Thursday, October 02, 2025


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On October 2, the National Assembly held an extraordinary session with the agenda including the draft declaration “On the establishment of peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan.” The bill was presented from the rostrum by the head of the Civil Contract faction, Hayk Konjoryan, 1lurer.am reported.


Konjoryan stated that the Civil Contract faction believed the parliament should adopt the declaration in order to support the peace established between Armenia and Azerbaijan and call on all stakeholders to strengthen and develop it. He then read out the declaration.

The declaration highlights:

  • Armenia’s commitment to sovereignty, territorial integrity, and peaceful coexistence with neighbors for the region’s prosperity.
  • Support for the joint declaration signed on August 8, 2025, at the White House by U.S. President Donald Trump, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, and Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev.
  • Acknowledgment of the initialing of the peace and interstate relations agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan on the same date.
  • Importance of agreements on reopening communications between Armenia and Azerbaijan, including unimpeded transit between mainland Azerbaijan and Nakhichevan through Armenian territory, based on respect for sovereignty and mutual benefits.
  • Armenia’s readiness to work with the U.S. and other agreed partners on implementing the “Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity” (TRIPP) corridor project.
  • The need to ensure the durability of peace in line with the UN Charter and the 1991 Alma-Ata Declaration.
  • Gratitude to President Trump for his “irreplaceable contribution” to peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
  • A call on Armenia’s and Azerbaijan’s public, political, academic, and cultural circles to refrain from rhetoric or actions that could reignite the conflict.

The draft declaration was adopted with 64 votes in favor, 2 abstentions, while opposition factions did not participate in either the debate or the vote.

On August 8 at the White House, Pashinyan, Trump, and Aliyev signed a joint declaration following their trilateral meeting. On the same day, Foreign Ministers Ararat Mirzoyan and Jeyhun Bayramov initialed the agreement “On the establishment of peace and interstate relations between the Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan” in the presence of the leaders.


PanARMENIAN

PanARMENIAN Network is the first Armenian online news and analytical agency and one of the most cited Armenian informational resources worldwide.

AMERIKAN OLIGARCHS

AI Titans At The White House: The Start Of A New Power Era? – Analysis


President Donald Trump and First Lady Melania Trump host business and technology leaders for a dinner in State Dining Room at the White House, Thursday, September 4, 2025. (Official White House Photo by Andrea Hanks)


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The gathering at the White House on September 4, 2025, was more than a photo opportunity. With President Trump flanked by some of the most powerful technology executives on the planet, this event was a deliberate message: the United States intends to dominate the future of artificial intelligence, and it’s willing to put political capital, money, and diplomatic influence behind that ambition.


What unfolded was part celebration, part declaration of a new industrial order—one that may soon rival the oil giants of the last century in its ability to shape geopolitics, economics, and even the security landscape of entire continents.

Each executive’s words carried a tone of certainty, as though AI’s disruptive rise was no longer in question but already an established fact. Tim Cook’s mention of Apple’s $600 billion domestic investment and Meta’s plan to match that figure through 2028 weren’t just business updates; they were signals of a future where innovation and geopolitical influence are tightly bound together. Satya Nadella, Sundar Pichai, and Lisa Su emphasized trust, market access, and semiconductor leadership—all subtle reminders that the physical infrastructure of AI is as politically sensitive as the technology itself.

This convergence of corporate strategy and state power suggests a shift that feels eerily familiar. The oil industry once redrew borders, toppled regimes, and dictated global trade patterns. Now, AI seems poised to play a similar role, though the battlefield has moved from deserts and seas to server farms and semiconductor supply chains. The AI Action Plan, under Trump’s direction, has effectively given these companies a national security mandate. Innovation is no longer simply a private-sector game; it’s a strategic asset that could tip the balance of global power.

War and Security: Invisible Weapons and Silent Frontlines

The geopolitical implications are staggering. AI-driven warfare will not necessarily be defined by tanks and missiles. Instead, power will be exercised through control of algorithms, data pipelines, and networked defense systems that make traditional deterrence strategies feel outdated. The executives’ remarks hinted at this without saying it outright. Nadella’s insistence on “trust” was not just branding; it was an acknowledgment that whoever sets global AI standards will also control surveillance systems, autonomous weaponry, and cybersecurity infrastructure.

