Sunday, June 15, 2025

Neurotheology And The Search For Mystical Switches – Analysis

consciousness meditation woman file photo

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Historically, humans have had a unique propensity to contemplate other-worldly phenomena, often experiencing intense emotions of awe and reverence to a ‘higher power’. The perennial question, ‘Did God create man, or did man create God?’, has fueled endless debates, particularly between theists and atheists, which have not yielded any consensus or even useful approximations to an answer. Also, many individuals have identified themselves as being ‘spiritual’ without aligning strictly with either camp, valuing their subjective, personal experiences of spirituality as meaningful truths irrespective of their objective verifiability or conformity to theological dogmas. 


The emergence of a ‘secular’ valorization of spirituality invites cognitive sciences into a compelling field of inquiry. What if modern scientific knowledge, mediated by the latest technology, can give an explanatory account of spiritual experiences and maybe even induce it? Neurotheology attempts to tackle this and explain the biological and neural underpinnings of spiritual or religious experiences such as revelation, mystical awakenings or a perceived sense of dissolution of spatio-temporal boundaries, associated with practices such as prayers, meditation and so on. While not its sole focus, a significant aim within the research program of neurotheology is to identify specific brain regions or neural structures, sometimes referred to as the ‘God spots’, that correlate with spiritual experiences. By doing so, researchers hope to understand what generates these profound experiential states in humans and bring its benefits to those who are typically deprived of such unique experiences. Neurotheology is still a nascent research field, but it promises a lot, while not being immune from philosophical scrutiny and criticism. 

So, can neuroscience really find these mystical switches in the human brain and flip them at will to invoke mystical experiences? Some scientists claimed to have done this, unencumbered by appeals to supernaturalistic explanations. For example, Michael A Persinger had conducted a series of experiments by fashioning a device (the famous ‘God Helmet’) that generated weak electromagnetic forces that focused on the temporal lobe and reportedly induced mystical experiences in many subjects. Persinger even argued, in his book ‘Neuropsychological Bases of God Beliefs’ (Persinger, 1987) that the exalted figures in religious history likely suffered from something akin to a temporal lobe epilepsy. The idea was that these neuronal anomalies, combined with narratives defined by cultural norms and socio-psychological conditioning, lead to what we describe as spiritual or mystical experiences. 

Subsequent studies, notably by a group of Swedish scientists, were carried out to replicate Persinger’s findings but failed to obtain the same results, leading to the idea that there is no privileged locus of brain region or structure that is uniquely responsible for mystical experiences (Biello, 2007). It became gradually clear that such experiences were correlated with activations in multiple regions of the brain, each unique to the subject and the experiences they have. While patterns do emerge, the differences that stand out might pose an impediment to deriving causal explanations, viz.in developing a solid framework that can rigorously specify how and under what exact brain or neuronal conditions would unique mystical experiences obtain and why they do not obtain under different brain states. This difficulty leaves much to substantiation dependent on anecdotal evidence or subjective reports of mystical experiences by individuals. 

Rethinking and expanding the framework

If neurotheology marks a provocative entry into the scientific study of spiritual experience, it also invites a deeper reckoning with the diverse landscapes where such experiences emerge. Early Western studies, such as Andrew Newberg’s SPECT imaging of Tibetan monks or Mario Beauregard’s fMRI scans of Carmelite nuns (Beauregard and Paquette, 2006), pursued the hypothesis that altered states of consciousness were traceable to activity (or inactivity) in specific neural circuits. These findings often implicated the parietal lobes, limbic structures, and prefrontal regions in the generation of such states, advancing the notion of a distributed ‘neural correlates of the sacred’. Yet these neural insights, while profound, remain tethered to particular cultural and theological imaginaries. To expand the search for mystical switches beyond reductionist or universalist assumptions, it is crucial to situate neurotheology in relation to the plurality of world-views that inform the noetic qualities of mystical experiences (to borrow William James’ terminology). 

