Microchip factory in Netherlands caught in tussle between Europe, China and US

Dutch authorities have, for the first time ever, invoked Cold War-era legislation to take control of a Chinese-owned microchip factory – prompting backlash from China. The move underlines the intensifying competition between the United States, China and Europe for global leadership in semiconductor technology.


Issued on: 17/10/2025 - RFI

Semiconductor chips are seen on a circuit board of a computer in this picture taken on February 25, 2022. © REUTERS - Florence Lo

By:Jan van der MadeFollow

On 30 September, the Netherlands invoked the Goods Availability Act to take control of Nexperia, a European subsidiary of the Chinese chip giant Wingtech headquartered in the Dutch city of Nijmegen, citing risks to national and European economic security.

Both Wingtech and China’s leading state-backed semiconductor association say they firmly oppose the move, which was only announced this week.

The Goods Availability Act dates back to 1952, a period of post-World War II reconstruction and rising geopolitical tensions that would culminate in the Cold War. The legislation was designed to give the Dutch government authority to manage national resources and safeguard economic stability in times of crisis.

Until now, the Act had never been used.


In a statement on 12 October, the Dutch Ministry of Economic Affairs cited “serious governance shortcomings” and declared its aim to ensure that goods produced by Nexperia – both finished and semi-finished – remain available during an emergency.

Parent company Wingtech called the move "excessive intervention based on geopolitical bias rather than a fact-based risk assessment".

Wingtech also suggested that Nexperia had suffered an internal coup, with "certain foreign members of its management" attempting to forcibly alter the company’s ownership structure under the guise of complying with Dutch directives.

The China Semiconductor Industry Association said in a statement it opposed "the abuse of the concept of 'national security'", as well as "the imposition of selective and discriminatory restrictions" on Chinese-owned companies overseas.

Nexperia declined to comment when approached by RFI, and the Dutch Ministry of Economy did not provide further details beyond its official statement.

But according to Alexandre Ferreira Gomes, a research fellow with Dutch think tank Clingendael, Dutch authorities are concerned "that some of the technology that is developed by Nexperia is being shared or leaked to Chinese counterparts".

This extends the scope in which governments will, from now on, more clearly interfere in private sector companies that operate in "critical sectors".

03:17

INTERVIEW with Alexandre Ferreira Gomes

There are additional concerns. A 2022 investigation by the UK’s Royal United Services Institute revealed that some of Nexperia’s chips had been used by Moscow in Russian military drones and cruise missiles deployed in the Ukraine conflict, despite sanctions in place after Russia’s invasion. Dutch broadcaster NOS later found recent Nexperia microchips on battlefields in Ukraine.

As a consequence, the UK government forced Nexperia to divest its Newport chip manufacturing facility in November 2022 under the National Security and Investment Act. Nexperia expressed shock at the decision, but sold the facility in 2023 to US-based Vishay Intertechnology.

Nexperia admitted in 2024 it was aware of “incidents where our products have ended up in applications which our chips were not developed or sold for, including in countries where we do not do business”.

While the company said it condemned the Russian invasion and complied with international sanctions, Gomes suggests that Western governments are wary.

“China has been supporting Russia’s war efforts in Ukraine,” he said. “By restricting access of Chinese stakeholders or companies to Nexperia, [governments] also hope to limit the military use of these technologies, particularly by Russia.”
Trade wars

Underlying all this is the fierce competition for microchip supremacy – a complex struggle involving China, the US and Europe.

“There is an increasingly overt conflict between China and the US, with the US imposing export controls on certain technologies that cannot be sold to China,” Gomes explained. “China responds with export controls on key materials, such as gallium and germanium, necessary for chip production.”

The Netherlands has been swept up in these tensions before. In 2018, pressure from Washington led the Dutch government to block sales of high-definition scanners produced by a Dutch-owned company, ASML, that produces printers for semiconductor wafers.

Amsterdam also withheld an export licence for the products on the grounds that they fell into the category of dual-use technologies which can serve both civilian and military purposes, and were therefore subject to special restrictions.

Netherlands lands in crossfire in US-China trade war

Last year, the US Department of Commerce’s Bureau of Industry and Security put Nexperia's parent company Wingtech on a blacklist, claiming that the company was helping China to acquire semiconductor factories in the US and in countries allied with Washington in order to improve its own chip industry.

According to Gomes, it is not clear if the US directly pressured the Netherlands into taking over Nexperia, but “given the perception that the position of Nexperia is sensitive, also in relation to the discussion of Russian military applications”, he says, they may have preempted any US action.

Today, things are changing rapidly, according to the researcher. “Just a few years ago, China was considered an important partner for a country like the Netherlands. Now, they are keen to protect what they have left.”

Beijing views the Dutch government’s move as anti-Chinese, further straining already fragile EU-China relations, which have been in a downward spiral since 2021 following Brussels’ suspension of a major investment deal over human rights concerns.

EU puts massive China investment deal on hold

French alternative

While the Netherlands resorts to emergency legislation, France is opting for a different strategy. According to Gomes, Paris has "traditionally been more attentive to sovereignty issues" and has established several funds and initiatives to invest in high-tech startups.

For example, the French public investment bank BPIFrance "intervenes and acquires companies itself rather than allowing them to be taken over by Chinese or American firms", he says.

These policies align with the European Chips Act, which focuses on collaboration within the EU semiconductor ecosystem and building EU-wide resilience, rather than the more defensive approach taken by the Dutch government.

ANOTHER EPSTEIN PAL

UK police 'looking into' claims Prince Andrew tried to smear accuser

London (AFP) – British police said Sunday they were probing claims that Prince Andrew asked an officer to dig up dirt for a smear campaign against his sexual assault accuser Virginia Giuffre.


Issued on: 19/10/2025 - FRANCE24

Andrew has been a considerable source of embarrassment to the monarchy 

© Daniel LEAL / AFP

The development comes after Andrew on Friday renounced his royal title under pressure from King Charles III, following further revelations about his ties to late US sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.

