Showing posts sorted by date for query UKRAINE. Sort by relevance Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by date for query UKRAINE. Sort by relevance Show all posts

Saturday, August 29, 2026

The UN and Red Cross Are Calling for Restrictions on AI Drones and Killer Robots

In a world where autonomous weapons can choose targets on their own, data can put us all at risk, a US veteran warns.

August 27, 2026

A Titan Strike unmanned ground vehicle, equipped with a .50 Caliber machine gun, moves and secures ground on Salisbury Plain during exercise Autonomous Warrior 18.Ben Birchall / PA Images via Getty Images

The United Nations and the Red Cross are warning that rapid advances in artificial intelligence (AI) and robotic weapons are bringing the world dangerously close to crossing a moral red line that has inspired dystopian science fiction for decades: the autonomous targeting of humans by deadly machines.

In an appeal to world leaders on August 25, the International Committee of the Red Cross and UN Secretary-General António Guterres renewed their call for a global treaty establishing restrictions on autonomous weapons systems. They warned that the technology behind AI targeting software and unpiloted drones has developed at record speed since the UN and Red Cross first called for such negotiations three years ago.

“At the same time, scientists and engineers developing these systems have themselves raised the alarm,” Guterres and the Red Cross said in a joint statement on August 25. “When the architects of this technology are calling for limits, States cannot afford to remain passive. This year must mark a turning point.”

In other words, the world must act now to rein in what are commonly known as “killer robots” or “slaughterbots” — unpiloted drones, robotic dogs, robot sentries armed with guns, AI targeting systems, and other digitally driven death machines that can identify, strike, and eliminate human beings on their own.

“You don’t even need drone operators; you can just type in a coordinate and not see the implications of what you are doing,” said Rory Fanning, an author, activist, and veteran of the U.S. war on Afghanistan, in an interview.

The world must act now to rein in what are commonly known as “killer robots” — unpiloted drones and other digitally driven death machines that can strike human beings on their own.

Killer robots no longer exist in the realm of science fiction. Autonomous weapons are increasingly being deployed on the battlefield, including in the wars funded and waged by the U.S. in Ukraine and Iran, respectively. While the U.S. and other militaries have flown drones with remote human pilots for years, AI targeting systems are being integrated into drones that can identify, track, and eliminate targets on their own.

“The same technology that brings you an Uber kills somebody in Palestine, and people really need know that and consider that,” Lisa Ling, a U.S. veteran who worked at the Pentagon’s drone program prior to 2012, told Truthout.

In Palestine, autonomous weapon systems are targeting and brutally killing people in Gaza and the West Bank as part of ethnic cleansing campaigns sanctioned by Israel’s far right government. U.S.-based companies such as Microsoft and Palantir face backlash for selling AI targeting platforms to the Israeli military, which has attacked and killed aid workers, journalists, first responders, and health care workers. The UN estimates that 30 percent of the people killed in what is broadly viewed as a genocide in Gaza are children.

Israel’s use of AI tools has contributed to digital dehumanization, the process of reducing human beings to data points used to make decisions that negatively impact their lives, according to the Stop Killer Robots campaign. Like the data sold by brokers to target consumers with specific ads online, the data used for targeting Palestinians is gathered from cellphones and social media, for example.

As Ling points out, a corporate spinoff of iRobot, the company that makes the popular Roomba robot vacuum, became a contractor developing autonomous weapons for the U.S. military in 2016. The spinoff was acquired by Arlington Capital Partners in 2016 for $45 million, but Ling said we should be alarmed that technology in consumer products and autonomous weapons comes from similar sources.


“The same technology that brings you an Uber kills somebody in Palestine, and people really need know that and consider that.”

“Basically, the same company that [made] your Roomba is now a military contractor,” Ling said. “As a technician who worked inside the drone program, I would ask people to look at where the data that is being used for targeting is coming from.”

Matt Howard, the interim organizing director at About Face, an antiwar group for veterans, said Ling and other whistleblowers who previously worked with killer drones for the U.S. military have brought attention to the unique toll that working with such weapons takes on military personnel.

“There’s been a deep cost for people involved in those programs, both in terms of moral injury and trauma,” Howard told Truthout. “AI-driven, cloud-based warfare is this next phase we’re entering, and that has a ton of pretty scary implications.”

There is also a moral cost to the U.S. as a nation of voters. Howard pointed to a 2013 drone strike on a civilian wedding procession in Yemen that killed at least a dozen civilians, and the warrantless execution of a U.S. citizen by a drone strike in Yemen in 2011, as examples of attacks that desensitized the U.S. public to autonomous warfare under President Barack Obama — but had deep and lasting impacts on veterans.

“Americans end up caring less about the legal and moral implications once there isn’t a human being pressing the trigger, or in the cockpit, and it’s not so close to home,” Howard told Truthout. “Our leaders understand how this works and they exploit it — drone and AI-influenced warfare has involved the U.S. more deeply in extralegal warfare with disastrous consequences for civilians in Iran and too many other countries to list.”

