we treat cruelly as less than human and thereby distance ourselves from their hurt; misattribution of blame, in which we hold the victims of our actions responsible for their own suffering; advantageous comparison, in which we claim that the wrongful things we do are not as bad as what others do or have done; displacement of responsibility, in which we claim that we are only following orders or that it is someone else’s responsibility; and minimization of consequences, in which we downplay or even deny the adverse effects experienced by those we harm. These moral disengagement rationalizations are routinely used by authoritarian leaders to reduce resistance to their harmful agenda.

The Trump administration has adopted these tactics on multiple fronts and in doing so has heightened pre-existing injustices.[20] For instance, they have used moral justification to terminate DEI programs, claiming that their actions are “making America great” by correcting both “shameful discrimination” against White Americans and the waste of precious financial resources.[21] They have relied on euphemistic labeling, advancing “patriotic education” and ending “radical indoctrination” as the rationale for requiring that school curricula no longer include material related to the country’s fraught history of slavery and racial injustice, as well as banning contemporary positive representations of different minority groups, such as trans people.[22] In unleashing the U.S. military on American soil, they have turned to misattribution of blame, falsely insisting that these steps are necessary because the targeted cities have become overrun by crime, anarchy, and “insurrection.”[23] And through minimization of consequences, they have downplayed or denied the dangers associated with curtailing workplace health and safety standards, reducing environmental protections, and gutting scientific and regulatory enforcement agencies and staff.[24] These examples illustrate how moral disengagement can be used to excuse harm, to disguise injustice, and to make cruelty seem acceptable. Psychological rationalizations like these all serve to make an authoritarian agenda appear more morally palatable, despite the drastic and many times irrevocable harm that it causes.

Dehumanization

Psychologists have extensively studied the disturbing phenomenon of dehumanization, the process by which some people and groups are viewed and treated as less than fully human.[25] Prejudice and discrimination — based on race, ethnicity, religion, gender, sexual orientation, and disability or other characteristics — often lie behind the dehumanization of others. Those perceived as less than human are considered less deserving of dignity, care, and respect and more deserving of exclusion, exploitation, and abuse.[26] Psychologically, it becomes easier to mistreat people — including portraying them through demeaning language and imagery — when they are viewed as inferior, subhuman and, in its most extreme form, nonhuman. In this way, dehumanization can remove moral taboos and thereby encourage horrific acts of humiliation, cruelty, brutality, and even genocide.[27] Among their followers, authoritarian leaders often successfully promote this degrading perception of those they consider adversaries, heightening the likelihood of violence.[28]

The Trump administration’s dehumanization of people of color and other communities it views as inferior and “other” is widespread.[29] Still, it is perhaps most consistently apparent in the harsh and often brutal treatment of immigrants. During last year’s presidential debate, Trump memorably and baselessly warned that Haitian immigrants were eating the pets of their neighbors.[30] At other times, he has described unauthorized immigrants with words and phrases such as “criminals,” “rapists,” “poisoning the blood of our country,” “from insane asylums,” “animals,” and “not human.”[31] Since returning to the White House, Trump has used this dehumanizing rhetoric to facilitate a violent crackdown on immigrant and racialized communities.[32] Masked Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents have terrorized neighborhoods with large-scale immigration sweeps, engaging in racial profiling, grabbing and incarcerating people without due process, and assaulting onlookers who get in the way.[33] Trump has gone so far as to call in National Guard troops to California, Illinois, and Oregon — against the wishes of the governors of those states — falsely claiming they are necessary to quell “out-of-control protests” and to protect ICE agents and facilities.[34] At the same time, the treatment of detained immigrants further dehumanizes them and is sometimes deadly.[35] Inhumane conditions are commonplace at detention centers: overcrowding, extreme temperatures, neglect and abuse, indifference to medical needs, and disregard for distraught family members.[36] And many of these immigrants have been deported to countries known for heightened levels of poverty, violence, and instability, where previously they have been persecuted and continue to be at risk.[37] Such examples demonstrate how dehumanization strips people of dignity, normalizes cruelty, and erases the empathy on which our shared humanity and democracy depend. Dehumanization of this magnitude is not seen in stable democracies.