London's Metropolitan Police force said it was looking into allegations in the Mail on Sunday that Andrew tried to smear Giuffre, who accused the prince of sexually assaulting her when she was 17.

Andrew, 65, has long denied the assault accusations, which have caused considerable embarrassment to the British monarchy and seen the prince virtually banished from royal life in recent years.

The Mail on Sunday reported that Andrew passed on Giuffre's date of birth and social security number to his state-funded police protection in 2011 and asked him to investigate.

"We are aware of media reporting and are actively looking into the claims made," a spokesperson for the Met said in a statement emailed to AFP.

Andrew's request came shortly before the publication of a now-infamous photo taken in London appearing to show the prince with his arm around Giuffre's waist, the paper said.

Andrew reportedly emailed the late queen Elizabeth II's then-deputy press secretary and told him of his request to his bodyguard, which the officer is not said to have acted upon.

The newspaper said it obtained the email from documents held by a US congressional committee.

Giuffre, who accused Epstein of using her as a sex slave, says that she had sex with Andrew on three separate occasions, including when she was under 18.

Andrew has repeatedly denied Giuffre's accusations and avoided a trial in a civil lawsuit by paying a multimillion-dollar settlement.

The allegations have received renewed focus ahead of the publication next week of Giuffre's posthumous memoirs.

Giuffre, a US and Australian citizen, took her own life in April. Epstein died by suicide in a New York jail in 2019 while awaiting trial on charges of trafficking underage girls for sex.

Andrew has also given up membership of the prestigious Order of the Garter, the most senior knighthood in the British honours system, which dates to the 1300s.

Giuffre's brother Sky Roberts has urged Charles to go further and strip Andrew of his right to be a prince.

"I think there's more that he could do," Roberts said of the king on ITV News.

© 2025 AFP

Bolivia’s presidential runoff tests how far and fast it veers right

After nearly two decades of one-party rule under the Movement Toward Socialism party and three years of an accelerating currency crisis, Bolivia is lurching to the right. Now, the question is how much change do Bolivians want – and how fast.

Issued on: 18/10/2025 - 
By: FRANCE 24

Combo of two photographs featuring Jorge Quiroga (left) and Rodrigo Paz Pereira. © Gabriel Marquez, EFE

After nearly two decades of one-party rule, three years of an accelerating currency crisis and too many months of mind-numbing fuel lines, Bolivia is lurching to the right.

For the first time since Bolivia’s Movement Toward Socialism party, or MAS, rocketed to power in 2005 under the maverick former union leader Evo Morales, Sunday’s presidential runoff pits two conservative, business-friendly candidates against each other. MAS received so few votes in the August 17 elections that it almost lost its legal status as Bolivians expressed a prevailing desire for change.

Now, the question is how much change do Bolivians want – and how fast.

The next president’s immediate task must be to draw dollars into Bolivia and import enough fuel to ease the shortage. Jorge “Tuto” Quiroga, a right-wing former president who has run and lost three times before, envisions a bailout from the International Monetary Fund and a shock fiscal adjustment.


His rival Rodrigo Paz, a centrist senator, says he’ll scrounge up the cash by legalizing the black market, phasing out wasteful subsidies and luring Bolivians' hoarded dollars back into the banking system.

In the midst of the country's worst economic crisis in four decades, several ambivalent voters interviewed Thursday in El Alto, the sprawling city overlooking the capital of La Paz, doubted that either candidate could succeed in digging Bolivia out of its hole.

“It's not going to be solved quickly, it’s going to take time,” said Luisa Vega, a 63-year-old vendor of teddy bears at a frigid open-air market, knitting out of boredom because she had no customers. “Almost no one had confidence in the previous politicians. Who is going to have confidence now?”

Before dawn on the shores of Lake Titicaca, rafts piled high with bread, fuel, cooking oil and eggs slip across the border to Peru, where state-subsidized goods fetch triple what they do at home.

Smugglers in the border town of Desaguadero, two hours from La Paz, make little attempt to hide. Border guards look away.

With the official exchange rate between the boliviano and the dollar all but collapsed, it has become dirt cheap for Peruvians to shop in Bolivia and lucrative for Bolivians to sell in Peru. One Peruvian sol is worth nearly four bolivianos on the black market.

“Crises are opportunities,” said Ronald Vallejos, who travels twice a week to hawk flour and sugar in Peru. Dollars are sold at a steep premium so Vallejos arrives with stacks of bolivianos to trade for soles, later stashing the bills under his mattress and floorboards.

Because of strict price controls and dollar scarcity, Bolivia can't scrape together enough cash for imports. Food shortages have become a part of life. Queues snake outside subsidized bakeries. Empty shelves send shoppers on scavenger hunts for oil and rice.

Authorities blame smugglers for the scarcity and sky-high prices of staples – even as the black market is more a consequence of the shortages than the cause.

“Gratuitous spending, speculation, and smuggling are worsening the situation, increasing prices by up to 300% in some cases,” said Jorge Silva, the deputy minister of consumer protection. It’s a tough job in this bankrupt country; Silva said he was recently chased out of a street market when he tried to monitor prices.

Paz, 58, is struggling to strike the balance between appeasing Bolivians' desperation for change and courting working-class voters, many of whom are disillusioned MAS supporters who see Quiroga's austerity as a recipe for recession.

Rather than focusing on foreign investors as the key to development, Paz hopes to uncover hidden cash by cracking down on corruption and formalizing the black market. He proposes legalizing smuggled vehicles, offering tax amnesties to Bolivians who declare their stashed dollars and allowing the cross-border smugglers to register as vendors.

“There will be no more smuggling, everything will be legal,” he declared at his closing campaign rally Wednesday.

Paz's running mate, Edman Lara, has emerged as the real star of the campaign, helping the senator pull off a shock victory in the first round of elections. He captured first place after weeks of polling far behind Quiroga.

Ahead of Sunday’s vote, Quiroga is again leading opinion polls.

The underdog status has helped endear the privileged son of former president Jaime Paz Zamora (1989-1993) to the public.