On February 26, 2026, the first day of President Donald Trump’s war on Iran, a U.S.-guided Tomahawk missile struck a school for girls near a military facility in Minab, killing at least 156 civilians, including 120 schoolchildren. While Trump and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth have refused to admit U.S. responsibility, Democrats in Congress are investigating whether targeting AI software built by Palantir with Anthropic’s AI was used in what appears to be a horrific targeting mix-up based on outdated data.


Autonomous weapons remove humans from the decision-making process, leaving algorithms to make life-or-death choices that could cause future conflicts to spiral out of control.

While the U.S. was the first nation to deploy killer drones, the technology has become a sort of equalizer for smaller nations facing off against major militaries. Ukraine’s military became a world leader in drone innovation by fighting Russian invaders. In the ongoing U.S.-Israeli war on Iran, Tehran has strategically deployed cheap drones to attack U.S. bases, deplete stockpiles of expensive U.S. interceptor missiles, and blockade oil shipments in the Strait of Hormuz, leaving Trump and Hegseth looking weak on the global stage.

Howard of About Face told Truthout that autonomous weapons remove humans from the decision-making process, leaving algorithms to make life-or-death choices that could cause future conflicts to spiral out of control. Some analysts fear the destructive potential of AI is on par with nuclear weapons, Howard said, and policy makers must learn lessons from the Cold War, when humanity faced the collective prospect of nuclear annihilation.

“You need people to be able to make the decision not to do a thing,” Howard said. “There are plenty of examples throughout history, including during the Cold War, when a human being decided maybe we are not going to push that button right now … and avoided full-on nuclear warfare.”

In their appeal to world leaders on August 25, the Red Cross and Guterres at the UN said nations must move beyond “incremental discussions” around autonomous weapons and take decisive action now toward global regulations or a treaty restricting their use. Nation-states have a responsibility both to the people suffering under current conflicts and future generations, they said, and negotiations must begin now:


A failure to act quickly and decisively will cost lives. It will leave future generations to inherit a world in which the absence of clear and specific prohibitions and restrictions on these weapons opens the door to practices that would erode the protections international humanitarian law is meant to guarantee … Future generations will ask whether leaders acted when there was still a chance to set limits before these weapons proliferated beyond control.

While it may be a political long shot in an age of rising authoritarianism and AI oligarchs, Fanning said we should demand our leaders establish a global ban on autonomous weapon systems not only to save lives, but also to preserve our humanity for future generations.

“Killing another human being is the most unnatural thing in the world to do, and the only way it can be done is creating distance between the person who is killing and the person who is dying,” Fanning said.





Trump reducing US to 'the fall of Rome' at alarming pace: opinion


President Donald Trump addresses the nation from his Mar-a-Lago residence in Palm Beach, Florida. (Official White House Photo by Daniel Torok)

August 29, 2026
ALTERNET

President Donald Trump is making the U.S. resemble the "fall of Rome" at an alarming rate, according to a new piece from The i Paper, as his aggressive policies increasingly turn the nation into a "friendless" pariah.

Writing for the outlet on Saturday, reporter Nick Bryant argued that the recent 250th anniversary celebrations in the U.S. had been turned into something more like "a season of national waning," despite Republicans hoping that the milestone would reinvigorate Trump and the party's electoral momentum. He added that the "decadence" and "gold trappings" in Washington, D.C., that are dominating Trump's attention invoke the "decline" and ultimate collapse of the Roman Empire.

"Donald Trump’s United States is becoming increasingly friendless," Bryant wrote. "American isolationism is conventionally thought of as an active choice by the United States itself. Now, as the age of America comes to an end, it is being imposed from outside by other countries, including long-standing allies. This week it was not the US President who was heralded as the leader of the free world, but the Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney who adopted the tone of a wartime leader in the trade dispute with Washington. 'You’re at war when you’re attacked, and we got attacked,' said the former Bank of England governor, channeling his inner Churchill. Carney has dispensed with the deferential default adopted by so many Western leaders towards Trump and again opted for defiance."

He added further: "A protracted dollar-for-dollar trade war would be more economically ruinous north of the border than south. But Canada has a significant economic arsenal. As Carney reminded his compatriots, it supplies 85 per cent of electricity imports, and 60 per cent of crude oil imports. It is also the largest customer for 26 US states, and a top three customer for 45. Trump, as well as threatening the destruction of the Canadian auto industry, has renamed Lake Ontario Lake America. Typically sophomoric, its the sort of stunt that again diminishes his office and his country."

Further "signs of America’s waning have abounded" throughout Trump's harsh summer months, Bryant added, highlighting the bruising scandals involving the USS Abraham Lincoln, the depleted military stockpiles, the pullback from joint exercises with South Korea and Israel's rejection of a proposed Gaza peace plan. He also noted that various European nations recently held a "coalition of the willing" meeting to address the ongoing Ukraine war, with the U.S. not involved at all and new U.K. Prime Minister Andy Burnham overseeing the proceedings, providing yet more evidence of the country's diminished stature as a global leader.


While the U.K. seems willing to continue the "special relationship" with the U.S. for now, Bryant noted that it is also in the process of "diversifying diplomatically by resetting its relationship with Beijing," signaling the decline of American influence.