In India, spiritual practices such as yogic breathing, mantra recitation, and ritual worship are not merely abstract expressions of belief, but ways of inhabiting and modulating awareness through the body. Unlike doctrinal faiths, these practices often function outside rigid theological frameworks, emphasizing lived, repeated experience over propositional truth. Empirical studies from institutions in India (Rao et al., 2018Saini et al., 2024) have reported correlations between these practices and enhanced parasympathetic tone, emotional regulation, and even cortical reorganization. Yet their significance cannot be exhausted through biomedical outcomes alone. These traditions are anchored in a worldview where consciousness is not strictly brain-bound but is distributed—relational, atmospheric, and in many formulations, sacred. They propose a model in which cognition and divinity are not opposites but entwined states of being. As such, these frameworks not only complicate the reductionist impulses of contemporary neuroscience but also gesture toward a different epistemic orientation, one where experience is not bracketed for the sake of objectivity, but treated as a site of knowledge in its own right.


Across the Amazonian regions of Latin America, neuroscientific studies of Ayahuasca ceremonies (Ruffell et al., 2021) conducted in collaboration with indigenous knowledge-keepers, have shown activation in brain networks related to memory consolidation, emotional insight, and spiritual self-repair. But these findings are incomplete without the ontological frameworks within which these ceremonies are practiced, which are collective, ancestral, and reparative in the aftermath of colonial trauma. Similarly, trance states in West African ritual healing traditions, long pathologized under colonial psychiatry, are now being reassessed as adaptive and neuropsychologically significant states, allowing for communal cohesion, trauma integration, and reconstitution of identity.

Thus, while neurotheology began as a search for discrete ‘God spots’, the field has gradually welcomed a more nuanced recognition that mystical experience is not merely switched on in the brain but emerges from the confluence of neural possibility, cultural encoding, and existential need. Rather than seek a universal mechanism, a more constructive trajectory lies in honoring epistemic multiplicity, namely, acknowledging how postcolonial, indigenous, and non-Western traditions offer not just data but also theoretical contributions to understanding the sacred. In this view, neurotheology is less a final answer and more a meeting ground between indigenous knowledge systems and the empirical rigor of modern science. The promise of neurotheology, then, lies not in mechanizing transcendence, but in drawing maps across varied terrains of human experience, maps that are as much spiritual as they are neural, as much postcolonial as they are scientific.

Philosophical problems and human limitations 

While neurotheology shows promise in expanding our understanding of spiritual experiences through more refined imaging techniques and interdisciplinary methods, it inevitably confronts philosophical constraints. The field often claims to uphold methodological rigor and epistemological plurality by integrating insights from different spiritual traditions as well as disciplinary areas like anthropology and psychology. One might even encounter claims that neurotheology avoids ontological reductionism by focusing only on methodological reductionism which does not reify conceptual and linguistic tools and gives weight to the reality of emergent phenomena like conscious experiences. Yet even in its modesty, it cannot evade the deep philosophical issues it brushes against, most notably, the mind-body problem and the conditions for the possibility of knowledge itself.

A lot of scientists as well as non-experts, who are typically physicalists, believe that continued advances in neuroscience will eventually solve the problem of consciousness, much like a complex protein puzzle. Many physicists invoke the example of the discovery of DNA structure that displaced many of the assumptions held by vitalism, in order to discredit the mystery surrounding the problem of consciousness. It is implied therein that the discovery of more complex brain structures and its functions will eventually demystify the problem of consciousness and dispel the ‘pseudoscientific’ claims about the ‘strong-emergence’ or ‘fundamentality’ of consciousness. But this confidence stems from a philosophical misunderstanding of the mind-body problem and also rests on a category error, confusing correlation with explanation, and neural activation with experiential meaning.