“Everyone is against him, the mainstream media, the pollsters, they want him to lose,” said Salomé Ramírez, 37, waiting at a bus stop in downtown La Paz. “That means he gets my vote.”

Captain Lara, as the vice presidential candidate is known, became something of a folk hero a few years ago after being fired from the police for denouncing corruption in viral TikTok videos.

The ex-officer has no political experience and an awkward habit of making populist promises – like universal income for women – in rousing speeches that contradict Paz's goal of restoring fiscal order.

Although Paz has walked back some of Lara's more expensive proposals like fivefold increases to pensions, they both insist on balancing tough, free-market reforms with MAS-style social protections.

“Paz and Lara are visiting places that other presidents haven't, they're reaching the poorest people who need their help the most,” said José Torres Gómez, a 28-year-old student in El Alto.

As the country's inflation rate hits its highest level since 1991, Quiroga, 65, is betting that Bolivians want whatever the complete opposite of MAS looks like.

“We will change all the laws,” he told supporters at his final campaign rally. “We will change Bolivia.”

If elected, Quiroga – who graduated from Texas A&M University and worked for IBM in Austin, Texas – would trigger a major geopolitical realignment in a country that for the past two decades has shunned the US and cozied up to China and Russia.

Last month, Quiroga flew to Washington for what he said were meetings with “people who can get us out of this rut,” promising progress in talks on a $12 billion bailout from the IMF, Inter-American Development Bank and World Bank that would restore public confidence in the boliviano and allow Bolivia to immediately source more fuel.

At rallies, he pitches the potential windfalls from foreign investment in Bolivian gas exploration and lithium production, a contentious issue due to Indigenous communities’ opposition to water-intensive extraction on their lands.

Some Bolivians, wary of American meddling in their affairs since the bloody US-led war on drugs, balk at these gestures. Others feel reassured by Quiroga's commitment to 180-degree change and speak of Paz and Lara as the latest incarnation of ruinous left-wing populism.

“There are big differences between the candidates," said Antonio, 58, a struggling textile importer who declined to give his last name for fear of reprisals from the outgoing government. “With Paz and Lara, we’ll continue the past 20 years of economic disaster.”

(FRANCE 24 with AP)

Mexico: Giant monsters dazzle crowds on Alebrijes parade, ahead of Day of the Dead

Issued on: 19/10/2025 - 

Giant monsters, local craftsmanship, and colorful folk costumes were on full display in Mexico City for the 17th edition of the Alebrijes Parade. The fantastical parade originated from a fever dream, but has now become a staple of the Mexican cultural calendar. The event kicks off ‘El Dia de los Muertos’ season of festivities in Mexico. 

Story by Emily Boyle.

Video by:

Emily BOYLE

Ivory Coast opposition slams protest ban ahead of controversial presidential poll

Opposition parties and NGOs in Ivory Coast have condemned a two-month ban on political rallies announced late Friday, just a week before a controversial presidential election from which two top opposition figures have been excluded as incumbent President Alassane Ouattara seeks a fourth term in office.


Issued on: 18/10/2025 
By: FRANCE 24

Police arrest a protester during clashes with opposition supporters in Abidjan, Ivory Coast, Saturday, October 11, 2025. © AP



Ivorian opposition parties and NGOs slammed a ban on political rallies just a week before a controversial presidential election in which two top opposition figures have been barred.

The two-month ban, announced late Friday by the interior and defence ministries, applies to all political parties and groups except the five candidates officially approved to contest the October 25 vote.

It comes amid rising tensions following the exclusion of opposition heavyweights Laurent Gbagbo, a former Ivory Coast president, and Tidjane Thiam, who earlier headed Swiss banking giant Credit Suisse, from the race.

Incumbent President Alassane Ouattara, in power since 2011, is vying for a fourth term in office.

TÊTE À TÊTE © FRANCE 24
11:01


The opposition coalition Common Front, made up of Gbagbo's African Peoples' Party – Ivory Coast (PPA-CI) and Thiam's Democratic Party of Ivory Coast (PDCI), has denounced Ouattara's bid for a fourth term.

"Saying no to the fourth term is not a crime," said Common Front spokeswoman Habiba Toure in a video late Friday.

"We are not calling for war – we want democracy. Do not let yourselves be intimidated," she said.

Hundreds of people rallied at protests in Abidjan last weekend, with security forces dispersing crowds. Sporadic unrest, including road and school blockades, has been reported in several regions.

On Saturday, the NGO Turn the Page called protest bans "blatant violations of the right to peaceful assembly".

It added that it "condemns police oppression against peaceful demonstrations" and "urges the government to reengage in political dialogue".

Read more Ivory Coast bars ex-president Gbagbo, opposition leader from presidential race

The Ivorian League of Human Rights (LIDHO) meanwhile called on the authorities to "avoid any excessive use of force".

Around 700 people have been arrested over the past week, according to public prosecutor Oumar Braman Kone, who said phone data revealed calls for attacks on public institutions which he described as "acts of terrorism".

On Thursday, 26 protesters were sentenced to three years in prison for public order offences, and another 105 are due to stand trial next week.

Amnesty International urged authorities to stop "repressing" protests, but Justice Minister Sansan Kambile defended the crackdown, citing national security concerns.

Ouattara faces four challengers, including former minister Jean-Louis Billon and ex-first lady Simone Gbagbo.

(FRANCE 24 with AFP)

Bangladesh probes cause of massive airport fire

Dhaka (AFP) – Bangladeshi traders on Sunday assessed heavy losses after a devastating fire tore through the cargo complex of the country's main international airport, as the government opened an investigation into possible arson.


Issued on: 19/10/2025 - FRANCE24

J

Firefighters inspect the fire-damaged cargo terminal of Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport in Dhaka on October 19, 2025, a day after the blaze © Munir UZ ZAMAN / AFP



Firefighters had brought the blaze under control and flight operations resumed late Saturday, airport executive director S. M. Ragib Samad told AFP, after thick black smoke swept across the runway, forcing authorities to briefly suspend flights.