Systemic Racism

Psychologists have played an important role in illuminating the prevalence and dynamics of systemic racism.[38] These entrenched and often under-recognized policies and practices — in contexts ranging from criminal justice to education to housing and well beyond — bestow significant advantages on white people over people of color. They have been a disturbing reality in the United States ever since the country’s founding. Psychological research has shown that people tend to believe that significant differences in power between racial groups are the way things are supposed to be even when they themselves are the ones disadvantaged by these unjust disparities.[39] Similarly, mistakenly believing that longstanding inequalities are justified because otherwise they would not exist can lead us to think that unearned privileges are based on merit when in fact they are not.[40] Authoritarian leaders take advantage of these biases when they argue for a return to the “natural order” of things.[41]

Actions of the Trump administration deny and exacerbate the reality of systemic racism in the United States.[42] DEI initiatives have been shut down under the guise of promoting a “colorblind and merit-based” society — despite decades of psychological research demonstrating that colorblind racial ideology exacerbates inequality and meritocracy is a myth used to justify the status quo.[43] The work of the Department of Justice’s Civil Rights Division has been sharply curtailed, hampering voting rights protections for historically marginalized groups.[44] An executive order has undercut decades-old legislation aimed at preventing discrimination, including the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Fair Housing Act, and the Equal Credit Opportunity Act.[45] Content highlighting the struggles and achievements of Black and Native Americans has been scrubbed from federal museums, landmarks, and websites.[46] The administration has abandoned civil rights investigations that had been established in order to hold law enforcement departments accountable for police violence against Black people.[47] And while on the campaign trail last year, Trump pledged to fight what he described as “a definite anti-white feeling in this country.”[48] Each example illustrates how systemic racism sustains inequality, distorts justice, and corrodes the very ideals of fairness and equity that democracy demands. These are simply not the actions of a government committed to ensuring equal opportunity for all.

Perceived Helplessness

Research by psychologists has found that feelings of helplessness — whether held by an individual or by a group — pose a significant obstacle to success in any undertaking.[49] Those who lack confidence in their capabilities are more likely to give up and abandon their goals, and they do not bounce back as resiliently when their efforts prove unproductive. In this way, believing that we cannot control important outcomes in our lives can lead to resignation, which can destroy our motivation to work toward crucial personal and collective objectives.[50] This belief that our actions are futile and that adversity cannot be overcome is something we fight hard to resist. But if we reach that demoralizing conclusion, the effects can be paralyzing and difficult to reverse. Knowing that feelings of helplessness have a major impact on the choices we make and the effort we are willing to expend, authoritarian leaders often manipulate our perceptions of what might be possible through collective action.[51] This is why perceived helplessness and lack of control — especially when widely shared — make it easier for a small minority to control a much larger group, readily maintaining an oppressive and unjust status quo because active resistance is absent and voices of opposition are silent.

Today, we see the Trump administration repeatedly taking steps to simultaneously demonstrate its own power and instill a sense of helplessness in those who oppose its agenda.[52] These actions have included disregard for legal orders blocking its unlawful initiatives; crackdowns on universities and non-profits that fail to abide by its demands, thus limiting free speech; retaliatory criminal complaints filed against political adversaries; threats to use U.S. cities as “training grounds for our military;” efforts to quell criticism from journalists and talk show hosts; and frequent social media posts that ridicule those who question or protest its authority.[53] In these ways and more, authoritarianism breeds helplessness and weakens resistance, saps hope, and erodes the collective power on which a free society depends. None of these tactics is characteristic of political leadership that has an abiding respect for the public’s legal and civil rights.