The philosophical problem of consciousness isn’t just a question of identifying which regions light up on an fMRI during meditation or other unique subjective experiences. It’s a conceptual riddle about how subjective experience (or qualia) emerges from, or accompanies, physical processes in the brain. No amount of neuroimaging currently explains why a certain brain state should give rise to any particular subjective feeling, of seeing the color red or tasting mint or falling in love, let alone the sensation of divine union or self-transcendence. Nor does it even begin to address how such an experience carries enduring existential meaning for the person who undergoes it. Therefore, the problem of consciousness (or the aspect of what it is like to be an organism, as Thomas Nagel framed it) is, whether physicalists like it or not, indeed a hard one (as David Chalmers has been rightly arguing) or maybe even an irresolvable one, which is sometimes pejoratively identified as a position of mysterianism. 

The more significant approach would be then to develop a speculative, albeit empirically justified, framework to explore why certain philosophical questions are, or at least seem to be, fundamentally beyond the scope of human understanding. Only an understanding of inherent limitations, if any (as scientists now often abhor such philosophical legislations about any limits), of human cognition can shed some light on why mystical experiences are possible and why they may even appear to be wired into our very essence.

An investigation into the subjective reports of mystical experiences and its neural correlates may not yield results that can guarantee replicability or instrumental benefits. After all, expecting a consensus on the exact definition of mystical experiences or God or faith is precisely the fallacious move to externalize the deeply personal, to objectify the subjective and quantify the qualitative. Despite the materialists’ irritation towards such arguments of ‘ineffability’, it is trivially obvious that the human mind engages with realities inaccessible to its cognitive domain through a language without precision, measure or scale. It is instructive to remember Louis Armstrong’s words in this context: “If you have to ask what jazz is, you’ll never know”. 

Conclusion

Perhaps, then, the search for mystical switches is less about isolating neural triggers and more about learning how to ask differently: What does it mean to have faith? What is it that shapes the sacred? and why do certain sounds, rituals, and memories insist on persisting in the cracks of our lives? The recent movie Sinners, directed by Ryan Coogler, suggests an intriguing view of transcendence that lies not in clarity but contradiction; in grief-stricken blues that mourns as it uplifts. Could neurotheology, then, reframe its inquiry, not as a quest to universalize the divine, but as an invitation to bear witness to how spiritual experience is woven through plural, polyvalent threads? And might it, by listening attentively to traditions that treat consciousness as an unfolding journey, redraw our maps of the sacred from excavation to encounter? These are not conclusions, but openings…fragments of curiosity that beckon us back toward the places where science, song, and the ineffable meet. Just as Coogler’s film’s blues-infused soul reminds us, “Everyone knows that the Blues can be both sad and happy”. Maybe faith too is, much more than being a crutch or a coping mechanism, a shadowy companion that refuses to disappear through ruins and celebrations alike. 


Sooraj S

Sooraj S is a Young India Fellow at Ashoka University and a Visiting Artist at Adishakti Laboratory for Theatre Art Research.

China’s Agrobiodiversity: From Rice Terraces To Seed Banks – Analysis

Farmer Harvest Agriculture Rice Harvesting Asia


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By Shoba Suri


With its extensive and diverse agroecological zones, China ranks among the 12 global hotspots for agricultural biodiversity. This richness—deeply embedded in the country’s diverse landscapes and cultures—has conventionally supported food and nutrition security for a population of over 1.4 billion. However, rapid modernisation, industrial agriculture, and climate change are now significantly pressurising China’s agrobiodiversity, making it challenging to achieve sustainable agriculture and nutrition security.

One of the most symbolic examples of China’s agrobiodiversity—developed over the past 1300 years and spread across 16,603 hectares—is the Honghe Hani rice terraces in Yunnan Province. These systems embody a sophisticated form of ecological engineering, refined over generations by the Hani people and fostered through close interaction with their environment.

The rice-fish-duck symbiosis depicted below is a circular, integrated, and time-honoured agricultural practice. In this model, rice paddies produce rice and support fish and ducks,  augmenting the natural pest control and fertilisation processes. This approach reduces reliance on chemical inputs, promotes biodiversity, and offers diverse sources of food and income. Beyond their productive value, such systems also preserve local culture, foster communal labour, and uphold traditional ecological knowledge.