"To say that 'America First' means America alone has become a cliché. More and more, it doubles as a truism," Bryant concluded. "Why, Trump is even thinking of rekindling his first term bromance with North Korean dictator Kim Jong-un. A summit between the two would highlight Trump’s isolation: 'Little Rocket man' and an incredibly shrinking US president."

 

Russian Mediterranean Flotilla Heads for Tartus After Syrian Agreement

Destroyer RFS Admiral Levchenko
Destroyer RFS Admiral Levchenko (D605) is leading the vessels apparently heading to Syria (USN file photo)

Published Aug 28, 2026 12:53 PM by The Maritime Executive



Weeks after Russia and Syria formally agreed to new terms under which a reduced Russian foothold would be maintained in Syria, a Russian naval force appears to be heading for Tartus.

The Mediterranean has been without a Russian naval presence since Gorshkov Class frigate RFS Admiral Kasatonov (F461), the oil product tanker General Skobelev (IMO 9503304), the Ro-Ro cargo vessel Sparta (IMO 9268710), and the Project 23130 oiler Akademik Pashin (IMO 9778193) sailed out of the Mediterranean through the Strait of Gibraltar at the end of June. That left no Russian naval ships in the Mediterranean, at a time when geopolitical events would suggest that Russia might need a presence, in particular off the Levant.

 

A Russian corvette docked in Tartus, behind an anti-drone barrier. Also present in June were a Grachonok Class and 2 x Raptor and port security vessels. Pier 4 will be given up for Syrian-Russian commercial use (SANA/CJRC)

 

The agreement with the Syrians allows the Russian Navy to maintain a presence on the northern wharf within the inner harbor of the port of Tartus. The Russian naval base dating from the 1970s, known as Station 720, occupied both the northern wharf and Pier 4 immediately to its south, so the newly re-licensed facility is smaller, and the scope of base maintenance, ship repair, and logistic functions it is able to perform may be much reduced. Time will tell how much use the Russian Navy will be able to make of Tartus, although the agreement with the Syrians is couched in terms of the Russians using the facility to provide training for their Syrian counterparts. The Russians will be pleased merely to have maintained their toehold in Tartus.

Heading back into the Mediterranean through the Strait of Gibraltar late on August 27 were the same three auxiliary vessels, the oil product tanker General Skobelev, the cargo vessel Sparta, and the oiler Akademik Pashin, but now they are being led by the Udaloy Class anti-submarine warfare destroyer RFS Admiral Levchenko (D605). Also led by the Admiral Levchenko, the flotilla passed through the Danish Strait on August 18, transited the English Channel (without the UK Ministry of Defence providing details of its escort coverage) and was off Spain on August 24.

 

VesselFinder captured AIS signals from the three Russian auxiliary vessels, switched on in busy shipping lanes as they entered the Mediterranean late on August 27 (with permission from VesselFinder)

The Admiral Levchenko, as an anti-submarine warfare platform, is one of the Russian Navy’s older and less useful ships for prosecuting its aggression against Ukraine, as it is not able to fire long-range cruise and ballistic missiles at ground or surface targets. The destroyer has been switched from the Northern Fleet for the deployment, the Mediterranean presence is normally supported by the Baltic Fleet at Baltiysk in Kaliningrad, where the three other auxiliary vessels are home-based. Indeed, the three auxiliaries may have been permanently allocated to Mediterranean duties, so frequently are they spotted shuttling to and from the Mediterranean. 

The key question for NATO military planners is whether or not the flotilla will merely visit or will be stationed in Tartus, and whether some form of rotation will be maintained. The Eastern Mediterranean is currently relatively quiet, although Russian dark fleet tankers are always at risk of seizure or from Ukrainian sanctions. But the IRGC leadership in Iran has threatened to strike US and UK targets in southeastern Europe if the US naval blockade of the Strait of Hormuz is maintained. Separately, the Russians have threatened to retaliate for the British gifting of Storm Shadow cruise missile intellectual property to Ukraine. In either scenario, the risk is rising that the British base at Akrotiri in Cyprus would be at heightened risk of attack from ballistic missiles, with a Russian presence in the area becoming an additional complication.

 

Wheat Prices Soar as Russian and Ukrainian Grain Exports Plummet

Smoke rises from an attack on Novorossiysk, August 12 (Russian social media / War Home)
Smoke rises from an attack on Novorossiysk, August 12 (Russian social media / War Home)

Published Aug 27, 2026 6:29 PM by The Maritime Executive



Once again, shipping disruption from the conflict in the Black Sea is driving up wheat prices - and this time, both of the region's big grain exporters are suffering supply-chain hits. 

Since the start of the month, wheat futures on the benchmark Chicago exchange have risen 18 percent, reaching the highest levels in three years. Like the last time that prices reached this level, the surge is linked to disruption in Black Sea shipping. 