Meeting the Current Moment: Our Call to Action

In this statement, we have drawn upon decades of research by psychologists to demonstrate the role that psychological phenomena are playing in the distressing shift toward authoritarianism in the United States today.[54] We not only consider it our responsibility to illuminate these patterns of thought and behavior — and their dire consequences — for our colleagues and the general public. We are also convinced that our professional knowledge and moral outrage must be directed into concrete efforts aimed at preventing and resisting authoritarianism’s destructive repercussions.[55]Toward this end, below we describe a range of strategies and actions that we believe can generate and sustain positive social change.

Most directly relevant to our own professional communities, psychologists must collectively support and advocate for institutional courage.[56] This means demanding that leaders of our organizations uphold and defend — both publicly and internally — academic freedom, civil rights, and democratic values through public statements and through the development of binding resolutions that prevent and curtail the current administration’s attacks on the independence of our institutions.[57] Leadership accountability must also be guaranteed through mechanisms such as internal reviews and audits, and the implementation of task forces or working groups that can monitor and report potential failures to defend our communities.[58]

We encourage academic institutions to follow current legal recommendations and to develop and implement specifically tailored policies and programs aimed at protecting and supporting their own members.[59] They should pursue these same commitments in relation to the communities and individuals they serve, particularly the ones who are currently being targeted by the Trump administration.[60] We especially note the responsibility of institutional authorities and those who have more relative privilege and power to advocate, speak up, and support those currently at greatest risk of persecution.

More broadly, psychologists must also organize as a community to facilitate effective collective action that challenges social injustice and safeguards human rights.[61] Through a wide range of strategies and tactics, we must confront authoritarianism and prevent its damaging consequences.[62] For instance, through public and civic education psychologists can promote reflexive thought and critical consciousness, paving the path to diverse ways of countering authoritarian repression.[63]

We further believe that this shared effort must actively involve and engage the communities with whom we work and to which we belong. Mutual support and reciprocity can be strengthened through relational and network organizing and horizontal solidarity, thereby enabling communities to discover their own approaches for resisting oppression.[64]Examples may include participating in protests against the current administration, boycotting companies that promote or benefit from its authoritarian agenda, signing petitions and statements, and other types of collective actions to protect our democracy.[65] In addition, seemingly small and subtle acts of “everyday resistance,” which may pass unnoticed, can also undermine oppressive power structures.[66]

We are convinced that, together, we must meet this moment. Through the power of collective action, radical hope, and ethics of care, we can resist the Trump administration’s authoritarian agenda and forestall its harmful and dangerous consequences.[67] There is no time to delay.

Endnotes

[1] American Psychological Association. (n.d.).

[2] American Psychological Association. (2017). Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct.

[3] Editorial Board. (October 31, 2025). “Are we losing our democracy?” The New York Times.

[4] Ben-Ghiat, R. (2020). Strongmen: Mussolini to the present. W. W. Norton; Dresden, J., Baird, A., & Raderstorf, B. (2022). The authoritarian playbook. Protect Democracy; Langfitt, F. (2025, April 22). “Hundreds of scholars say U.S. is swiftly heading toward authoritarianism.” NPR. ; American Psychological Association. (February 2024). APA Resolution on Combating Misinformation and Promoting Psychological Science Literacy; American Psychological Association. (n.d.) “Misinformation and disinformation.”

[5] Adorno, T. W., Frenkel-Brunswik, E., Levinson, D. J., & Sanford, R. N. (1950). The authoritarian personality. New York: Harper & Row. ; Altemeyer, B. (1981). Right-wing authoritarianism. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press; Gøtzsche-Astrup, O., & Hogg, M. A. (2024). Psychology of authoritarianism. In A. Wolf (Ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Authoritarian Politics (1st ed.). Oxford University Press.

[6] Osborne, D., Costello, T. H., Duckitt, J., & Sibley, C. G. (2023). The psychological causes and societal consequences of authoritarianismNature Reviews Psychology2(4), 220–232.