Rice-fish-duck symbiosis. Photo Credit: Rice-Fish-Duck Symbiosis
Rice-fish-duck symbiosis. Photo Credit: Rice-Fish-Duck Symbiosis

For China, the nutritional dimension of agrobiodiversity, including diverse crops, livestock, and microorganisms, is equally significant. In many ways, China’s Green Revolution is at the forefront of technological innovations that advance sustainable agricultural practices.. Traditional, nutrient-rich cropssuch as barley, buckwheat, millets, oats, and sorghum—often referred to as the underutilised grain crops—have played a vital role in China’s food and nutritional security.

Agrobiodiversity also plays a central role in the seed systems that underpin agricultural resilience. Chinahosts one of the world’s largest and most advanced seed/germplasm collections to enhance capacity in developing new crops and food security.  Community seed banks in China are complemented by efforts to maintain and circulate local landraces adapted to specific microclimates and cultural needs, thereby empowering rural communities to ensure seed and food sovereignty.

Despite its potential, China’s agrobiodiversity is under considerable threat from agricultural intensification and the genetic erosion of traditional varieties. Further urbanisation and land-use change have further encroached on biodiverse farming landscapes. The loss of traditional knowledge—accelerated by generational shifts and rural-to-urban migration—poses a critical risk of valuable ecological and agricultural insights being forgotten.

The policy landscape offers both opportunities and challenges for the conservation and utilisation of agrobiodiversity. China’s ‘Ecological Civilisation’ framework—embedded in its national development strategy—acknowledges the importance of biodiversity in promoting environmental sustainability. Programmes such as ‘Grain for Green’, restoring farmland to forest or grassland, and promoting agroecological practices in some regions, signal a shift toward more biodiversity-sensitive approaches. However, these efforts often remain fragmented and sometimes outpaced by the economic incentives favouring industrial agriculture.

A promising direction lies in integrating agrobiodiversity more explicitly into national food and nutrition security policies. For instance, public procurement schemes, school feeding programmes, and markets could be leveraged to support the cultivation and consumption of traditional and underutilised crops. Furthermore, dietary guidelines and public health messaging can promote food diversity rooted in cultural traditions. This would not only improve nutrition but also create market incentives for biodiversity-friendly agriculture.

Equally important is enhancing farmer participation in biodiversity conservation. Farmers are not just beneficiaries of technologies or policies – they are active stewards of agrobiodiversity. The ‘Seed to Table’ initiative in East China aims to promote sustainable agrifood systems and strengthen the linkage between the community and markets. Participatory plant breeding, community seed fairs, and farmer field schools are valuable platforms to co-create knowledge, strengthen seed networks, and enable the adaptive management of crop diversity. These initiatives are vital in China’s ethnic minority regions, where biodiversity and cultural heritage are tightly interwoven.

Technological innovations also offer potential to support agrobiodiversity. Mobile-based platforms can facilitate seed exchange, water management, weather forecasting, and biodiversity monitoring. Digital documentation of traditional knowledge and establishing open-source seed databases can help bridge generational divides to ensure the continuity of agricultural knowledge. However, adopting such tools must ensure equitable access, alongside prioritising the needs of smallholder and marginal farmers.

In conclusion, agrobiodiversity is not merely a relic of China’s agricultural past but a strategic asset for its future. As the country grapples with climate change, environmental degradation, and nutritional transformation, leveraging its rich biodiversity can help build a more sustainable, inclusive, and resilient food system. The landscapes, seeds, and knowledge embedded in China’s agrobiodiversity—from the terraced rice paddies of Yunnan to the cold-tolerant seed banks of Harbin—offer solutions that are local in character but global in relevance. Agrobiodiversity must be mainstreamed into sustainable food systems through integrated policy action and broad societal commitment. It is not simply insurance against future crises, but the living basis of daily food production and farming livelihoods.