But Hazrat Shahjalal International Airport's cargo complex -- which stores fabrics, garment accessories, pharmaceuticals, chemicals and other imports -- was left in ruins.

The National Board of Revenue (NBR) said it had begun assessing the damage, with business groups warning that direct losses and subsequent impacts on trade could run into the millions of dollars.

Bangladesh is the world's second-biggest garment manufacturer, and textile and garment production accounts for about 80 percent of exports.


"We have started our assessment," NBR official Moshiur Rahman told AFP.

The fire was intense, with 37 firefighting units and security forces battling the flames for hours.
'Resolute response'

Smoke was still rising from the charred remains on Sunday.

"The fire spread to every corner -- I don't know if any consignment could escape," said one exhausted firefighter, whose uniform was greyed and hands blackened.

"We were supposed to deliver the consignments to our clients today. All burnt to ashes, I guess," said importer Anand Kumar Ghosh, who said he had lost 52 consignments.

Moinul Ahsan, a senior official at the Directorate of Health, said four people had been taken to hospital with minor injuries.

The cause of the blaze was not immediately known.

But the government said it was aware of growing public concern following a string of major fires in recent days -- including in Chittagong's export processing zone and a chemical and garment factory in Dhaka, where 16 people were killed.

The government said the security services were investigating all incidents "thoroughly", and warned that "any credible evidence of sabotage or arson will be met with a swift and resolute response."

"No act of criminality or provocation will be allowed to disrupt public life or the political process," it said, urging calm.

The South Asian nation of 170 million people has been in political turmoil since Sheikh Hasina was ousted as prime minister by a student-led revolt in August 2024, and is gearing up for hotly contested elections slated for February 2026.

"If these fires prove to be acts of sabotage, and their aim is to sow panic and division, they'll succeed only if we allow fear to overtake our reason and our resolve," the statement added.

"Bangladesh has faced many challenges before, and together we will face any threats to our new democracy with unity, calm and determination. We have nothing to fear but fear itself."

© 2025 AFP

Jammu And Kashmir Grows, But Peace Remains Fragile – Analysis

KASHMIR IS INDIA'S GAZA

October 19, 2025

By Sagartirtha Chakraborty and Ankita Chakraborty


‘Paradise regained, or peril persisted?’ – Widely regarded as the ‘Paradise of Earth,’ Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) has found itself at the heart of a sharp paradox in recent years. The abrogation of ‘Article-370’ in 2019 is pitched as a new economic dawn for the region with promises of integration, development, and an open invitation to the rest of India. This has also led to a record influx of tourists in the region, crossing 15.5 million per annum for the first time since independence.


But beneath this surge, lies an unsettling reality that refuses to fade – the shadow of extremism that continues to induce fear throughout the valley. While both state and central governments have stepped-up efforts to bring stability, the larger question still lingers: ‘Can peace thrive when the guns haven’t fully fallen silent?’
Tourism and economic resurgence of J&K

In the years following the revocation of Article-370, tourist arrivals in J&K skyrocketed from a mere 1.19 million in 2011 to over 23.5 million in 2024. Kashmir alone accounted for nearly 15 percent of the total share in 2024. From Gulmarg to Sonmarg, Pahalgam to Patnitop; the tourism and hospitality sectors have flourished.

Source: Authors’ compilation from Government of J&K

This has resulted in a more than two-fold increase in the tourism-led employment figures from 1.78 million to 4.40 million during 2011-2024. Targeted schemes like‘Sustainable Promotion of Emerging Alternative Destinations’ have also been introduced to boost the tourism industry of the region, under which Rs.3.9 billion has been allocated. Such steps are also expected to push the tourism sector’s contribution in J&K’s GDP from current 7 percent to 15 percent by 2029-30.

Moreover, unemployment has dropped in the region by 0.6 percent after the abrogation of Article-370. This is aided by the establishment of over 40 thousand new business units under various self-employment schemes, and formal registration of over 3.53 million unorganised sector workers on the ‘E-Shram Portal’ till 2024. Complementing this, government programmes like ‘Mission Youth and Mission Yuva’ is also launched to establish 0.14 million new enterprises, which is likely to generate over 0.42 million jobs within next five years. With per-capita income rising at a rate of 8.3 percent, outpacing even Punjab and Delhi, and a projected state GDP growth rate of 7.06 percent in 2024-25, J&K’s economic growth is on an upward trajectory.
A tamer valley?

The numbers on militancy tell a cautious tale of hope. The valley has witnessed a noteworthy decline in the total number of extremist-led causalities since the abrogation of Article-370, which has dropped from 2799 to 283 during 2000-2019, and then further fell down to 75 by 2025. The region averaged 1063 casualties annually, including 241 civilians and 171 security personnel between 2000 and 2019. However, these numbers have sharply plunged to an average of 197, marking a decline of nearly 81 percent post-abrogation. Fall in both civilian and security force casualties by over 80 percent reflect an improvement in the region’s security landscape.

Source: Authors’ compilation from South Asia Terrorism Portal

We should note that these numbers are more than just statistics. They are the outcome of Indian government’s assertive zero-tolerance approach, aiming at dismantling the militant ecosystem in J&K through sustained counter-insurgency operations, crackdowns on cross-border militant financing, intensified cordon-and-search operations, and strategic seizure of properties linked to extremist networks. Yet, isolated attacks, though less frequent, continue to haunt the state’s tourism, disrupt livelihoods, and deters economic growth by mounting waves of distress among the mass; making it essential for the government to double down on both counter-extremism and inclusive development.
The aftermath of Pahalgam massacre

The targeted Pahalgam massacre of April 2025 in the Kashmir region claimed 28 lives, including several foreign nationals, leaving behind a trail of grief and disbelief. What unfolded was not just an assault on civilians, but on the fragile sense of normalcy that Kashmir had painstakingly rebuilt over the past few years. Within days, the Valley’s blooming tourist season collapsed with hotel bookings being cancelled on mass, and tourist footfall being plunged by almost 90 percent.

