Wednesday, September 24, 2025

West Bank’s Route 60: The ‘road of death’ many Palestinians cannot avoid

From our correspondents in Ramallah – – In the occupied West Bank, Route 60 links key Palestinian cities with one another – as well as a series of Israeli settlements. It is the only road connecting Ramallah with Nablus, and for many Palestinians, travelling it has become a journey fraught with fear amid the surge in settler violence following the Hamas-led October 7, 2023, attacks.



Issued on: 23/09/2025 - 
FRANCE24
By:
David GORMEZANO/
Tahar HANI

The 235-kilometre long Highway 60 runs from the Israeli cities of Beersheba in the south to Nazareth in the north, cutting through the West Bank along the way. 
© David Gormezano, FRANCE 24

Highway 60 – or Route 60 as it is known by locals – stretches 235 kilometres and links the Israeli cities of Beersheba in the south and Nazareth in the north. But most of it runs through the West Bank, which has been occupied by Israel since 1967, and divided into three zones under the 1993 Oslo Accords.


The route of Highway 60. © France Médias Monde graphics studio

Although Route 60 has for decades been the scene of some extreme Israeli-Palestinian violence – attacks, shootings, lynchings and arrests – the deadly Hamas-led attacks on Israel two years ago drastically worsened the situation. The highway is now one of the most dangerous places for Palestinians to travel on.

Yet, many do not have a choice. Thousands of Palestinians and Israelis need to use the road for their daily commutes.

“October 7 changed everything on Route 60,” Hatim Ali Hassan, a shared-taxi driver who has driven between Nablus and Ramallah every day for the past 27 years, explains.

“The army has closed more and more barriers (which allow Palestinians to access towns and villages, editor’s note), and opened up new checkpoints. Sometimes the settlers turn up at intersections and assault Palestinians in front of the surveillance cameras, but no one says anything.”

Standing in front of his yellow minivan at a bus station in Nablus, he rejects the tighter travel restrictions that have been imposed on Palestinians. “Between 6am and 9am, the army blocks checkpoints so that the settlers can take their kids to school and go to work. So for someone working in Ramallah (50 kilometres south, editor’s note) they have to leave already at 5am or 5.30am to hope to be there by 8.30am.”

Hatim Ali Hassan (left) together with his shared-taxi driver colleagues at a bus station in Nablus, in the West Bank. © David Gormezano, FRANCE 24

‘Road of death’


Since the October 7 attacks, the number of Palestinians travelling this particular stretch has dropped dramatically. “Workers can no longer enter Israel, civil servants aren’t paid and can’t travel more than two days a week instead of the previous five. Businesses and restaurants have laid off eight out of 10 employees. There are a lot less travellers,” Ali Hassan says.

The director of the Balata refugee camp in Nablus echoes his view that the Hamas attacks have made things worse for Palestinians also in the West Bank. According to the UN agency for Palestinian refugees (UNRWA) the 33,000 people currently living in the Balata camp are descendants of some 5,000 Palestinians that were expelled from Israel during the Nakba – the “catastrophe” in Arabic – when the Jewish state was created in 1948.

Most of these Palestinians do not own neither farmland nor businesses and many of them have to travel to work. Ahmed Dugan, president of the People’s Committee for refugee services at the camp, says the hardened travel restrictions on Palestinians have “hurt Balata even more because it’s a poor neighbourhood”.

“Workers have to travel to go to Ramallah or Tulkarem. In my view, Route 60 has become the route of death. There’s no security. You’re driving along calmly, and suddenly settlers come and attack your car with rocks. There are deaths and injuries all the time,” he explains.
Children play in the narrow streets of the Balata refugee camp in Nablus, West Bank. 
© David Gormezano, FRANCE 24

Highway of fear

At the Nablus bus station, Ali Hassan’s minivan is now full. Filled with dread, he then sets off for Ramallah. He is especially worried about the section between Za’tara and Turus Ayya, which he says is the most dangerous part.

“It’s forbidden to stop at gas stations. If you stop, they can shoot at you, and if you get a flat tyre, you have to keep driving until you get to a Palestinian village. If you stop for just five minutes you’ll see the settlers coming. A long time ago, you could stop there and get a coffee,” he recalls.

The section he is talking about has seen a change in scenery lately. The two sides of the road are lined with Israeli flags and portraits of ultra-Orthodox rabbis. Israeli settlers mounted them at the end of July, after France and other Western countries announced they would recognise the State of Palestine.