There is no sign that prices will turn around soon. Both Russia and Ukraine have been pounding each others' merchant shipping, damaging dozens of bulkers and effectively shutting down loading. On the Ukrainian side, about 70 ships are currently waiting off the entrance to the Sulina Canal, the transit route into the northernmost branch of the Danube river delta. The logistical difficulties have reduced Ukrainian grain exports by 80 percent in August, according to the country's agriculture ministry. The timing is unfortunate, as harvest season is under way.

On the Russian side, the impact is less clear. Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told reporters this week that "measures have been identified and will be further developed, ensuring that all grain intended for export is shipped on time and in full." But Russian media network Interfax reports that wheat exports are down 2.6-fold year-over-year, due in part to shipping disruption and in part to physical damage at Russian grain terminals. Trade journal World Grain reports that all three of the grain terminals at Novorossiysk have shut down due to Ukrainian drone attacks. 

Elena Tyurina, head of the analytical department at the Russian Grain Union, told Interfax that at the current rate of decline, this season's Russian wheat exports could be the lowest in ten years - despite solid harvest numbers. Her colleague Arkady Zlochevskiy, the president of the Union, warned of catastrophic losses for Russian wheat farmers: grain with nowhere to go is getting sold for feed at a price about $45 a tonne below the cost of production.  

Ukraine to Get 10 Boats from Sweden Along with Financial Aid

Swedish speedboat
Sweden is supplying workboats and speedboats to aid Ukraine's maritime capabilities (Kustbevakningen)

Published Aug 28, 2026 7:01 PM by The Maritime Executive



The Swedish government announced on Friday, August 28, that it is sending Ukraine 10 boats to aid in expanding its maritime capabilities. It came a day after Sweden announced more than $28 million in additional financial assistance aimed at further supporting Ukraine.

The Swedish Coast Guard was tasked with transferring a total of 10 boats to Ukraine. The announcement said they would consist of workboats and speedboats, handed over in their current condition. They said identifying details and equipment specific to Swedish government agencies, however, would be removed.

“Sweden is supporting Ukraine on a number of fronts and is now providing additional reinforcement to the country’s maritime capabilities,” said Minister for Civil Defence Carl-Oskar Bohlin. “Towing, demining, and transportation are all key capabilities that can now be further bolstered.”

Ukraine earlier this year accused Russia of attacking rescue boats, and others used to provide aid to commercial shipping. 

The State Emergency Service of Ukraine will receive all the boats, which will be used for waterborne specialist response services, including demining riverbeds. The Swedish Civil Defence and Resilience Agency will be responsible for transporting them for the handover to Ukraine.

The financial aid will be distributed to funds and initiatives that provide aid to Ukraine, and the aim primarily is to support the air defenses. They also said the package includes advanced air defense systems and ammunition, both of which are crucial to Ukraine’s ability to defend itself.

The total package is approximately $28 million, with an additional approximately $14 million to a fund administered by NATO. It is used to make American defense material available to Ukraine. 

Sweden reports it is the fifth time it has contributed to the NATO-administered fund. In total, Sweden reports contributing a total of $552 million.

 

Romania Rescues Crew from Cargo Ship it Suspects Was Attacked in its EEZ

Romanina rescue vessel
Romanian SAR vessels rescued crewmembers from the cargo ship they suspect was attacked and sunk in its EEZ (ARSVOM)

Published Aug 28, 2026 12:16 PM by The Maritime Executive



Romania’s rescue services were able to recover 12 seafarers from a small cargo ship after reports of a fire aboard the vessel. Romanian President Nicusor Dan later spoke to the press, cautioning against speculation until they investigated, but he said it appeared the ship had been attacked, but they did not know by whom or how.

The general cargo ship Progress IV, registered in Dominica and managed from the UAE, reported a fire aboard at around 1800 on August 27. The vessel was approximately 15 nautical miles offshore from Romania, and its AIS signal said it was sailing to Turkey.

Two SAR vessels from Romania’s ARSVOM reached the vessel about 20 minutes after the distress call. A vessel from Romania’s Border Police also responded, and the merchant ship Mohamad B was also directed to respond by the MRCC. 

Romania’s rescue service saved 10 of the crewmembers, and the two others were rescued by the merchant ship. One person was reported to have been injured.

Built in 2005, Progress IV was 7,298 dwt. The ship was reporting that it was coming from Sulina, which ships frequently post as a cover when entering Ukraine to load grain at the Danube ports. Progress IV was 122 meters (400 feet) in length and typical of the type of vessels loading in Ukraine.

Dan said during a press conference that they suspected the Progress IV had sunk and that they would be investigating the circumstances further. He said, “It is not good to indulge in speculation.” During the press conference, he revealed that Romania had been in contact with Ukraine, requesting that it refrain from attacking tankers transporting energy products from Russia’s Novorossiysk port to Romania.

Romanian media reports are indicating that two F-18 fighter jets had been launched during the day to investigate reports of an aerial object about 33 km north of Snake Island. On August 26, it says debris from a drone was discovered on a beach in Romania, and additional wreckage was found on several beaches in Bulgaria.

Both Ukraine and Russia have intensified their attacks on merchant shipping during the summer 2026 offensives. 