Yet, amid the shock, the response was immediate and assertive from the Indian armed forces. They have successfully launched ‘Operation Sindoor’ and ‘Operation Keller’ within days from massacre. These counter-operations have not only neutralised cross-border extremist camps and infiltration module; but also have restored a sense of control and public confidence in the region’s security framework. This swift response symbolises resilience – a refusal to let terror dictate the rhythm of everyday life in Kashmir once again.
A way forward…

The decline of tourist footfall in Kashmir, immediately following the Pahalgam massacre underscores how fragile recovery remains in the face of violence. While counter-extremist operations have shown reckonable success, with such horrific incidents plummeting from over 2700 to 57 in the last 25 years, yet Kashmir’s recovery is still a tightrope walk, which demands strengthening of local police intelligence units and deploying drone surveillance across high-risk zones.

Equally important is the counter-radicalisation drive in border schools and madrassas, as a substantial share of new tech-savvy educated militant recruits come from vulnerable age groups from these districts. This may be accomplished by bolstering youth employment through tourism-linked entrepreneurship, effective PR-campaigns, and faster rollout of industrial schemes to dry-up recruitment pipelines for insurgents.

With extremist incidents at a 25-year low and infrastructure, investment, and education on the rise, J&K stands at the threshold of a historic transformation. The promise is real, but so is the peril. However, if the guns can fall silent for good, not just in papers, but in reality; then the vision of an extremism-free, prosperous J&K may no longer be a distant hope. Rather, it may well be the next success story of India.

About the author

Sagartirtha Chakraborty

Sagartirtha Chakraborty is a Ph.D. Research Scholar in the Department of Economics at Cotton University, India. He has authored a book, titled ‘Research in Social Science: A Beginners’ Handbook’ and his peer-reviewed articles are published various journals and platforms, including in the London School of Economics & Political Science, Leiden Madtrics, Space & Culture, Statistical Atlas Assam, and over 15 edited volumes.

Afghanistan and Pakistan agree to immediate ceasefire, Qatar's Foreign Ministry says

Copyright Shafiqullah Mashaal/Copyright 2025 The AP. All rights reserved.

By Malek Fouda
Published on 19/10/2025 - EURONEWS

The two sides have agreed to hold follow-up talks in Qatar to establish conditions and a framework for lasting peace, bringing an end to a week of deadly cross border skirmishes, which have killed dozens of people.

Afghanistan and Pakistan have agreed to an immediate ceasefire after holding talks with Qatari mediators in Doha, according to Qatar’s Foreign Ministry.

The deal marks an end to a week of cross-border fighting that has killed dozens of people and injured hundreds more, in what was the deadliest crisis between the two countries in several years.

The two sides have agreed to establish mechanisms to consolidate lasting peace and stability, and to hold follow-up talks in the coming days to ensure the sustainability of the truce, the Qatari statement said.

The statement added that Turkish negotiators also contributed to brokering this deal.


Violence has escalated between the neighbours since earlier this month, with each country saying they were responding to aggression from the other. Afghanistan denies harbouring militants who carry out attacks in border areas, a key area of concern for Islamabad.


Pakistan has been grappling with a surge in militancy in its western border areas with Afghanistan since 2021, after the Taliban seized control and returned to power in Afghanistan.

Fighting has threatened to further destabilise a region where groups including the Islamic State group and al-Qaeda are trying to resurface.

On Friday, just hours after the expiration of a 48-hour truce, Pakistan struck across the border, targeting militants belonging to the Hafiz Gul Bahadur group, in the eastern Afghan province of Paktika.

Locals dig graves for people killed in a cross-border airstrike by the Pakistani army in Afghanistan's eastern Paktika province, Saturday, Oct. 18, 2025 Shafiqullah Mashaal/Copyright 2025 The AP. All rights reserved.

Islamabad claimed the attacks on at least two districts in the Afghan province neutralised dozens of armed fighters, and killed no civilians.

Officials added that the strikes were in response to a suicide bombing of a security forces compound in Mir Ali in Pakistan’s western Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province a day earlier.

Taliban officials however say the aerial raids killed at least 10 civilians, including women, children and local cricket players who had been competing in a match in close proximity to the sites targeted.

The attacks prompted the national cricket board to boycott an upcoming competition in Pakistan. Cricket's global governing body, the International Cricket Council, said it was “saddened and appalled by the tragic deaths of three young and promising Afghan" players.

Zabihullah Mujahid, the Taliban government’s chief spokesman, had earlier criticised the “repeated crimes of Pakistani forces and the violation of Afghanistan’s sovereignty.”

Such acts were deemed provocative and viewed as “deliberate attempts” to prolong the conflict, he added.

Locals dig graves for people killed in a cross-border airstrike by the Pakistani army in Afghanistan's eastern Paktika province, Saturday, Oct. 18, 2025 Shafiqullah Mashaal/Copyright 2025 The AP. All rights reserved.

Pakistan's army chief, Asim Munir, urged Afghans to choose “mutual security over perpetual violence and progress over hardline obscurantism.”

“The Taliban must rein in the proxies who have sanctuaries in Afghanistan,” he told an audience at the Pakistan Military Academy in Kakul, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, as high-level delegations from both countries met in the Qatari capital on Saturday for the negotiations.

The two countries share a more than 2,600 kilometre border, known as the Durand Line, but Afghanistan has never recognised it, viewing it as a historical issue imposed during British colonial rule, although it functions as the de facto border in practice.

Kabul has rejected the borders, saying it was imposed on them under duress in 1893 and divides Pashtun tribes who inhabit western Pakistan and eastern Afghanistan.

It instead recognises the 1947 borders, which disputes large swathes of Pakistani land, and has resulted in various cross border skirmishes over the decades, led by local militant groups, over control and territorial disputes.