[7] Levitsky, S., Way, L, & Ziblatt, D. (May 8, 2025). “How will we know when we have lost our democracy? New York Times; Bright Line Watch. (2025). Accelerated transgressions in the second Trump presidency; The Steady State. (October 16, 2025). “Accelerating authoritarian dynamics: Assessment of democratic decline.” Substack newsletter. The Steady State.

[8] Bernays, E. L. (1928). Propaganda. Horace Liveright; Petty, R.E. & Cacioppo, J.T. (1986). The Elaboration Likelihood Model of PersuasionAdvances in Experimental Social Psychology, 19, 123-205. ; Pratkanis, A. R., & Aronson, E. (1992). Age of propaganda: The everyday use and abuse of persuasion. W.H. Freeman; Cialdini, R. B. (2008). Influence (5th ed.). Pearson.

[9] American Psychological Association. (March 1, 2024). “What psychological factors make people susceptible to believe and act on misinformation?”; Martel, C., Pennycook, G., & Rand, D. G. (2020). Reliance on emotion promotes belief in fake newsCognitive Research: Principles and Implications, 5:47. 

[10] Baker, P. (November 3, 2024). “Trump’s wild claims, conspiracies and falsehoods redefine presidential bounds.” New York Times; Myers, S. L., & Thompson, S. A. (March 24, 2025). “In his second term, Trump fuels a ‘machinery’ of misinformation.” New York Times. ; Kessler, G. (April 30, 2025). “One hundred days of Trump 2.0: Falsehood after falsehood, again and again.” Washington Post. ; Qiu, L. (April 29, 2025). “In breakneck 2nd term, Trump turns to falsehoods to justify his agenda.” New York Times; Dale, D. (August 29, 2025). “Fact check: 10 debunked lies Donald Trump has repeated in the last week alone.” CNN Politics. ; Walling, M., & Borenstein, S. (September 25, 2025). “Trump called climate change a ‘con job’ at the United Nations. Here are the facts.” PBS. ; Gelfand, M. (January 2, 2020). “Authoritarian leaders thrive on fear. We need to help people feel safe.” The Guardian.

[11] Wise, L., Thomas, K., & Stech Ferek, K. (September 25, 2025). “Democrats dig in on shutdown stance after White House threatens to fire workers.” Wall Street Journal; Dale, D. (October 10, 2024). “Fact check: Trump, on lying spree, made at least 40 separate false claims in two Pennsylvania speeches.” CNN Politics. ; Marquez, A. (October 13, 2024). “‘The enemy from within’: Trump calls Democrats more dangerous than U.S. foreign adversaries.” NBC News. ; Colombo, M. (October 19, 2025). “Trump calls Democrats ‘kamikaze pilots’ as shutdown standoff hits third week with no end in sight.” Fox News. ; Timotija, F. (July 4, 2025). “Trump on Democrats who voted against GOP megabill: ‘I hate them.’” The Hill. 

[12] Parnes, A., & Samuels, B. (October 21, 2025). “Trump’s attacks on ‘No Kings’ underscore his second term’s unofficial mottoes.” The Hill.

[13] Izzo, J. (August 30, 2025). “Stephen Miller called Democratic Party a ‘domestic, extremist organization.’” Snopes.

[14] Asch, S. E. (1956). Studies of independence and conformity: I. A minority of one against a unanimous majorityPsychological Monographs, 70(9), 1-70. ; Cialdini, R. B., & Goldstein, N. J. (2004). Annual Review Of Psychology55, 591-621; Capuano, C., & Chekroun, P. (2024). A systematic review of research on conformityInternational Review of Social Psychology, 37(1): 13, 1–23. ; Milgram, S. (1974). Obedience to authority: An experimental view. Harper & Row; Crutchfield, R. S. (1955). Conformity and character. American Psychologist, 10, 191–198; Meeus, W. H. J., & Raajimakers, Q. A. W. (1995). Obedience in modern society: The Utrecht StudiesJournal of Social Issues, 51(3), 155-175. ; Burger, J. M. (2009). Replicating Milgram: Would people still obey today? American Psychologist, 64, 1–11.