Israeli flags line Route 60 in the West Bank. The flags have been placed there by settlers protesting Western countries’ recognition of the State of Palestine. 
© David Gormezano, FRANCE 24


In defiance of the international recognition efforts, Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu doubled down on his annexation announcements, throwing even more fuel on the fire that was already engulfing Route 60. At the end of August, his cabinet approved the construction of 3,400 homes in the occupied West Bank – on top of the 22 new settlements that were approved back in May. In the past few months, several far-right Israeli ministers have also called for the annexation of the West Bank. That threat has now been voiced by Nentanyahu himself.

Just by looking up from the road, a large number of Israeli settlements can be spotted. Some of them have received approval from Israeli authorities, others have not.

Whenever Ali Hassan’s minivan arrives at an intersection, his passengers nervously glance over at the settlers waiting there for a bus or a ride to hitch. Many of them are wearing the ultra-Orthodox insignias.

On the highway, the yellow Israeli number plates mix with the green Palestinian ones. The road signs are in three languages: Hebrew, Arabic and English. The route takes its travelers past typical Palestinian villages with their minarets, the neat rows of hillside units of Israeli settlements and the wildcat outposts consisting of prefabricated structures covered in antennas.

An Israeli settlement can be seen in the backdrop of Route 60, between Nablus and Ramallah. © David Gormezano, FRANCE 24

Barriers, checkpoints and padlocked entrances

Near the Shiloh settlement, a sign points out the entry to a kosher winery. A bit further along is the village of Sinjil, which was known as Saint-Gilles during the First Crusade (1095-1099).

The Palestinian village is surrounded by a high, barbed-wire fence. It is 1.5 kilometres long and was erected by the Israeli army in 2024, following a series of deadly clashes between villagers and settlers.

The Israeli military has erected a barbed-wire fence around the village of Sinjil, West Bank. © David Gormezano, FRANCE 24


Forty-five-year-old Aid Rajaa Ghafra was born in Sinjil and inherited his father’s house and farmland. He says he has all the deeds and documents proving his ownership, but despite them having been validated by an Israeli court, he says he no longer has access.

“A year and a half ago, I was on my property with my 16-year-old nephew when settlers surrounded us. They threatened to shoot us and brought us to the military base saying we were planning an attack,” recalls Rajaa Ghafra, who is a member of a Palestinian farmers’ association that campaigns against the Israeli settlements.

“Human rights groups had to intervene to get us released and not charged.”

Aid Rajaa Ghafri from Sinjil says he no longer has access to his property after he was threatened by Israeli settlers and accused of planning an attack. 
© David Gormezano, FRANCE 24


After a series of incidents, including the July lynching of an American-Palestinian by Israeli settlers, five of the six entrances to the village have been closed and blocked with padlocked metal barriers.

On the offensive


Since then, Sinjil’s 6,000 residents feel even more trapped than before, even though the village is just 15 kilometers from Ramallah. Within a 3-kilometre radius, three of the Israeli settlements – deemed legal by Israel but not by the international community – have existed since the 1970s. Six other “outposts”, the term given to settlements not approved by Israeli authorities, have popped up in the past few years alone. The biggest of them, Eli, already has 4,500 inhabitants, while the most recent only houses a handful of families.

“We live in great fear. Sometimes I get phone calls saying strangers have entered my house. I have trouble sleeping at night because there is always military and settler movement around us. Last week, two settlers came and told me to leave my land. I told them they were the ones who should leave,” Ghafra continues.

As we leave Sinjil, we meet a shepherd grazing his goats inside the village limits. He is too afraid to venture outside. “I’ve been attacked two or three times. The settlers were armed. Sometimes they kill shepherds and steal their livestock,” he says.
A Sinjil shepherd does not dare to graze his goats outside of the village limits for fear he might be attacked by settlers in the West Bank. © David Gormezano, FRANCE 24

More than ever before, Highway 60 has become a Wild West of sorts, where the fight for land never ends.

In a report from February this year, Human Rights Watch (HRW) stated that Israeli forces had killed “more than 800 people in the West Bank since the Hamas-led October 7, 2023 attacks, an unprecedented rate, and held record numbers in administrative detention without trial or charge".

This article was adapted from the original in French by Louise Nordstrom.

How AI Can Deliver Quality Learning At Scale – Analysis




By 

By Arpan Tulsyan


One of the biggest challenges in India’s education system is delivering quality learning at scale—across languages, terrains, and institutional types—to the 24.69 crore children enrolled in its schools. Large-scale assessments such as PARAKH (Performance Assessment, Review, and Analysis of Knowledge for Holistic Development) highlight persistent foundational gaps. In Grade 3, only 55 percent of students were able to secure marks up to 99; and in Grade 9, only 31 percent were able to employ advanced concepts involving numbers, fractions, and decimals.