Additional sources AP

China–India Rapprochement And Its Strategic Implications For Afghanistan – Analysis



October 19, 2025 

By Imran Zakeria, Scott N. Romaniuk and László Csicsmann

Afghanistan’s history reads as a catalogue of great power competition. From the 19th-century rivalry between Tsarist Russia and Great Britain to the Cold War confrontation between the United States (U.S.) and the Soviet Union, the country’s strategic location has repeatedly drawn external actors into its domestic affairs. Its terrain and position have made it both a prize and a battleground, where the ambitions of powerful neighbors have often eclipsed the needs of its own people.

These rivalries not only hindered meaningful reconstruction but actively eroded Afghanistan’s existing infrastructure, underscoring how external competition repeatedly translated into internal devastation. Following the US military intervention at the start of the 21st century, Afghanistan witnessed modest economic growth and partial infrastructure reconstruction, but these outcomes came at an extraordinary cost. External powers once again turned the country into a battleground for their geopolitical rivalries, prioritizing strategic interests over Afghan stability and welfare. Ordinary citizens endured the heaviest burden, facing daily casualties and profound human suffering.

While Afghanistan’s strategic geography has made it a target of foreign rivalries, the persistence of its problems cannot be explained by external factors alone. The absence of effective strategic vision among Afghan rulers, coupled with their inability to manage the country’s geopolitical position within regional and international frameworks, has perpetuated instability and limited opportunities for national resilience. Domestic political challenges—including factional divisions within the Islamic Emirate, governance capacity limitations, and local power dynamics—further shape decision-making and influence Afghanistan’s ability to leverage regional partnerships. Without stronger internal legitimacy and administrative effectiveness, even well-intentioned foreign engagement faces significant constraints.
Afghanistan–Pakistan Relations and Regional Frictions

During the period of US military presence, relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan were characterized by persistent tension and mistrust. Since the return of the Islamic Emirate in 2021, these frictions have not only continued but intensified, reflecting enduring disputes over border security, militancy, and mutual accusations of interference.

Disputes over the Durand Line, Pakistani airstrikes on Afghan territory, and reciprocal accusations of supporting terrorism have further deepened the complexity of bilateral relations. India, as another key regional actor, has consistently criticized Pakistan in international forums, holding it accountable for sponsoring terrorism and undermining regional stability. Recent frictions, particularly Pakistan’s repeated closure of the Torkham gate, have strained bilateral ties and impeded regional economic cooperation.

Pakistan’s hosting of the two-day conference ‘Toward Unity and Trust’, organized by the South Asia Strategic Stability Institute (SASSI), marked the first occasion on which Taliban opponents were formally received by Islamabad. The event highlights the complexity of regional involvement in Afghanistan’s internal politics. Some observers viewed the meeting as a cautious step towards political inclusivity, while others regarded it as a demonstration of Pakistan’s continued leverage and a reflection of the fragmented Afghan political landscape. The episode underscores both Islamabad’s enduring influence and the challenges the Islamic Emirate faces in consolidating domestic legitimacy while navigating regional pressures.



Although China has attempted to mediate between Afghanistan and Pakistan, historical experience suggests such initiatives may yield limited outcomes. Afghanistan also faces ongoing security threats from ISIS-K and other militant groups, as well as border challenges with Iran and Pakistan. These risks not only undermine domestic stability but affect Afghanistan’s ability to participate in regional connectivity projects and attract foreign investment, highlighting the interconnection between security and strategic positioning.
Emerging China–India Interests in Afghanistan

Despite its political isolation, the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan has achieved a relative improvement in relations with India. India has continued development and humanitarian initiatives, including constructing the Afghan Parliament building, the Salma Dam, and investments in healthcare and education. These historically cordial ties, combined with China’s pragmatic non-interference policy, have drawn both powers’ attention towards Kabul. China has engaged through economic dialogue and regional forums such as the SCO, exploring opportunities for trade and connectivity without overt political involvement.

Afghanistan’s strategic location makes it critical for regional stability, affecting trade routes, energy corridors, and security dynamics. The sustainability of these relations depends on internal governance. The Islamic Emirate faces factional divisions and limited administrative capacity, which shape policy implementation and foreign engagement. Improved ties with India and engagement with China offer strategic openings, but their long-term benefits hinge on Afghanistan’s ability to consolidate governance, manage internal divisions, and deliver stable, predictable policies that reassure regional partners.
Afghanistan’s Role in Regional Connectivity

Guided by a balanced and economically oriented foreign policy, the Islamic Emirate has drawn increasing attention from Central Asian states and other regional actors. Afghanistan maintains constructive relations with Central Asia and China, alongside positive ties with India, creating potential avenues for regional economic cooperation.

Central Asia possesses abundant energy resources, and Afghanistan’s strategic location provides a viable corridor for transporting these resources to South Asian markets. A key initiative illustrating this potential is the Turkmenistan–Afghanistan–Pakistan–India (TAPI) pipeline, designed to deliver Turkmen natural gas to Pakistan and India via Afghanistan. If successfully implemented, TAPI could become a cornerstone of regional energy integration, offering Afghanistan transit revenues and employment while linking Central and South Asian economies.

Such connectivity supports Central Asia’s economic development, reduces reliance on Russian energy, and offers Afghanistan prospects for stability and long-term growth through regional projects. If India and China cooperate more closely, the strategic significance of Iran’s Chabahar port increases, offering Afghanistan an alternative trade corridor for Indian goods to Central Asia. Afghanistan’s geography also provides China the shortest route to the Middle East; with Iran’s expanding railway network and China’s potential construction of the Wakhan road in Badakhshan, Chinese goods could transit through Afghanistan to Iran and onward to Middle Eastern markets.

Despite these opportunities, practical constraints remain, including limited infrastructure, political instability, logistical challenges, insecurity along corridors, and environmental pressures such as water scarcity and land degradation.
Prospects for Trilateral Cooperation: China, India, and Afghanistan

Western criticism of the Islamic Emirate, particularly from the U.S. over human rights concerns, combined with ongoing trade frictions between India and the U.S., may create space for closer engagement between Afghanistan, India, and China.