[15] Ewing, G. R. (April 17, 2025). “‘We are all afraid: Murkowski says fear of retaliation from Trump is ‘real’.” Politico.

[16] Haberman, M., & Broadwater, L. (May 25, 2022). “Trump said to have reacted approvingly to Jan. 6 chants about hanging Pence.” New York Times. ; Bella, T. (June 10, 2022). Cheney states Trump said on Jan. 6 that Pence ‘deserves’ to be hangedWashington Post. 

[17] Jayaretnam, M. (April 1, 2025). “These are the students targeted by Trump’s immigration enforcement over campus activism.” Time. ; O’Connor, M. (April 17, 2025). “Here’s where pro-Palestine protesters face the harshest charges.” The Appeal. 

[18] Fonrouge, G., Constantino, A. K., Josephs, L., Levy, A., Lucas, A., Repko, M., Son, H., & Wayland, M. (April 23, 2025).“Corporate America shelled out millions for Trump’s inauguration. Now he’s upending many of their businesses.” CNBC; Murray, C., & Bohannan, M. (April 11, 2025). “IBM reportedly walks back diversity policies, citing ‘inherent tensions’: Here are all the companies rolling back DEI programs.” Forbes.

[19] Opotow, S. (1990). Moral exclusion and injustice: An introductionJournal of Social Issues, 46, 173-182.  Deutsch, M. (1990). Psychological roots of moral exclusion. Journal of Social Issues46(1), 21–25; Bandura, A. (1999). Moral disengagement in the perpetration of inhumanities. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 3, 193-209; Bandura, A. (2016). Moral disengagement: How people do harm and live with themselves. Worth Publishers.

[20] Rasul, M. E., Halversen, A., & Smith, J. (2025). “When you’re a star, they let you do it”: Trump, Twitter, and moral disengagement. Communication and the Public, 20570473251314521.

[21] The White House. (January 21, 2025). Ending radical and wasteful government DEI programs and preferencing; Legal Defense Fund, Lambda Legal, Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, National Women’s Law Center, and National Center for Lesbian Rights (n.d.). “Trump’s executive orders on diversity, equity, and inclusion, explained.”

[22] The White House (January 29, 2025). Ending radical indoctrination in k-12 schooling.

[23] Jansen, B. (October 28, 2025). “‘More than the National Guard.’ Trump warns of more troops in US cities.” USA TODAY. ; Kamisar, B. (October 10, 2025). “Court rulings, anti-ICE protests, Democrats: What the Trump administration sees as ‘insurrection.’” NBC News.

[24] McNicholas, C., Poydock, M., & Sanders, S. (July 10, 2025). “Trump’s Department of Labor is dismantling key workplace protections.” Economic Policy Institute. ; Feldscher, K. (September 16, 2025). “Trump administration plans to roll back EPA regulations could harm health.” Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health. ; Barbati-Dajches, J. (May 29, 2025). “Trump’s executive order puts science under the thumb of politics.” Union of Concerned Scientists: The Equation.

[25] Kteily, N. S., & Landry, A. P. (2022). Dehumanization: Trends, insights, and challengesTrends in Cognitive Sciences, 26(3), 222–240. h; Fiske S. T. (2009). From dehumanization and objectification to rehumanization: Neuroimaging studies on the building blocks of empathyAnnals of the New York Academy of Sciences1167, 31–34; Resnick, B. (March 7, 2017). “The dark psychology of dehumanization, explained.” Vox; Smith, D. L. (2011). Less than human: Why we demean, enslave, and exterminate others. St. Martin’s Press. 

[26] Opotow, S. (1990). Moral exclusion and injustice: An introductionJournal of Social Issues, 46(1), 1–20.

[27] United Nations Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights. (September 16, 2025). “Israel has committed genocide in the Gaza Strip, UN Commission finds.”

[28] Byman, D. (April 9, 2021). “How hateful rhetoric connects to real-world violence.” Brookings.