In this context, this article examines how India can leverage Artificial Intelligence (AI) to improve learning outcomes, particularly for children in rural areas or enrolled in government or low-cost private schools.

The COVID Learning Experiment

The COVID-19 pandemic unexpectedly became a nationwide experiment in digital education, revealing both the vulnerabilities and the latent potential of India’s digital infrastructure. When schools closed, governments rapidly deployed a range of digital platforms, such as DIKSHA, WhatsApp/Google classrooms, and video-based lessons.

According to a report by the Boston Consulting Group (2021) in collaboration with state governments of Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, and Rajasthan, when regular, offline mode of schooling halted during 2020, nearly two million households signed up for digital education within eight weeks. Many users accessed content on basic mobile phones, via applications such as YouTube and WhatsApp, making learning more accessible in low-resource settings.  In rural Rajasthan, 96 percent of teachers learned to use the DIKSHA platform during the pandemic and integrated it into lesson plans and assessments. Similarly, 95 percent of students across grades 9-12 used it to access digital textbooks and interactive worksheets in the state.

These interventions during the pandemic were seldom perfect, but they demonstrated that with intent and coordination, technology can deliver high-quality educational content at scale—even to underserved communities. These efforts laid the groundwork for more advanced technologies such as AI to augment and further this rapid evolution in personalising learning, driving equity, and informing governance—essential elements in achieving quality learning for all.


Use Cases of AI to Deliver Quality at Scale in India

The following are the five most crucial use cases of AI in India that closely relate to delivering quality learning.

  1. AI for Students: Personalised Learning Paths and Remediation

One of the core advantages of AI in education is its ability to tailor instruction to the learner. Unlike traditional models that assume uniform pace and prior knowledge, AI systems can assess a student’s level in real-time and adjust the difficulty, format, or pace of content accordingly. For example, MindCraft, a platform specifically for rural students, helps them transcend language barriers and geographical disadvantages by offering tailored learning content. It includes an AI-powered tutor that teaches using visual cues, fosters interactive problem-solving, and provides career guidance and mentorship based on diagnostic assessments.

Furthermore, AI can also be equipped to integrate multilingual and culturally contextualised content, supporting tribal and first-generation learners. Natural Language Processing (NLP) systems are now capable of translating textbook concepts in English and other languages into vernacular languages and generating voice-assisted explanations to help bridge learning gaps.

  1. AI for Teachers: Planning, Differentiation, and Support

According to UDISE+ (Unified District Information System for Education+) 2024–25 data, there are over 1 lakh single-teacher schools in India. The numbers compound when smaller schools and teacher absenteeism are taken into account, resulting in one teacher often handling multiple grades or subjects. Moreover, the majority of their time is consumed by non-teaching/instructional duties such as administrative work, record-keeping, and non-academic tasks, including preparing registers and conducting surveys.

AI tools can play a crucial role in supporting/augmenting teachers by preparing lesson plans, automating routine tasks, grading assignments, and analysing student performance, thereby reducing time spent on non-instructional tasks and enhancing teaching effectiveness.  According to McKinsey, technology can help save 20-30 percent of teachers’ time, which can instead be devoted to classroom instruction.

An NCERT (National Council of Educational Research and Training)-supported study (2024) revealed that teachers who receive pre-service with AI-assisted lesson planning tools were better able to identify student needs and adapt their instruction. AI-enabled platforms also generated low-prep assessments and automatically grouped students by performance, saving valuable time.

  1. AI for Assessments: Early Warning and Real-Time Feedback

In traditional education systems, assessments are periodic and summative, and too late to drive timely interventions. In contrast, AI-enabled assessments can prove to be formative and ongoing, offering students real-time feedback and providing teachers with actionable insights.

For instance, IIT (Indian Institute of Technology) Bombay’s TARA (Teacher’s Assistant for Reading Assessment) application employs speech processing and machine learning to automatically evaluate Oral Reading Fluency. It records children reading aloud age-appropriate passages, then computes metrics such as ‘Words Correct Per Minute’ (WCPM) and also analyses expression (phrasing, intonation, stress) to approximate the reading stage of students. The system works in both English and Hindi and has been validated to match human expert scoring. It has already been deployed at a large scale: over 7 lakh students across 1,200 Kendriya Vidyalaya schools covering Grades 3–8.