Such engagement depends on the Islamic Emirate addressing concerns, responding to legitimate expectations, and fostering trust through diplomatic exchanges and visits. Russia’s recognition of the Islamic Emirate highlights close ties between the two countries and may catalyze stronger Afghanistan–India–China relations. Russia, India, and China, as SCO and BRICS members, are influential regional powers viewing Afghanistan as a potential source of security challenges. A coordinated stance could foster regional consensus and contribute to reconstruction and economic stabilization, provided domestic governance and security challenges are addressed.
India–China Relations and Their Impact on Afghanistan

India’s opposition to Afghanistan joining the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) reflects strained India–China relations. However, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent visit to China and participation in the two-day SCO summit in Tianjin, China, from 31 August to 1 September 2025 signals potential improvement.

Greater India–China cooperation could allow Afghanistan to join CPEC while deepening historic ties with India. This would position Afghanistan as a vital connector of regional corridors, enhancing its economic and geopolitical significance. Afghanistan’s capacity to benefit depends on managing internal political divisions, ensuring security along trade routes, and developing necessary infrastructure.
Multipolarity and the Decline of US Influence in Asia

The global order is shifting towards multipolarity, accompanied by declining confidence in US influence in Asia. The recent SCO summit demonstrated China’s soft power and its ability to convene regional powers in a cooperative framework. China’s 3 September military parade showcased hard power, highlighting advancements in technology and defense industry growth. President Xi Jinping emphasized the necessity of a multipolar world grounded in equality, signaling dissatisfaction with the US-led order.

Amid these dynamics, Afghanistan’s internal governance remains critical. The recent Kandahar meeting convened by Taliban leader Hibatullah Akhundzada illustrates efforts to consolidate discipline and secure strategic assets, including Bagram Air Base, amid concerns over potential US intervention. The episode reveals factional anxiety, sensitivity to US intentions, and a deliberate show of unity to deter threats, highlighting how the Islamic Emirate navigates domestic governance while projecting strength to regional and internal audiences.

The evolving multipolar framework offers Afghanistan opportunities to engage multiple powers while mitigating US influence, provided the Islamic Emirate strengthens governance, security, and infrastructure.
Policy Recommendations and Strategic Positioning

Afghan authorities should strengthen and expand relations with India and China. Their engagement offers Afghanistan an opportunity to overcome political isolation.

Given its strategic location and rich resources, Afghanistan can attract investment across key economic sectors. Cooperation could foster growth, advance infrastructure reconstruction, and enhance regional integration. Afghanistan is well-positioned to serve as a hub connecting regional economic corridors, but success depends on governance, legitimacy, and security.

Closer ties with India may heighten Pakistan’s sensitivities. However, Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi emphasized that Afghanistan’s foreign policy seeks balance, fostering equitable relations with all major actors while enabling economic cooperation.

Afghanistan’s stability is intrinsically linked to regional stability. SCO members should work towards a unified policy promoting political stability and economic growth through investment. Achieving this requires full SCO membership for Afghanistan and deeper India–China cooperation, resolving border disputes peacefully, and respecting regional influence.

Improved ties could mitigate US strategic competition while opening avenues for bilateral collaboration and joint regional initiatives.
Afghanistan’s Future at the Intersection of Power and Geography

Afghanistan’s geography and history at the crossroads of great power rivalries continue to shape its environment. The emerging China–India rapprochement, combined with improving relations with both powers, offers opportunities to leverage connectivity, economic corridors, and infrastructure investment. Domestic governance, security threats, and environmental constraints may limit these prospects.

Key questions include: Can the Islamic Emirate strengthen legitimacy and administrative capacity to manage partnerships and attract sustainable investment? Can it mitigate security risks along trade and energy corridors? How will it balance engagement with competing regional powers amid evolving India–China relations and Pakistan’s sensitivities?

Multilateral mechanisms such as SCO and BRICS also raise questions: to what extent can they support Afghanistan’s reconstruction and economic integration while respecting sovereignty and internal dynamics? Environmental and infrastructure limitations pose practical challenges to translating strategic geography into economic gains.

Afghanistan’s future hinges on its ability to manage domestic stability, regional diplomacy, and economic development simultaneously. Its potential as a hub for regional connectivity could be transformative, but only if governance, security, and sustainable development strategies are pursued alongside careful navigation of complex regional and global relationships.

About the authors:Imran Zakeria is a Research Fellow at the Regional Studies Center, Afghanistan Science Academy.

Scott N. Romaniuk: Senior Research Fellow, Centre for Contemporary Asia Studies, Corvinus Institute for Advanced Studies (CIAS), Corvinus University of Budapest, Hungary
László Csicsmann: Full Professor and Head of the Centre for Contemporary Asia Studies, Corvinus Institute for Advanced Studies (CIAS), Corvinus University of Budapest, Hungary; Senior Research Fellow, Hungarian Institute of International Affairs (HIIA)

Source: This article was also published at Geopoliticalmonitor.com



Imran Zakeria is a Research Fellow at the Regional Studies Center, Afghanistan Science Academy.

Europlanet Evaluation Shows Networking And Collaboration Pave Way To High Impact Science


Visitors from the Netherlands visit the Mars chamber at the Open University, UK, through Europlanet's Transnational Access programme. CREDIT: L Roelofs.

October 19, 2025 
By Eurasia Review

Evaluation of the impact of the most recent €10-million Europlanet project funded by the European Commission (EC) has been featured as a case study in the journal Nature Astronomy.

The Europlanet 2024 Research Infrastructure (RI) project, which ran between 1 February 2020 and 31 July 2024, provided access to the world’s largest coordinated collection of planetary simulation and analysis facilities, virtual access to data services and tools, funding for upgrades to facilities and programmes, and a range of activities to support the community though networking, training, professional development and access to a telescope network. The project, which involved over 50 partners, was one of the most complex distributed research infrastructures ever funded by the EC.

From proposal stage, an Impact Evaluation Officer – the social scientist Jen DeWitt – was recruited and embedded in the project to delve into and document its results, outcomes and longer-term impacts.