[29] Kanno-Youngs, Z. (August 21, 2025). “In Trump’s ideal picture of America, diversity is taboo.” New York Times; Jardina, A., & Piston, S. (2023). Trickle-down racism: Trump’s effect on whites’ racist dehumanizing attitudesCurrent Research in Ecological and Social Psychology, 5. ; Shear, M. D., & Sullivan, E. (October 16, 2018). “‘Horseface,’ ‘Lowlife,’ ‘Fat, Ugly’: How the President Demeans Women.” New York Times. ; Nelson, L. (October 12, 2016). “Donald Trump’s history of misogyny, sexism, and harassment: a comprehensive review.” Vox. ; Flowers, B., & Trotta, D. (January 20, 2025). “Trump curtails protections around diversity, LGBT rights.” Reuters. ; Yurcaba, J. (June 19, 2025). “These trans service members are being forced out of the military due to Trump’s ban.” NBC News. ; Gross, J. (March 13, 2025). “Rights groups condemn Trump for using “Palestinian” as a slur against Schumer.” New York Times. ; Kelly, M. L. (February 12, 2019). “Why Trump’s attacks on Sen. Elizabeth Warren are dehumanizing to native people.” NPR. ; Becker, A. J. (March 12, 2025). “The Trump administration’s rhetoric about disability diminishes us all.” WBUR.

[30] Thomas, M., & Wendling, M. (September 15, 2024). “Trump repeats baseless claim about Haitian immigrants eating pets.”

[31] Terkel, A., & Lebowitz, M. (September 19, 2024). “From ‘rapists’ to ‘eating the pets’: Trump has long used degrading language toward immigrants.” NBC News.

[32] Tareen, S. (October 6, 2025). “Using helicopters and chemical agents, immigration agents become increasingly aggressive in Chicago.” AP News.

[33] Sanchez, G. R., & Vargas, E. D. (October 16, 2025). “Racial profiling by ICE will have a marked impact on Latino communities.” Brookings. ; Foy, N. (October 16, 2025). “We found that more than 170 U.S. citizens have been held by immigration agents. They’ve been kicked, dragged and detained for days.” ProPublica. ; Villagran, L. (September 30, 2025). “US citizens seek millions in damages after violent ICE arrests.” USA TODAY.

[34] Finkelstein, C., Fissell, B., & Regan, M. (September 10, 2025). “The law is clear: Trump can’t use the military to police America’s streets.” The Hill. 

[35] Bustillo, X. (October 23, 2025). “It’s the deadliest year for people in ICE custody in decades; next year could be worse.” NPR.

[36] Human Rights Watch. (July 21, 2025). You Feel Like Your Life Is Over”: Abusive Practices at Three Florida Immigration Detention Centers Since January 2025. (December 4, 2025). Torture and Enforced Disappearances in the Sunshine State: Human Rights Violations at “Alligator Alcatraz” and Krome in Florida

[37] Roy, D. (July 1, 2025). “Here’s where Trump’s deportations are sending migrants.” Council on Foreign Relations.

[38] American Psychological Association (October 2021). Role of Psychology and the American Psychological Association in Dismantling Systemic Racism Against People of Color in the United States; Banaji, M. R., Fiske, S. T., & Massey, D. S. (2021). Systemic racism: Individuals and interactions, institutions and societyCognitive Research: Principles and Implications6(1), 82. ; Skinner-Dorkenoo, A. L., George, M., Wages, J. E., Sánchez, S., & Perry, S. P. (2023). A systemic approach to the psychology of racial bias within individuals and societyNature Reviews Psychology2(7), 392–406.

[39] Sidanius, J., Cotterill, S., Sheehy-Skeffington, J., Kteily, N., & Carvacho, H. (2016). Social dominance theory: Explorations in the psychology of oppression. In C. G. Sibley & F. K. Barlow (Eds.), The Cambridge Handbook of the Psychology of Prejudice(pp. 149–187). Cambridge University Press; Jost, J. T. (2018). A quarter century of system justification theory: Questions, answers, criticisms, and societal applicationsBritish Journal of Social Psychology.