  • About the author: Shoba Suri is a Senior Fellow with the Health Initiative at the Observer Research Foundation.
  • SourceL This article was published by Observer Research Foundation

Observer Research Foundation

ORF was established on 5 September 1990 as a private, not for profit, ’think tank’ to influence public policy formulation. The Foundation brought together, for the first time, leading Indian economists and policymakers to present An Agenda for Economic Reforms in India. The idea was to help develop a consensus in favour of economic reforms.

Slow Justice For (One of ) Europe’s Travelling People – Analysis

Yenish at Lake Lauerz, Schwyz, Switzerland, 1928. Photo Credit: Author unknown, Wikipedia Commons

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The Swiss government has officially recognised as a “crime against humanity” its persecution of the nomadic group known as the Yenish. Such an admission has not yet been made in Norway or Scotland, where similar injustices happened. But even in Switzerland decades of advocacy were required to get to this step.  


By Janine Schneider 

Forcible removal of children from Yenish families by the State between 1926 and 1973 constituted a crime against humanity. This was the conclusion of a government-sponsored research report by law professor Oliver Diggelmann. Switzerland accepts this finding. 

The federal interior ministry commissioned Diggelmann about a year ago to determine whether the wholesale removal of children from their families met the definition of genocide or a “crime against humanity”. Two advocacy organisations had called for the episode to be recognised as a case of genocide.

Crime against humanity 

In late February the federal government published the report and accepted the finding that there had been a crime against humanity. The report established that the removal of children and the intended destruction of family bonds had to be regarded as such a crime. To call it a genocide, however, would require the presence of an intention to bring about the “physical destruction” of the group, and there wasn’t enough evidence for that. 

The report also emphasised that the persecution of the Yenish as a group would not have been feasible without the involvement of the state.


Switzerland is one of the first European countries to recognise its past treatment of nomadic cultural groups as a crime against humanity. 

No more than an apology 

Experience has shown that European countries are reluctant to recognise their own history of injustice towards the nomadic populations traditionally known as Gypsies and to offer compensation to the victims, notes Neda Korunovska of the Roma Foundation for Europe. The extermination of half a million Roma and Sinti under Nazism was recognised only in 1982 as a genocide by the German Federal Republic. 

“Most countries have gone no further than issuing an official apology – even where the injustices are well documented,” adds Korunovska. A rare exception is the Czech Republic, which has been compensating Roma since 2022 for compulsory sterilisation schemes that happened between 1966 and 1990. 

In other countries where the travelling people were victims of state persecution, organisations advocating for victims have noted with approval the recognition now provided by Switzerland. 

It makes a “huge difference” whether a government just apologises for its past behavior or admits it to be a crime against humanity, says Lillan Støen, secretary of the organisation of Norwegian Roma, Taternes Landsforening. 

An important aspect of this recognition is that crimes against humanity are not subject to any statute of limitations. Offenders may be prosecuted even decades after the events. 

Compensation and apology in Norway 

Norway has not so far recognised persecution of travelling people as a crime against humanity. It may yet happen. The issue was publicised in Norway later than in Switzerland. Whereas in Switzerland the first advocacy organisations of Yenish and Sinti were founded as early as the 1970s and 1980s, this happened in Norway only in the 1990s. Pressure from these groups and media exposure eventually resulted in historical study and efforts at compensation. 

In 1986, the then Swiss president Alphons Egli made an initial apology for the government’s involvement in the notorious operation known as “Children of the Roads”, whereby Yenish children were taken from their parents and placed with non-Yenish settled families. As late as 1998, on the other hand, the Norwegian government and the then established Church of Norway made their initial apology for the injustices done to their own travelling people. 

Both countries passed legislation to provide for financial compensation. In Switzerland, in 1988 and 1992, parliament budgeted CHF11 million ($13.3 million) for compensation of victims – up to CHF20,000 per person. Norway decided on a similar measure in 2004. There, however, affected individuals received no more than 20,000 kroner each – the equivalent of about CHF1,600. A fund was also established to support projects for compensatory efforts favouring the minority as a group, such as the exhibition on Romany history and culture Latjo Drom in the open-air Glomdal Museum. 