 

How Canada’s turn toward Europe might test the EU's borders

Prime Minister Mark Carney speaks about Canada's response to new US tariffs during a news conference on Parliament Hill in Ottawa.
Copyright AP Photo


By Peggy Corlin
Published on

The boundaries of the EU are inevitably informed by geography – but Canada, which shares the EU’s values and its vision of the world order, could challenge the bloc’s limits and open the door to a new form of association with Brussels.

General Charles de Gaulle used to talk about Europe stretching “from the Atlantic to the Urals”. At the time, he was defending a geopolitical project designed to reunify the continent as the Cold War split Europe into two blocs.

But in the midst of the current global geopolitical shift, could the Atlantic border extend to Canada?

Perhaps de Gaulle, who had a fierce desire for independence from the US, would have sympathised with Ottawa’s concerns and said “oui”.

The arrival of Canada’s Prime Minister Mark Carney in Strasbourg in mid-September to attend the State of the Union address by European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and then address the EU’s parliamentary assembly will be the first step in a rapprochement between Ottawa and Brussels.

Since last week, Canada has been waging a trade war against its historical ally, the US, a move that could lead Ottawa closer toward the EU. European Parliament President Roberta Metsola said in a social media post that the visit would be “an opportunity to deepen EU-Canada ties and strengthen our bond.”

But what shape will this new bond take – and would it be beyond the pale to think of EU membership?

An ocean apart

“Asking the question puts us somewhere between hope and constructive provocation,” Italian liberal MEP Sandro Gozi, from the parliamentary committee on constitutional affairs, told Euronews. The MEP thinks that the new geopolitical order makes the issue unavoidable.

According to a poll by Nanos Research published in April, 28% of Canadians support full EU membership, while 29% “somewhat” support it.

Geography, however, is a fundamental issue. Article 49 of the Treaty on European Union states that “any European State which respects the values referred to in Article 2 and is committed to promoting them may apply to become a member of the Union.”

The values referred to are “human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to minorities”, but the term "European state" would appear to put a geographical limit on EU membership.

“The notion of a 'European state' is imprecise for countries on the continent’s margins, where questions may arise over Europe’s geographical boundaries, but it is clear-cut for countries that are manifestly outside the European geographical space,” Sebastien Maillard, special adviser at the Jacques Delors Institute, told Euronews.

In 1987, the European Communities rejected Morocco’s membership application as the country was regarded as an African state and not a European one, and the question was then debated after Turkey applied the same year. Turkey has only around 5% of its territory in Europe, with the rest in Asia. (Membership negotiations with Ankara have since been frozen.)

In the east, some geographers argue that the Caucasus is part of Europe, while others, on the contrary, consider it part of Asia.

“But there is no doubt that a Canadian in Vancouver feels far away from Europe,” Maillard added. “The EU is regional, it is not intended to have a global scope.”

Nonetheless, shared values and a common vision of the current geopolitical order, in which the US is challenging its historical alliances, are bringing Canada and the EU closer.

Last May, in Armenia, Carney travelled for the first time to a meeting of the European Political Community, the political forum of European countries launched after the start of the war in Ukraine to discuss strategic issues in Europe. Ottawa is also, with the US, the only non-European member of NATO, and is also part of the G7, as are EU members France, Germany and Italy.

Last January, in a speech at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, Carney took note of the new geopolitical realities facing the West and urged fellow 'middle powers' to come together.

"Middle powers must act together because if we're not at the table, we're on the menu," he said, adding that powerful nations were exploiting economic leverage to get their way.

A 'transatlantic United Kingdom'

Another point of reference for what a Canada-EU relationship could look like lies just across the English Channel.

“Canada is somewhat like the “transatlantic United Kingdom” in relation to Europe: a state that is not a member of the European Union, but with which we share a genuine community of interests and values,” Eric Maurice, an expert from the European Policy Center, told Euronews.

After Brexit, the UK and the EU clinched the largest and most open trade and cooperation deal the EU has ever had. It has neither tariffs nor quotas, and has a broad scope encompassing not only goods but also public procurement, energy, fisheries, security cooperation and the participation of the UK in some EU programmes such as Horizon Europe, a research and innovation programme.

“In this new historical movement we are living through, we need to show creativity and imagination,” Gozi said.

While conceding that it is difficult to envisage Canada becoming a full member of the EU any time soon, he believes that “increasingly, if we look at the United Kingdom or Norway – which is part of the single market and cooperates with the EU in the field of defence – and now Canada, there is a need to develop new forms of association and special partnerships.”

The EU and Canada already have a trade deal, but there is room to push it further. Turkey and the EU share, for instance, a customs union. Access to the single market, where EU member states share four core freedoms of movement – of goods, persons, services and capital – is another step.

“Access to the single market would mean, however, that Canada would agree to align with European law without having a say in shaping it,” Maillard said. “Because when you are part of the European Economic Area, you adopt EU legislation without having a hand in shaping it. So that can be democratically frustrating.”