[40] Fuhrer, J. (October 10, 2023). “The myth of meritocracy runs deep in American history.” MIT Press Reader.

[41] Parker, C. S., & Towler, C. C. (2019). Race and authoritarianism in American politicsAnnual Review of Political Science22(1), 503–519. 

[42] Congressional Black Caucus Foundation. (n.d.). CBCF executive order tracker: Understanding what’s at stake for Black America. https://www.cbcfinc.org/policy-research/cbcf-executive-order-tracker-impacts-on-black-america/;

[43] Green, E. (February 3, 2025). “As Trump attacks diversity, a racist undercurrent surfaces.” New York Times; Neville, H. A., Awad, G. H., Brooks, J. E., Flores, M. P., & Bluemel, J. (2013). Color-blind racial ideology: Theory, training, and measurement implications in psychologyAmerican Psychologist, 68(6), 455–466.

[44] Wang, H. L. (March 31, 2025). “Under Trump, the Justice Department is stepping away from some voting rights cases.” NPR

[45] The White House. (March 25, 2025). Preserving and protecting the integrity of American elections.; Arab American Institute(June 26, 2025). “The destruction of the DOJ civil rights division will damage voting rights.”

[46] Joselow, M. (September 16, 2025). “Park service is ordered to take down some materials on slavery and tribes.” New York Times. ; Douglas, S. (October 6, 2025).“Harriet Tubman among victims of Trump’s historical purge.” Fourth Estate.

[47] Fortin, J., Barrett, D., Londono E., & Dewan, S. (May 21, 2025). “Justice Dept. to end oversight of local police accused of abuses. New York Times. ; Cheek, J., Bonam, C. M., & Langhout, R. D. (2025). Cultural violence in news coverage of the George Floyd murderAnalyses of Social Issues and Public Policy25(3).

[48] Green, E. (May 25, 2025). “For Trump, civil rights protections should help white men.” New York Times.

[49] Bandura, A. (1982). Self-efficacy mechanism in human agencyAmerican Psychologist, 37(2), 122–147; Maier, S. F., & Seligman, M. E. (2016). Learned helplessness at fifty: Insights from neuroscience. Psychological Review123(4), 349–367. ; Fritsche, I., & Masson, T. (2021). Collective climate action: When do people turn into collective environmental agents?Current Opinion in Psychology42, 114–119. .

[50] Ross, C.E., & Mirowsky, J. (2013). The sense of personal control: Social structural causes and emotional consequences. In: Aneshensel, C.S., Phelan, J.C., Bierman, A. (Eds.), Handbook of the Sociology of Mental Health. Springer.

[51] Mosley, T. (July 23, 2024). “Expert on dictators warns: Don’t lose hope — that’s what they want.” NPR.

[52] Cleetus, R. (October 16, 2025). “It’s time to confront the Trump administration’s authoritarianism.” Union of Concerned Scientists: The Equation.

[53] Polantz, K. (August 10, 2025). “‘The courts are helpless’: Inside the Trump administration’s steady erosion of judicial power.” CNN Politics; Rippberger, R., Riedl, R. B., & Katz, J. (May 1, 2025). “Targeting higher education is an essential tool in the autocratic playbook.” Brookings; Bedekovics, G. (May 13, 2025). “Reconciliation Provision Would Let Executive Branch Dismantle Nonprofits Under Pretext of Fighting Terrorism.” Center for American Progress. ; Blake, A. (September 22, 2025). “Analysis: Trump’s open weaponization of the government. CNN Politics. ; Babb, C. (September 30, 2025). “Trump suggests using US cities as ‘training grounds’ for military.” Military Times.; Spike, J., & Riccardi, N. (September 18, 2025). “Trump’s moves against media outlets mirror authoritarian approaches to silencing dissent.” PBS News. ; Hill, M. L. (September 29, 2025). “Trump posts vulgar deepfake slam of Democratic leaders after White House meeting.” Politico. ; Patel, F. (October 9, 2025). “Trump’s Orders Targeting Anti-Fascism Aim to Criminalize Opposition.” Brennan Center for Justice. 