The United States’ strategy is clear: cement its AI dominance before rivals can catch up. If history is a guide, this could accelerate arms races, but not in the conventional sense. Expect state and non-state actors to fight over datasets, algorithmic advances, and control over key semiconductor production hubs. The cost of falling behind may be existential, especially for smaller nations that lack bargaining power in this emerging hierarchy.


Diplomacy in the Age of Algorithms

What’s striking about this summit is the absence of traditional diplomacy. Heads of state were not negotiating treaties; tech executives were setting the tone for international engagement. The influence of these companies now rivals that of nation-states, and diplomacy is increasingly carried out through corporate channels. Apple, Google, Meta, and Microsoft have customer bases larger than the populations of most countries, giving them leverage over data flows, infrastructure standards, and even public discourse.

This creates a peculiar scenario: states may soon compete not only for alliances but for partnerships with a handful of AI conglomerates. Smaller nations might find themselves bypassing traditional diplomatic networks, negotiating directly with corporate giants to secure access to critical AI infrastructure. For the so-called Third World, this could be both an opportunity and a trap—access to cutting-edge tools might come at the cost of sovereignty, as reliance on foreign AI systems locks them into dependencies harder to escape than debt.

Financial Power and Control Over Choke Points

One theme woven through the executives’ comments was the sheer scale of financial muscle behind AI. Apple and Meta’s combined trillion-dollar investment plans dwarf the GDP of many nations. Safra Catz’s praise for Trump’s policies wasn’t just flattery; it reflected Oracle’s deepening role as a backbone provider for data management. These companies are building digital choke points that rival the Suez Canal or the Strait of Hormuz in geopolitical importance. Control over cloud infrastructure, semiconductor production, and data routing will function like modern-day shipping lanes, determining who can innovate and who falls behind.

Semiconductors, in particular, are becoming a strategic asset on par with oil. Lisa Su’s remarks about U.S. semiconductor acceleration reveal a race not just for commercial dominance but for national security. The future of AI—and, by extension, the future of warfare, commerce, and communications—rests on the ability to manufacture chips at scale. Whoever controls this supply chain will hold leverage over every sector dependent on AI, which increasingly means everything.

Innovation as Political Leverage

It’s easy to frame this as a technological revolution, but it’s more accurate to see it as a consolidation of power. Innovation has always been a political tool, and in this era, it functions as a means of global influence. The U.S. strategy is to make itself indispensable not through military bases or natural resources, but through AI systems so deeply embedded in global infrastructure that disentangling from them would be nearly impossible.

Companies like Google and OpenAI are creating not just products but standards that define how AI is built, deployed, and governed. As they do, they effectively write the rules of engagement for everything from autonomous vehicles to border surveillance. For emerging economies, this presents a double-edged sword: access to these technologies can accelerate growth but also erode autonomy, as governance systems become reliant on algorithms owned by foreign firms.

The Third World’s Dilemma

For developing countries, the choices ahead are stark. Partnering with U.S.-backed AI companies could bring enormous benefits—efficiencies in agriculture, health care, finance, and education—but it also risks embedding systems that prioritize U.S. interests. Nations that fail to engage might find themselves sidelined in a world where global trade, diplomacy, and even security are managed through AI-driven platforms.

The conversation is no longer about catching up in technology; it’s about negotiating relevance. Some nations may try to hedge by aligning with alternative AI ecosystems from China or Europe, but doing so will require immense capital and diplomatic skill. The emerging order may resemble a form of “digital nonalignment,” where smaller states play multiple AI giants against one another, much like Cold War diplomacy, but in an even more asymmetrical arena.

Are AI Conglomerates the New Oil Barons?

The parallels between AI companies today and oil conglomerates of the past are hard to ignore. Both industries emerged rapidly, concentrated wealth and power in a handful of corporations, and became central to national security strategies. But AI introduces an added complexity: its influence is not confined to energy or logistics but permeates every sector simultaneously. This makes regulating or even monitoring its geopolitical impact much harder.

Unlike oil, AI’s value is not tied to geography in the traditional sense. It relies on talent pools, algorithms, and intellectual property, making its choke points less visible and more resilient. The U.S. bet is that by anchoring these assets domestically, it can maintain strategic dominance for decades. Whether this leads to cooperation or conflict will depend on how other major powers—China, the EU, and possibly India—respond in the next five years.