In both countries comprehensive historical research into the topic has been published since that time. In Switzerland in 2007, three projects reported on their findings. In Norway in 2015, it was the turn of the “Tater/Romani committee” especially set up for this purpose. 

It can hardly be said that these studies were immune to criticism. Some  Traveller organisations such as the Taternes Landsforening have complained that funding of projects beginning in 2019 was now the prerogative of the government’s cultural advisory council. Previously the Cultural Fund Foundation controlled by members of the minority administered funding – until the government took away the powers of the foundation due to irregularities. 

Switzerland’s recent decision on the “crime against humanity” itself got off to a rather shaky start. An apology from the government already planned was cancelled again in the course of the bureaucratic process, as the left-wing weekly Wochenzeitung (WOZ) revealed to the public. 

Instead, Interior Minister Elisabeth Baume-Schneider did no more than repeat the apology made in 2013, which was addressed to all past victims in general of social welfare “scoops” and child removals. Some advocacy groups were displeased that no specific apology for persecution of Yenish and Sinti was made. 

Scotland: rethinking under way 

n Scotland, the historical reappraisal of the removal of  children from their families is – in contrast with Norway and Switzerland – only beginning. 

It was only in the past five years that victims of the removal of children and the grimly-titled “Tinker experiments” to settle travelling people in compulsory housing began to call for an official apology for this dark chapter in the country’s history. As a result, in 2023 the Scottish government commissioned the University of St. Andrews to carry out a research project to document the matter. 

The project was inadequately funded – and funding was withdrawn from a follow-up oral history project to record the stories of victims. The research team took critical aim at this decision in their final report: “It is important to be aware that even today there are victims of this policy still living, whose stories need to be heard and themselves compensated in some way.“ 

This view is shared by Dr. Lynne Tammi-Connelly, a Traveller activist, who has been campaigning in Scotland for research, an official apology, and financial compensation of victims. “What happened is not just something in the past, it lives on in the present”, she told SWI swissinfo.ch.

This activist came in for media attention last February, when she put the unpublished research project on the Internet. She justified her action by saying that the report, completed in September 2024, had been so far suppressed by the government. She fears that officialdom may want to delete unfavourable elements in the report. 

A Scottish parliamentarian told The Times last February that the government would work with the researchers but that they “had not agreed yet on a final version”. This suggests that the Scottish government has its own agenda, whatever the findings of independent research.

Meaning for the present day 

Whether the Scottish government will ever admit to the injustices of the past and take action on compensation is an open question at the moment. Even when the report becomes available, the official response could take quite a while. As Switzerland and Norway show, the process can be long-drawn-out. 

Yet an appropriate response is called for, so that the errors of the past are not repeated and there is a better understanding of the current situation of these minority groups. “We are not talking about some policy that was in place centuries ago,” emphasises Korunovska of the Roma Foundation for Europe. In the memory of the Roma themselves, the campaigns to eradicate them are still a painful memory. 

The same holds true for Yenish, Norwegian Romani and other Travelling people. Those who had their children taken away, or who were subjected to forcible sterilisation and assimilation, and the children themselves are still living with the consequences. The traumas are handed on from generation to generation, along with a deep mistrust of officialdom. 

Korunovska says: “The structural and systemic persecution and discrimination against Roma and other [Traveller] groups, which went on until very recent times, need to be brought to awareness among the general public.” Only with this awareness can there be a shifting of attitudes and real change in society. 

Edited by Benjamin von Wyl/ds 

Adapted from German by Terence MacNamee

SwissInfo

swissinfo is an enterprise of the Swiss Broadcasting Corporation (SBC). Its role is to inform Swiss living abroad about events in their homeland and to raise awareness of Switzerland in other countries. swissinfo achieves this through its nine-language internet news and information platform.