According to Gozi, the EU should consider a “special association” status with Canada that could include enhanced political dialogue, with invitations for the Canadian Prime Minister or Canadian ministers to participate in the work of the Council – where EU leaders meet and EU ministers vote on legislation – as well as joint work on defence.

The EU should seize a membership application from Canada as a political opportunity to brainstorm on reforms, Gozi said.

“The future of the European Union is to become a leading player in forging new alliances among democracies."

Friday, August 28, 2026

 

EU sea defence: the new race to protect cables, pipelines and trade

Sailor first class Robbe Vanhaecke prepares to hoist the EU flag aboard of the Belgian Navy Vessel Godetia during a migrants search and rescue mission in the mediterranean sea
Copyright AP Photo/Gregorio Borgia

By Elisabeth Heinz & Leticia Batista Cabanas
Updated

Is the deep blue sea the next frontier for defence? Global economies are increasingly dependent on vulnerable subsea data and energy pipelines. So, the EU and its members are shifting budgets towards maritime defence tools.

In just the last decade, the EU has spent almost €118 billion in maritime defence, with a sharp 23.6 percent increase in 2022 after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Data from the EU Blue Economy Observatory show a sharp rise in domestic maritime defence spending, reaching a record high of €11.6 billion. Submarines alone account for 27 percent of the EU's total production value; the rest includes surface ships, aircraft, and other types of warfare.

The bloc decided to transition from a purely commercial ‘blue’ economy approach to a securitised maritime strategy. In 2023, it updated its European Union Maritime Security Strategy (EUMSS) to protect critical seabed infrastructure.

Then it locked in its strategic defence priorities by launching dedicated European Defence Projects of Common Interest and implementing a Submarine Cable Security Toolbox to counter grey-zone threats and protect underwater networks.

Protecting international trade

The global economy relies almost completely on secure, open seas. More than 95 percent of international digital traffic moves through them. Financial transfers happen through over 1.4 million kilometres of submarine fibre-optic cables, which carry an estimated €9.2 trillion in financial transactions every single day. Approximately two-thirds of the world’s oil and gas is either extracted at sea or transported by water.

80 percent of global trade volume is transported by ocean shipping. For the EU, maritime transport accounts for 75.6 percent of all imports and 73 percent of all exports. It totals around €1.126 trillion in goods annually. A disruption at key maritime chokepoints risks triggering inflation and global manufacturing shortages.

An attack on these sea lanes and underwater assets would paralyse Europe, so it needs more than traditional naval patrols. “Underwater Domain Awareness is a critical activity to know what is happening below the surface, particularly around cables, pipelines and offshore energy infrastructure, prioritising those identified as critical for the security of the Union”, said Jürgen Scraback, Head of the Maritime Domain Unit at the European Defence Agency (EDA).

As threats increasingly come from low-cost drones, uncrewed underwater vehicles and mine warfare, governments are investing in autonomous technologies and surveillance systems. Between 2016 and 2025, the EU's annual production value of crewless vehicles, including aerial and submarine drones, increased by 132 percent to €847 million. Fixed-wing unmanned systems accounted for one third of that output, worth €277 million, while production of traditional unmanned submarine platforms fell by 23 percent over the same period.

Fleet modernisation continues to focus on both conventional naval assets and autonomous platforms. Manned surface ships now account for 65 percent of EU maritime defence vehicle production value and serve as the primary platforms for command, logistics and force projection.

Submarines represent another 27 percent of production, supported by new procurement programmes and investment in next-generation underwater weapons. At the same time, autonomous surface vessels and unmanned underwater vehicles are becoming increasingly important for surveillance, reconnaissance and infrastructure monitoring missions.

EU27 maritime defence industry: production by function of vehicle, 2016-2025

Investments also extend to digital tech for maritime surveillance, with European operators deploying AI-enabled unmanned systems to monitor ports, offshore energy infrastructure, and submarine cables, detecting threats across large areas

For Scraback, “autonomous and unmanned systems combined with AI-enabled data fusion are among the technologies likely to have the greatest impact. They can provide persistent surveillance over large areas without requiring expensive crewed platforms to remain almost permanently deployed”.

How is the EU boosting maritime defence?

The 2014 Maritime Security Strategy guides Europe's maritime strategy, protecting citizens, the economy, infrastructure, and borders, while redefining Europe’s approach to maritime defence.

“The new strategy calls for a greater emphasis on the hard power aspects of maritime defence and security, where the EU had previously faced challenges in establishing a role and identity”, said Chris Kremidas-Courtney, senior advisor at the European Policy Centre and associate fellow at the Geneva Centre for Security Policy. It identifies “the protection of critical infrastructure in the maritime domain as a key priority”, they added.

The Industrial Maritime Strategy, adopted in March 2026, backs this shift. It boosts Europe's naval production through a new EU Industrial Maritime Value Chain Alliance and reinforces naval, underwater, and dual-use capabilities, including a dual-use ferry construction programme.

By July, Europe allocated €325 million to five European Defence Projects of Common Interest, including one maritime and seabed defence project to strengthen its industrial base. Since February, a new Counter-Drone Action Plan has shifted production towards unmanned naval drones and counter-drone systems for aerial, surface, and underwater threats.