[54] Editorial Board. (October 31, 2025). “Are we losing our democracy?” The New York Times.

[55] Vollhardt, J. R., & Zeineddine, F. B. (2024). Introduction: The psychology of resistance in violent and repressive contexts. In Zeineddine, F. B., & Vollhardt, J. R. (Eds.), Resistance to repression and violence: Global psychological perspectives (New York: Oxford Academic). ; Vollhardt, J. R., Okuyan, M., & Unal, H. (2020). Resistance to collective victimization and oppressionCurrent Opinion in Psychology, 35, 92-97.

[56] Freyd, J. J., & Becker-Blease, K. (2024). “Institutionalizing courage to create a safe community.” In Ray E. (Ed.), A handbook of higher education leadership. Open Educational Resources, Oregon State University.

[57]  Smith-Schoenwalder, C. (October 3, 2025). “Tracking Trump’s crackdown on higher education.” US News. ; Hagopian, A. (November 1, 2025). “Civil society should be resisting Trump’s authoritarianism. It’s succumbing to it instead.” Mondoweiss. 

[58] Blinder, A. (October 21, 2025). “How universities are responding to Trump.” New York Times.

[59] American Association of University Professors. (May 20, 2025). “Institutions should support students under visa threats with legal aid and housing.” AAUP; American Association of University Professors. (2025). Policy documents and reports. Johns Hopkins University Press. ; Yang, M. (April 16, 2025). “US universities’ faculty unite to defend academic freedom after Trump’s attacks.” The Guardian.

[60] Lewis, N. A. (May 14, 2024). “Universities are palaces for the people. Their leaders should remember that.” Brookings.

[61] Staples, L. (2012). Community organizing for social justice: Grassroots groups for powerSocial Work With Groups35(3), 287–296. 

[62] McKeever, B. W., McKeever, R., Choi, M., & Huang, S. (2023). From advocacy to activism: A multi-dimensional scale of communicative, collective, and combative behaviorsJournalism & Mass Communication Quarterly100(3), 569-594.

[63] Watts, R. J., Diemer, M. A., & Voight, A. M. (2011). Critical consciousness: Current status and future directions. In Flanagan, C. A., & Christens, B. D., (Eds.), Youth civic development: Work at the cutting edge (pp. 43–57). Jossey-Bass/Wiley; Ayanian, A. H., Tausch, N., & Saab, R. (2024). Social psychological processes underlying collective action in repressive contexts: What we know and ways forward for future research. In Zeineddine, F. B., & Vollhardt, J. R. (Eds.), Resistance to repression and violence: Global psychological perspectives (New York: Oxford Academic).

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Roy Eidelson, PhD, is the president of the Society for the Study of Peace, Conflict, and Violence (Division 48 of the American Psychological Association), a past president of Psychologists for Social Responsibility, and a member of the Coalition for an Ethical Psychology. He is the author of Doing Harm: How the World’s Largest Psychological Association Lost Its Way in the War on Terror (McGill-Queen’s University Press) and Political Mind Games: How the 1% Manipulate Our Understanding of What’s Right, What’s Happening, and What’s Possible (Green Hall Books). Ana Figueiredo (she/her), PhD, is a member of the Society for the Study of Peace, Conflict, and Violence (Division 48 of the American Psychological Association) and in 2026 she will become a Member-at-Large of the Executive Committee. She is Associate Professor at the Universidad de O’Higgins (Chile) and Principal Researcher at the Millenium Institute for Authority and Social Regulation (ASOR). She is Co-Editor-in-Chief at the Journal of Social and Political Psychology(JSPP). Her main research interests focus on coloniality, collective memory, state and political violence, ideology, and intergroup conflict and violence.