Another relevant dataset is the ASER Children’s Speech Dataset, which comprises thousands of audio clips in Hindi, Marathi, and English from children aged 6-14 reading at various levels. They built an ASR (Automatic Speech Recognition)-based classifier that predicts reading proficiency with 86 percent accuracy (for English). This dataset highlights the feasibility of large-scale speech-based reading level assessment in regional Indian languages.

  1. AI for Governance and System Monitoring

Beyond classrooms, AI can also help governments and education departments monitor progress, allocate resources, and evaluate impact more efficiently. For example, through predictive analytics and AI-powered dashboards, systems such as SDMS (Student Database Management System)-UDISE+ and Pradhan Mantri (PM) eVidya are helping administrators identify schools or regions at risk of poor performance or high dropout rates, thereby facilitating targeted interventions such as remedial programmes, resource allocation, and teacher support.

Nagaland’s Department of School Education has implemented an AI-based system to monitor teacher attendance using geo-positioning and analytics. The system aims to generate real-time data on whether teachers are present in the school compound, which allows block or district officers to follow up. Another example of how AI can be used to establish a supply chain or resource accountability mechanism is the Kitab Vitran App in Uttar Pradesh. Using QR codes, the app allows teachers to scan and confirm receipt of the Grade 3 supplementary books and reading materials for Hindi and Mathematics. This data is monitored in real-time by officials, enabling prompt corrective action in the event materials are delayed or go missing.

These tools undoubtedly have potential. However, they are yet to be leveraged for full teacher performance or school effectiveness monitoring, or predictive models of system‐level failure beyond obvious resource gaps.

  1. AI for Inclusive Education: Assistive Technologies and Language Equity

AI also opens up new possibilities for making education truly inclusive, a key mandate under the 2020 National Education Policy (NEP). It can also support learners with disabilities via assistive AI tools, which offer multilingual/ dialectical support (translation, local language content), adapted to their learning styles, pace, and socio-cultural contexts.

Several AI apps are being used to support children with autism and learning disabilities: the Screening Tool for Autism Risk using Technology (START) app enables non-specialists to assess autism using mobile-based child tasks and parent inputs in low-resource settings. Additionally, platforms such as CognitiveBotics offer AI-powered therapy through interactive games and chatbots, showing improvements in social and communication skills.

Recommendations for a Responsible AI Future in Education

Nonetheless, the use of AI for learning is not a silver bullet. It cannot replace the skills of a human teacher, and concerns due to infrastructure gaps are irrefutable. Accordingly, the success of any AI intervention depends on how thoughtfully it is designed, governed, and embedded in real-world systems. Therefore, the need of the hour is AI integration, which is also backed by strong ethical safeguards, aligned with educational equity goals, and with a teacher-first approach.

While mobile penetration has increased, challenges in school infrastructure and uneven accessibility at home remain significant for AI-enabled education in rural, tribal and low-resource settings. These gaps mean that AI integration (particularly for students) cannot rely on school-based infrastructure alone; it is more scalable to leverage households’ mobile phones. That too carries its own set of disadvantages: device sharing, gender divide in accessibility, digital illiteracy, unreliable electricity or internet, and privacy concerns.

Eight recommendations can be made to overcome these challenges and deliver AI-powered quality learning to all children in India. First, AI innovations should be designed as offline-first, low-bandwidth, so that the AI tool can function smoothly without constant internet, caching content and syncing when possible. Second, apps should work on low-end phones and allow voice, image inputs, and small file sizes. Setting up shared community access points such as village centres, gram panchayat halls, or local schools, which can host charging stations and devices in households that lack them. Access priority should be given to girls and excluded groups, while training them and their parents to use devices confidently and safely. There is a need to expand mobile networks (4G/5G) to unserved villages and equip schools with solar or battery backup for consistent power. Within schools, teachers should be supported with contextualised tools that generate lesson plans, auto-grade assessments, and suggest group activities, allowing them to focus more on actual teaching. Equally important is investing in teacher capacity by co-designing AI tools with educators and offering short blended training programmes like IIT-Madras’ “AI for Educators.”Finally, ethical AI use should be ensured through anonymised data, bias audits, and adoption of open-source or auditable models, guided by NITI Aayog’s Responsible AI framework.

As India moves to operationalise NEP 2020 and scale foundational learning initiatives, AI offers an unprecedented opportunity—not just to push content, but to truly transform how every child learns.


  • About the author: Arpan Tulsyan is a Senior Fellow at the Centre for New Economic Diplomacy, Observer Research Foundation.