The EU funds its naval ramp-up through defence tools, such as the European Defence Industrial Strategy and the €1.5 billion European Defence Industry Programme. The Readiness 2030 roadmap totals over €800 billion, including naval capabilities and sea lines of communication protection.

The bloc also invests in detection and surveillance technologies to fight threats and sabotage to seabed cables. As cables cover large areas, are privately owned and can be easily damaged, “the best approach is a layered resilience system designed to make interference detectable, limit the disruption caused by a successful attack and restore service quickly”, Kremidas-Courtney explained.

This thinking now drives EU policy. The Action Plan on Cable Security (2025) strengthens Europe’s ability to prevent, detect, respond to, and recover from cable incidents that disrupt critical functions like communication and energy supply. The €92 million OceanEye expands maritime awareness using AI, autonomous sensors, and digital twins.

Under Horizon Europe, the UnderSect and Smart Maritime and Underwater Guardian projects invest nearly €6 million each in underwater threat-detection systems for ports and maritime infrastructure. European Defence Fund (EDF) projects, such as SHIELD and SOUND2, develop AI systems to detect threats using underwater acoustic signals.

Ramping up maritime defence goes beyond detecting and repairing cable breaks. For Kremidas-Courtney, authorities should identify behavioural patterns such as unexplained slowing, shipping lane deviations, and manipulation of identification signals.

“The most effective solution to me is an integrated information-and-action network that fuses undersea sensors, AIS data, coastal radar, satellite imagery, intelligence and port records into a continuously staffed existing regional maritime operations centre”, Kremidas-Courtney explained.

Who invests the most?

Between 2016 and 2025, cumulative EU production of maritime defence vehicles and equipment reached €117.8 billion. According to the EU Commission’s Blue Economy Observatory, production remained concentrated in four countries. France, Germany, Italy and Spain together account for 87 percent of the bloc's maritime defence industrial output. The Netherlands, Sweden and Poland contribute a further 8 percent, largely through surveillance technologies and maritime security systems.

In 2025, France generated 37 percent of the EU’s total production of maritime defence vehicles. Germany and Italy each contributed 19 percent, and Spain followed with 8 percent. These four countries accounted for 82 percent of the EU’s total output value and 60 percent of the EU's total defence expenditure. This shows that defence spending remains higher in member states with a long tradition of armaments.

EU maritime defence industry: total output value by member state, 2016-2025, billion EUR

“A few large navies can provide scarce high-end capabilities, but they can’t secure every coastline, patrol the sea lanes, and protect every piece of undersea infrastructure. Europe doesn’t need everyone to build a fleet to match Italy's or France's, but it does need credible, distributed forces connected by interoperable systems and a shared maritime picture. The only way to make that work is a whole-of-Europe approach which includes the UK and Norway”, Kremidas-Courtney warned.

At company level, the France-based Naval Group led with 24 percent of the EU’s total output, producing advanced surface combatants (frigates and corvettes), nuclear-powered submarines, and unmanned surface and underwater systems. Italy’s Fincantieri (15 percent) specialises in warships and underwater defence systems, including torpedoes and sonars.

The German Thyssenkrupp Marine Systems accounted for 8 percent of the EU’s overall market for maritime defence vehicles, focusing on surface vessels and submarine construction. Spain’s Navantia (7 percent) builds multi-mission frigates, AIP-equipped submarines, aircraft carriers and patrol vessels.

The EDF supports European companies in developing joint defence technologies and equipment. It invests €2.7 billion in collaborative defence research and €5.3 billion in collaborative capability development for the period 2021-2027. The 2025 EDF totals €1.07 billion and funds 57 projects, including E-DOMINION, which develops a digital architecture and combat cloud for European navies.

According to Scraback, “we need to continue shifting from fragmented national solutions towards interoperable, scalable and jointly developed capabilities”. He explained that the European Defence Project of Common Interest on Integrated Maritime and Seabed Defence “can be a key vehicle for this, bringing Member States, existing European programmes and investments together under one coherent framework”.


 

EU pours billions into maritime defence as threats to its seas persist

EU.XL
Copyright Euronews

By Evi Kiorri & Mert Can Yilmaz
Published on

From undersea cables to warships, the EU is spending record sums to defend its waters. Watch the video.

The EU is increasing maritime defence spending as threats to its ports, undersea cables and offshore infrastructure grow.

90 percent of EU trade, energy supplies and internet data move by sea. This exposes the bloc to hybrid and cyber attacks, border tensions and infrastructure sabotage, including from Russia.

Brussels updated its Maritime Security Strategy in March 2023 and funding followed. EU countries spent €343 billion on defence in 2024, up 19 percent year-on-year. Equipment procurement jumped 39 percent. Spending hit a record €392 billion in 2025, much of it through the €150 billion SAFE fund under the EU's Readiness 2030 roadmap.

A large share goes to building ships. The bloc's maritime defence industry produced €13.7 billion worth of vessels in 2025, two-thirds surface ships. France, Germany, Italy and Spain accounted for 82% of output. Shipbuilders Naval Group, Fincantieri, Thyssenkrupp Marine Systems and Navantia cooperate on the European Patrol Corvette project while securing multi-billion-euro export deals with Norway and Indonesia.