A Quiet Revolution

What happened at the White House this week should not be underestimated. It was a moment when the lines between corporate power and statecraft blurred to the point of vanishing. The world’s largest tech companies are no longer just innovators; they are geopolitical actors with the ability to shape global narratives, economies, and security landscapes. If the oil barons of the twentieth century redefined energy politics, the AI titans of this century seem poised to do the same for knowledge and power itself.


Syed Raiyan Amir

Syed Raiyan Amir is a Senior Research Associate at The KRF Center for Bangladesh and Global Affairs (CBGA).

 

The Multi-Million-Year Path to Becoming Human—Are We Actually There Yet? – OpEd

human evolution


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A conversation with the legendary evolutionary thinker and archaeologist, Eudald Carbonell.


Our chapter in the human evolutionary story is one of a globally connected population that has ballooned thanks to a suite of recent technologies. We frequently congratulate ourselves on these achievements, unique to the animal kingdom. But what if the celebrations are a little premature? Should we take into consideration that more phases of development will come in mind, behavior, and even appearance? Can we identify where we are in the process and what the pathways of change look like?

These are the kinds of questions that can keep professor Eudald Carbonell up at night. Carbonell is one of the most prominent archaeologists and thinkers on human evolution on the international stage today. He is best known as the co-director of the UNESCO World Heritage Site, Sierra de Atapuerca archaeological complex in Burgos, Spain, home to one of the longest records of human evolution known to science. A professor at the Universitat Rovira i Virgili, Carbonell also established the Catalan Institute of Human Paleoecology and Social Evolution in Tarragona, Spain, where he continues to mentor students and researchers.

One of Carbonell’s great legacies is a conceptual framework for thinking about the human evolutionary process that he calls “hominization and humanization.”

In an important summary paper of his concept that we have translated with his approval, Carbonell explains hominization as:

“… a biological process in which a series of morphological and ethological changes in the primate order generate a structure with enormous evolutionary potential. This process involves, in addition to the genetic material that carries the information, the continuous change in ecological conditions to which these primates must adapt in order to survive. … In the long process toward humanization, humans have undergone a series of acquisitions—or improvements on previous acquisitions—that have made our current uniqueness possible.”


Carbonell wants us to understand that the hominization and humanization processes are two sides of the same coin. And that the humanization process has its own trajectory, which includes an active choice in our fate.

“Humanization must be seen as an evolutionary state of being that our species has not yet attained, but toward which we—as a species—can aspire:

“Humanization, as a systemic structural acquisition, represents a cosmic awakening, a singularity composed of multiform acquisitions that have allowed us, over time, to break with the inertia of the past and overcome natural selection to delve into what is currently unknown. It is essential to begin by understanding the initial concept, which provides us with the foundation of knowledge that makes the process of humanization possible and, therefore, places us right at the beginning of the entire human adventure.”

Initially, straitjacketed by biological limits, our ancestors eventually invented the technologies that would come to rewrite the rules. We are completely reliant on culture and symbolic communication for this stage of extraordinary economic development and population growth.

Carbonell’s thinking and published research have influenced scholars, including us, to consider whether the next phases of human development are only possible if we can take guidance from what this revolutionary deep-time archaeology is teaching us. We met with Carbonell to discuss these ideas and reflect on the wisdom he has attained over the decades.

Jan Ritch-Frel and Deborah Barsky: Your concept of hominization to humanization is a powerful framework for understanding human origins and our own framework. Can you briefly describe the meaning of this process?

Eudald Carbonell: This concept describes a hybridization process between biological and cultural traits. Hominization refers to all the biological developments characterizing the human evolutionary process. For example, when early hominins adopted an erect stature and fully bipedal locomotion, this was an important shift that liberated the hands from locomotory tasks and led to crucial modifications of the brain.

Humanization refers to all of the social and cultural developments that are associated with the different stages of human biological evolution. The concept of humanization is distinct from hominization, but their relationship should not be seen as one of coevolution but rather one of integral evolution. I don’t like the concept of coevolution. Instead, I propose the idea of evolutionary integration, wherein one incidence triggers another, engaging a process of reproduction through retro-alimentation. So, when I speak about hominization and humanization, I am referring to a process of hybridization of both biological and cultural traits.