The comment piece in Nature Astronomy highlights how having robust evaluation built into a project from the beginning leads to high-impact science and an outwards looking ethos that benefits the whole planetary community. Key findings from the evaluation also show that the networking and personal contacts associated with participation in the project’s activities, particularly the Transnational Access visits to laboratories and field sites, lead to better science, new avenues of research and long-lasting collaborations that would not have otherwise occurred.

“It’s never a straightforward pipeline between funding going in and good science coming out. Many things happen in the middle, and it’s important to understand what those factors are and how they affect the quality and longer-term impacts of the science itself, as well as the researchers doing the work and the wider communities around them,” explained DeWitt. “For students and early-career researchers starting out, these impacts are particularly important as they provide opportunities that would otherwise not be available to them and accelerate their careers.”

The evaluation of Europlanet 2024 RI was structured around five impact areas defined in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) reference framework for evaluating research infrastructures, including scientific, technological, training and education, economic and societal impacts. Together with the project management team and activity leads, DeWitt defined key performance indicators that were mapped onto strategic objectives within the impact areas, and these were regularly reviewed, refined and updated over the course of the project. As well as quantitative metrics, like numbers of users and publications, DeWitt also gathered qualitative feedback through open-ended questions in surveys and via interviews.



Nigel Mason, the Coordinator of Europlanet 2024 RI and its predecessor RI project said: “This project was the last in a series that have received €28 million funding over 20 years from the EC. Although we had collected the metrics required by the EC for all past projects, this time, we wanted a more in-depth understanding of the results and outcomes, in both the short and longer term. To do that, we needed to bring in someone with the right expertise to work with us right from the start.

“Having a dedicated evaluator who had the time and expertise to gather more in-depth feedback meant that we could see how interactions with users developed over time and how the different strands of the project came together and functioned as a whole to support the community.”

The evaluation – and the management of the project itself – was complicated by the world events of 2020-24, including the pandemic, wars in Ukraine and Ethiopia, and the associated financial and societal challenges. Many activities required temporary or permanent adaptations in response to lockdowns, travel restrictions, health issues and personnel changes. Some barriers to impact remained, particularly with respect to widening participation from parts of the community that are under-represented in planetary science, where face-to-face participation and hosting events locally have been shown to be particularly important.

Nonetheless, the evaluation showed impact in all areas monitored, particularly with respect to scientific and training. The project has resulted in over 250 publications and conference presentations to date, and the mentoring, expert exchanges, training programmes and summer schools were all highlighted as being particularly important for early careers and researchers from under-represented countries during the pandemic. Over 90% of Transnational Access visits have resulted in ongoing research collaborations, and two thirds of participants reported that they followed up new avenues of research as a result of their visit.

Understanding what did and did not work for users and how both users and project partners benefited over time were key to delivering a successful project and defining what should come next.

“This evaluation is not just important in explaining to the European Commission – and the public taxpayers – about how their money has been spent and why the results have been beneficial to science and society. It has also had a vital practical use in helping us to identify where we should prioritise limited resources going forwards,” said Europlanet Vice-President, Anita Heward. “Europlanet is now a self-sustaining non-profit association and, if we are to continue to support the planetary community, we need to know where Europlanet’s activities have the biggest impact and best value for money. The evaluation has helped us do this in a robust, evidence-driven way.”

The importance of collaboration and networking in delivering high-impact planetary science was a key finding, with the evaluation helping to identify exactly how and why they are important.

“These results show that the popular stereotypes of scientists as lone geniuses working in isolation are diametrically opposite to how good science happens in practice. Success in research comes through building networks, talking, listening, learning and collaborating with colleagues – especially when it happens at an international and cross-border level. When we are talking to the next generation about careers in science, or to policy makers, the strength and importance of community is something that we should highlight and be really proud of,” said DeWitt.

Rain In The Sahara? UIC Researchers Predict A Wetter Future For The Desert



October 19, 2025 
By Eurasia Review

The Sahara Desert is one of the driest areas in the world. It gets just 3 inches of precipitation per year — one-tenth of the amount of Chicago’s rain, sleet and snow

But by the second half of the 21st century, rising global temperatures could make the Sahara much wetter, according to UIC researchers. By that time, the North African desert could see 75% more precipitation than its historical norm, as reported in Npj Climate and Atmospheric Science. Under extreme climate conditions, rainfall is expected to increase in southeastern and south-central Africa, too, the researchers said.

“Changing rainfall patterns will affect billions of people, both in and outside Africa,” said lead author Thierry Ndetatsin Taguela, a postdoctoral climate researcher in the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences. “We have to start planning to face these changes, from flood management to drought-resistant crops.”

Taguela said understanding how rising temperatures affect rainfall can help in the development of adaptation strategies. In the study, he used an ensemble of 40 climate models to simulate summer precipitation in Africa in the second half of the 21st century (2050-2099) compared with the historical period (1965-2014). Taguela analyzed models’ outputs under two climate scenarios: one that simulated moderate greenhouse gas emissions and one that simulated very high greenhouse gas emissions.

Both scenarios predicted that precipitation over Africa will generally increase by the end of the 21st century, with some regional variation. Notably, rainfall in the Sahara Desert is expected to increase by 75%, followed by a 25% increase in southeastern Africa and a 17% increase in south-central Africa. In contrast, researchers expect the southwestern region to be drier, with an anticipated 5% decline in precipitation.

“The Sahara is projected to almost double its historical precipitation levels, which is surprising for such a climatologically dry region,” Taguela said. “But while most models agree on the overall trend of wetter conditions, there’s still considerable uncertainty in how much rainfall they project. Improving these models is critical for building confidence in regional projections.”

For the most part, these projected changes are associated with the effects of climate change, as higher temperatures help the atmosphere hold more moisture, which in turn enhances rainfall. Changes in atmospheric circulation also played a part in reducing rainfall.

“Understanding the physical mechanisms driving precipitation is essential for developing adaptation strategies that can withstand both wetter and drier futures,” Taguela said.

Eurasia Review is an independent Journal that provides a venue for analysts and experts to publish content on a wide-range of subjects that are often overlooked or under-represented by Western dominated media.