Which EU countries invest more in maritime defence and why?

German war ship
Copyright AP Photo

By Evi Kiorri
Published on

Europe's naval rearmament is rising. Which countries drive the maritime defence boom and why the map may be misleading.

Europe’s militaries are pouring money into the sea. EU defence expenditure rose to €418 billion in 2025, a 20 percent increase from the previous year, and is projected to reach €454 billion in 2026, equivalent to 2.4 percent of GDP. Maritime defence is one of the fastest-growing sectors. Production of naval vehicles and equipment across the bloc has reached €117.8 billion since 2016, with output hitting €13.7 billion in 2025 alone.

Who’s building Europe’s navies

On paper, four countries dominate that output. France, Germany, Italy and Spain account for 87 percent of the EU’s maritime defence industrial base and captured 82 percent of its total output value last year. France alone produced 37 percent of the bloc’s maritime defence vehicles in 2025, followed by Germany and Italy at 19 percent each, and Spain at 8 percent. Together, the four also account for 60 percent of the EU’s total defence expenditure.

For Christophe Tytgat, Secretary General of SEA Europe, the shipyards and maritime equipment association, that pattern is no accident: “the concentration is real and structural, not incidental,” reflecting decades of naval-industrial history and geography concentrated in a handful of states. Submarines are also a growth area, now 27 percent of EU maritime defence output, with the same four countries producing 93 percent of the bloc’s naval exports.

A skewed picture?

But industrial output isn’t the same as military commitment, according to Chris Kremidas-Courtney, senior advisor at the European Policy Centre, who argues the four-country narrative overlooks some of Europe’s most exposed navies. “Industrial concentration is not the same as maritime-defence commitment,” they said, naming Greece and Sweden as “conspicuous omissions.”

Greece runs one of Europe’s strongest conventional submarine fleets and maintains a demanding operational posture across the Aegean, Eastern Mediterranean and Red Sea. Sweden’s smaller navy is purpose-built for the Baltic and backed by a serious domestic defence industry.

The real test, Kremidas-Courtney says, is integration rather than size. “Europe doesn’t need everyone to build a fleet to match Italy or France, but it does need credible distributed forces connected by interoperable systems and a shared maritime picture”, an approach they argue must extend beyond the bloc to include the UK and Norway.

Measured against GDP rather than raw output, the map zooms towards the east. Poland spends the largest share of any EU state on defence at 4.48 percent of GDP, ahead of Lithuania (4.00 percent), Latvia (3.73 percent) and Estonia (3.38 percent), all frontline states bordering Russia or its ally Belarus. Germany has more than doubled its share of GDP since 2021, from 1.27 percent to 2.14 percent, and aims to reach €162 billion in annual defence spending by 2029.

Tytgat argues neither the industrial giants nor the frontline states can carry EU maritime security alone: “only four EU countries cannot substitute for broad-based EU maritime security, because collective security strategy requires interoperable capability, resilient supply chains and genuine burden-sharing across the whole Union.”

What’s driving this spending

Behind all this spending is Russia’s war on Ukraine and the maritime threats that followed. A “shadow fleet” of sanctioned tankers allegedly used for surveillance and sabotage has put the EU on alert. A series of undersea cable cuts in the Baltic Sea, including the BCS East-West Interlink, C-Lion1 and Estlink 2 incidents in late 2024, pushed Brussels to adopt a Cable Security Action Plan in 2025, alongside NATO’s “Baltic Sentry” naval patrol mission.

The EU revised its Maritime Security Strategy in 2023. The previous strategy was built with a focus on “piracy, illegal fishing, migration flows”; the updated one is built to confront state-based threats, Tytgat explains. He also warns the current strategy lacks teeth: “the tools have multiplied, but the financing and governance architecture to actually translate the strategy into tangible action is still lacking.”

How is the EU helping with funding?

A Commission subsea infrastructure package announced in February 2026 carries €347 million, alongside a separate €92 million ocean-observation initiative launched mid-2026. Tytgat calls both “a first step,” but says the sums are “far from enough if the EU wants to face the daily threats it deals with appropriately.”

Brussels is trying to close that gap through other channels: the €150 billion SAFE loan facility under its “Readiness 2030” roadmap, the European Defence Fund, 68.4% of which has gone to France, Germany, Italy and Spain, and PESCO’s joint shipbuilding projects, including the Italian-led European Patrol Corvette.

In March 2026, the EU also launched an Industrial Maritime Strategy, folding shipbuilding into a bloc-wide industrial framework for the first time rather than leaving it to national champions and earmarked €325 million for naval and undersea defence projects.

The real test for burden-sharing will be when the European Commission releases its progress report on the maritime strategy in October 2026. For now, Tytgat says the EU should focus on ensuring it has “the necessary tools and investment to meet the current challenges it faces in its vicinities but also in all global chokepoints that create threats to the EU's security of supply, trade and economy."