Ritch-Frel and Barsky: New data emanating from archaeogenomics indicate a braided human evolution pathway: What do hominization and humanization tell us about the culmination of this process and our own experiences of being and becoming?

Carbonell: The evolutionary process of hominization and humanization is very complex. Previously, it was conceived of as a linear phenomenon—occurring sequentially—but it is not. In fact, it is plural and very multifaceted, like a bush with many branches. For example, advances in genetic studies (paleogenomics) now demonstrate that we are a hybrid of the many species with which we coexisted in Paleolithic Eurasia at different times, like the Neandertals and the Denisovans. We have also learned that anatomically modern humans emerged from yet another hybrid species much earlier than previously thought. In reality, the story of our genus Homo is very complex. I agree with my good friend, the famous paleoanthropologist Tim White, who said that Homo erectus and Homo sapiens are actually the same, in the sense that they represent a single evolutionary branch composed of a long succession of distinct individuals.

Modern humans are the result of multiple hybridization events. Only some 40,000 years ago—when the last known hybridization took place—the genomes recorded from some fossils of modern human individuals, who lived in Eurasia, have revealed relatively high percentages of Neandertal and Denisovan inputs. That means that H. sapiens emerged as a result of genetic drift; presently, our species has predominated as an outcome of this supersystem, but we are hybrids. We are not what we thought we were.

Ritch-Frel and Barsky: A lifetime like yours spent studying prehistory must allow you to develop original perspectives: Is the life of an archaeologist really the fantastic journey that most people think it is?

Carbonell: When you work, you always encounter deceptions. But the truth is, I have been obsessed with human evolution for many decades. Now that I am [72 years old], I feel I am ready to work on the future because I think that our species should know where it is headed. But my experience has also taught me that in order to think about where we are going, we need to investigate the past.

To me, the past and the future are the same and can be considered as having a linear quality, but only if we know the whole sequence. So, to speak with more authority about the future, we need to know the past. Without this knowledge, we cannot adequately develop our minds, our consciousness, our human intelligence.

In my opinion, we should define how we want to shape our future; what we want as a species. Do we want to be 4 billion people in the world? Do we want to be more cooperative? Do we want to be more united? Or do we want to disconnect? Once we know what we want to be, then we can look to the past to see what we need to do to get there. Do we want to be more eco-social? Do we want to show more respect to the natural and historic patterns we come from? Or do we want to break it all down—and even destroy ourselves? That is the first thing that we need to decide. If we don’t want to destroy ourselves, then we must find better ways to cooperate.

Ritch-Frel and Barsky: Archaeologists develop a special perspective because they spend more time than most people thinking about human evolution. Do you think this kind of training could be useful for other professions?

Carbonell: Yes, exactly. In fact, I have proposed to integrate a new class into the educational system, from as early as primary school and then also in secondary and university levels, which I have named: Human Social Autecology. Even if this class is taught for only one hour a week, from a young age, when one enters the educational system, let’s say from four or five years old, it could provide our youth with a new vision of the world. The class should be designed to provide a synthesis and should include a wide range of topics, like zoology, biology, sociology, and other subjects.

Acquiring and truly integrating such a wide body of knowledge would be beneficial to humanity on the whole because it would help individuals to learn to think critically and more fittingly assume a more acceptable basic behavioral code based on Human Social Autecology.

Ritch-Frel and Barsky: Do you think the new waves of information coming out of human origins research can address questions that challenge modern humanity?

Carbonell: I think we are an imbecile species. And for that reason, we sometimes believe and act on imbecile ideas that have no scientific proof. Learning about human evolution serves to understand ourselves. Human beings are profoundly evolutionary and evolved.

I sincerely believe that all of these notions, like creationism, in its various forms, or fake news—all of these nonsensical ideas are linked to our failure as a species. They teach us nothing and cannot be demonstrated. For example, the idea that the world is flat; everyone knows that it is round because it has been demonstrated scientifically. Everybody also knows that we originated from primates, that we are primates. Although with a significant difference, we are cultural primates. We are intelligent thinking beings.

About the authors:


Credit Line: This article was produced by Human Bridges.