Observer Research Foundation

ORF was established on 5 September 1990 as a private, not for profit, ’think tank’ to influence public policy formulation. The Foundation brought together, for the first time, leading Indian economists and policymakers to present An Agenda for Economic Reforms in India. The idea was to help develop a consensus in favour of economic reforms.

By 

By Dr. Magsud Mammadov

A single deal this August in the White House has redrawn the politics of Eurasia’s transport map. Washington, claiming to broker peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan, in an unprecedented move secured exclusive development rights to a new corridor through southern Armenia.

Branded the “Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity,” the passage links Azerbaijan with its exclave of Nakhchivan and grants the United States a 99-year lease on a strategic choke point at the heart of Eurasia. What looks like infrastructure is, in fact, a bold assertion of geopolitical influence, creating an alternative East–West trade route.

The corridor’s significance extends well beyond commerce. Within weeks of the deal, both Armenian and Azerbaijani leaders were in China pitching the same project to Xi Jinping as part of the Middle Corridor’s eastward expansion. The route once designed to reduce regional rivalries, has instead become another arena of global competition. The real question is not only who builds the Middle Corridor, but who will use it and, more importantly, who owns it.

Core States: From Agency to Arena

At its foundation, the Middle Corridor is a regional project. Initiated by Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, and Georgia—and later joined by Turkey—these states have invested in ports like Baku and Aktau, built new railways and roads, and engaged heavily in soft infrastructure to streamline customs procedures and regional rules. Their goal has been clear: to shift from resource dependence, especially in Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan, toward becoming transit and logistics hubs linking Europe and Asia.

Yet operational agencies have not shielded them from external intrusion. The Zangezur Corridor/“Trump Route” deal illustrates how quickly sovereignty can be compromised. While formally under Armenian law, the corridor is effectively leased to Washington for nearly a century. What seems like a technical arrangement, in reality, a projection of US strategic control—one that provoked Iranian threats and uneasy silence from Moscow. The regional operators remain central, but the ground beneath them is increasingly contested.


Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (Middle Corridor)

Unmatched Geopolitics: China, Europe, and the Expanding Web

Europe has embraced the corridor as a hedge against Moscow. The EU has shown interest in investment and has already put significant political capital into the route.

China, meanwhile, has pursued the same objective. With the Belt and Road’s northern branch squeezed by war and sanctions, Beijing is pivoting south. It presents the initiative as a “win–win” for countries along the route, but its real aim is to secure a stable land connection to Europe that bypasses both northern routes and maritime choke points such as the Suez Canal.

Other regional players are also seeking entry. Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan view the corridor as a lifeline for exports and greater autonomy. Armenia, long overshadowed by Moscow, now leverages its U.S. deal and Chinese overtures to regain influence—though at the risk of alienating Russia and Iran.

A Chessboard of Rivalries

The Middle Corridor has become a frontline of multipolar competition. Washington’s involvement in Zangezur seeksnot only to stabilize borders but also to prevent China from monopolizing Eurasian transit. Beijing counters with infrastructure, finance, and diplomacy to secure long-term influence over supply chains.

Russia and Iran, once dominant actors, now find themselves sidelined. Both condemned the US-brokered deal as a direct threat to their security and ambitions. Neither is likely to remain passive: competing projects, diplomatic obstruction, and even covert disruption remain on the table. The corridor is no longer just a trade route—it is a geopolitical chessboard.

The Paradox of Ownership

No single actor owns the Middle Corridor. Day-to-day operations rest with Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkey, but the rules, financing, and political leverage flow from Washington, Brussels, and Beijing. The US seeks to control a choke point, China commands the political stage, and Europe bankrolls much of the framework. The result is overlapping sovereignty—a corridor with many landlords but no master.

This arrangement cuts both ways. Fragmented ownership may strengthen resilience: if one backer falters, another can step in. But it also breeds fragility: every checkpoint is politicized, every lease contested, and every agreement hostage to larger rivalries. The Middle Corridor is less a highway than a hall of mirrors—each power sees its reflection, but no one controls the road alone.

The future of the Middle Corridor will be shaped less by the ambitions of outside powers and more by the commitment of its four host nations—Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkey. Without their joint stewardship, no amount of foreign investment or political maneuvering will be enough to make the corridor a truly reliable link across Eurasia. For policymakers and investors, the lesson is clear: lasting success depends not on the contest between great powers, but on empowering the regional states whose collaboration will ultimately determine the corridor’s fate.



Geopolitical Monitor

Geopoliticalmonitor.com is an open-source intelligence collection and forecasting service, providing research, analysis and up to date coverage on situations and events that have a substantive impact on political, military and economic affairs.